‘Det säger sig själft, att de nu föreslagna jämkningarna i metoden ingalunda kunna förebygga sådana oegentligheter, som hafva sin grund vare sig i obekant-skap med valmetoden eller i illojala valmanövrer. Särskildt gäller detta den några gånger försökta kuppen att illojalt använda ett annat partis partibeteckning. Skulle den frihet, som den nuvarande valmetoden i detta hänseende lämnar, fortfarande missbrukas, och den politiska moralen icke tillräckligt reagera mot dylika tilltag, så återstår intet annat än att införa den offentliga kandidaturen med officiellt fastställda vallistor.’ Albert Petersson, ‘Om ändringar i lagen om val till Riksdagen med flera författningar’, no. 5, 10. Motioner väckta inom andra kammaren, 1–190. Bihang till riksdagens protokoll 1912. The motion was brought in protest against the liberals and the social democrats, who had formed cartels under joint party labels in 15 constituencies during the election campaign. SOS. Allmänna val. Riksdagsmannavalen åren 1909–1911, 40.
1918–21, because constitutional reforms of this kind required confirmation by two consecutive parliaments. Women’s right to vote was introduced parallel with democratization of the municipalities.
To make his point, Duverger referred to Hume’s ‘Essay on Parties’. The English, 1954, edition of Duverger reads: ‘In his ‘Essay on Parties’ (1760) David Hume made the shrewd observation that the programme plays an essential part in the initial phase, when it serves to bring together scattered individuals, but later on organization comes to the fore, the “platform” becoming subordinate. Nothing could be truer.’ More specifically, Hume published three essays on parties. These were ‘Of Parties in General’ [1741], ‘Of the Parties of Great Britain’ [1742], and ‘Of the Coalition of Parties’ [1760]. The closest match between Hume and Duverger in this respect is to be found in the 1741 essay, where Hume notes that ‘Nothing is more usual than to see parties, which have begun upon a real difference, continue even after that difference is lost. When men are once inlisted on opposite sides, they contract an affection to the persons with whom they are united, and animosity against their antagonists; and these passions they often transmit to their posterity’, Hume 1904 [1741], 56–57; Hume 1964 [1882], 129. This, however, has little to do with the organizational framework of parties.
Matters of translation, spelling and placenames are never easy to resolve when the topic involves more than one linguistic and historical setting. Here Swedish and German quotes have been translated into English, but with the original text given in the notes. I have used the standard English place names, but otherwise Swedish and German names; hence for instance Bavaria rather than Bayern and Gothenburg rather than Göteborg, but Värmland, Schleswig-Holstein, Flensburg, Karlstad and so on.
The debate most notably on German liberalism, and on the issue of how and when liberal ideology changed in nature has been extensive. In later research, Eley 1980, and Blackbourn 1980, for instance, have stressed the 1890s as the crucial period, in addition to which they, like Langewiesche 2000 [1988], also provide a more nuanced picture of German liberalism. See more recently Palmowski 1999, and Gross 2004, for extensive historiographical reviews. By comparison, Swedish research on liberalism is far less extensive. Hurd 2000 and Nilson & Åberg 2010, are among the most recent contributions.
It should be pointed out that, like Sweden, Denmark and Norway may also be used as examples of ‘rural liberalism’; see Thomas 1988. According to the rationale of the present study, however, Germany, rather than Denmark or Norway, is to be preferred for the purpose of comparison.
The approach therefore rests on a ‘most different systems design’ (MDSD); see for instance Przeworski & Teune 1970, and Denk 2002. However, I refrain from using this terminology mainly for two reasons. Firstly, my point of departure is not contingent on one particular theory of parties or party system formation. Secondly, considering the historical context, data does not allow systematic, let alone quantitative, testing of hypotheses in a manner consistent with MDSD models.
Archive material pertaining to liberal organization on the regional level is, with certain exceptions, usually scarce. (This might, indeed, be indicative of liberal attitudes towards formal organization.) Although regional-level party material exists in the public archives in the case of Värmland this is not the case for Schleswig-Holstein. Political activities and elections in Germany were, however, more closely monitored by the government compared to Sweden, and the official records kept, for instance in connection to the election campaigns, provide valuable information which to some extent makes up for the lack of party records. In both countries newspapers are also rich in information on political association and elections.
The Swedish Social Democratic Party did however display a more decentralized pattern from the outset (the party was founded in 1889) similar to Austria. Soon enough, however, the party moved closer to the German model, and it began to adopt a more centralized structure in the 1890s. The final stages of this transition, though, were not completed until the inter-war period (Gidlund 1989, Schüllerqvist 1992).
Gustaf Albert Petersson in my introductory example was minister of justice in the conservative cabinet of Admiral Arvid Lindman, 1906–11, and member of parliament 1912–17. See also the Introduction, endnotes, on the background to his complaints.
Protokoll, 29 July 1917, § 7. Norra Värmlands frisinnade valkretsförbund, Protokoll, 1, 1909–22. Folkrörelsernas arkiv för Värmland. Arkivcentrum Karlstad.
The essay in question is ‘Of Parties in General’ [1742], originally published in the second volume of Hume’s essays. On the topic of Whigs and Tories, however, Hume believed that the formation of British parties was an inescapable part of political life, considering the specificities of British constitutional development. See 1904 [1741–42], ‘Of the Parties of Great Britain’.
Kieler Zeitung, 10 February 1871.
Other relevant concepts, such as ‘Gemeinschaft’ and ‘Gesellschaft’ (see chapter 2) were also, and still are, extremely difficult to transfer between different historical, ideological, and linguistic settings. We may simply consider the manner in which the translations into English of Ferdinand Tönnies’ concepts differ across time. For instance, the 1955 Routledge & Keegan Paul edition of Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft is titled Community and Association, whereas the 2001 Cambridge University Press edition is titled Community and Civil Society. Other editions have the title Community and Society.
I am aware that this is not in line with common conceptions of civil society, such as in Keane’s, analysis (1988). Historically speaking, however, ‘civil’ and ‘political association’ were often considered to be closely connected. Then again, the problem is not easily resolved. It is, among other things, contingent on how we define the ‘state’ and ‘politics’; also it could be said about ‘civil’ and ‘political’ associations that they operate in the interface between ‘society’, or the ‘individual’, and the ‘state’. See also Trägårdh 1999.
Staaff’s principles on the matter were laid down in his posthumously published, comparative study of democracy as political system (Staaff 1917, I, 370–73).
Protokoll, 2 April 1934, § 11. Värmlands frisinnade valkretsförbund, Protokoll, A I:1, 1922–34. Folkrörelsernas arkiv för Värmland. Arkivcentrum Karlstad.
On public opinion towards Prussia during this period, see Reinhardt 1954.
‘Im Serenissimus-Zustande politischer Unschuld.’ Preuss later became the principal architect of the ill-fated Weimar constitution. Sentiments were heightened during the war, of course. Still, Preuss’s statement should be seen in the context of the conflict between Prussian militarism and civic virtue in Wilhelmine Germany. Thus it has a bearing not only on the ‘Sonderweg hypothesis’ strictly speaking, but also on the traditional and strong role played by ‘Historismus’ as self-image in German society. See Raulet 2001; Clark 2006.
The notion of the ‘popular movement’ traditionally refers to the emergence of nonconformist religious movements from the 1860s onwards; organized teetotalism from the late 1870s onwards; the labour movement from the 1880s onwards; and the women’s movement. Although the difference is not always obvious, the popular movements should be seen in contrast to earlier expressions of voluntary association (c. 1815–70), which also included for instance temperance movements (non-teetotal) and worker’s associations. The latter types of voluntary association were, however, as a rule more ‘elitist’ (in the sense of emerging as a result of middle-class organization ‘from above’) rather than grass roots movements proper. See also chapter 2 and 3. In addition it is worth noting that, as with teetotalism, the ideas as such did not originate in Sweden but, rather, in the US. Yet again, the movement–as was also the case with nonconformism–was blended with indigenous tradition and transformed accordingly. Obvious as this might seem, it is nevertheless emblematic of the criss-crossing of ideas in modernizing societies. Another case in point is, of course, the very idea of party and how it was managed in different societies.
Sources suggest that left-liberalism was occasionally considered a catalyst of socialism. As late as the 1912 general elections, the district commissioner (‘Landrat’) in Pinneberg, outside Hamburg, complained that both the social democratic and the left-liberal newspapers, had ‘systematically fomented a sense of ill will’ among the public which, in combination with the concerns caused by recent foot-and-mouth disease in the constituency, might tip the scales in favour of the social democratic candidate. (‘Bei der weitverbreiteten, durch die sozialdemokratische und links-liberale Presse im Wahlkreise dauernd und systematisch genährten Mißstimmung.’) District Commissioner in Pinneberg to the Oberpräsidentur, 4 November 1911. 6759. Reichstagswahl 1912. Oberpräsidium und Provinzialrat der Provinz Schleswig-Holstein. LAS.
’Only three people understood the Schleswig-Holstein Question. The first was Albert, the Prince Consort, and he is dead; the second was a German professor, and he is in an asylum; and the third person was myself–and I have forgotten it.’
Beiträge zur historischen Statistik Schleswig-Holsteins, 1967, Table V 1 b.
BiSOS. Befolkningsstatistik 1910, Table 1; Beiträge zur historischen Statistik Schleswig-Holsteins, 1967, Table 17.
Except for the ‘Bondeförbundet’ this was the highest level of rural voting among the competing parties, SOS. Allmänna val. Riksdagsmannavalen år 1921, Table 5. Detailed data for the 1911 elections are not available in the published election statistics. Cartels and joint party labels were frequently used throughout the first decades of the twentieth century–a feature which was not sufficiently taken into account when the 1911 election results were compiled.
There was a total drop in population in the region of almost 8,000 people in the 1880–1910 period. BiSOS. Befolkningsstatistik 1880, Table 1, BiSOS. Befolkningsstatistik 1910, Table 1.
Statistisk årsbok för Sverige 1920, Table 104.
Handlingar rörande prestmötet i Karlstad 1899, 1899, 26.
The north-west includes Schleswig-Holstein, Hanover, Hamburg, Braunschweig, Oldenburg, Bremen, Lippe, Schaumburg-Lippe, and Lübeck (37.6 per cent employment in industry, whereas the national average was 43.0 per cent), Sozialgeschichtliches Arbeitsbuch, III, 1978, Table 8 d, 56.
Beiträge zur historischen Statistik Schleswig-Holsteins, 1967, Table VI. 3; Historischer Atlas Schleswig-Holstein 1867 bis 1945, 2001, 38.
Between 1907 and 1925 the total population of the province actually dropped from 1,545,700 to 1,519,400. Beiträge zur historischen Statistik Schleswig-Holstei ns, 1967, Table VI. 2.
Sozialgeschichtliches Arbeitsbuch, II, 1978, Table 13, 47–49.
Beiträge zur historischen Statistik Schleswig-Holsteins, 1967, Table 17.
The ambiguities of liberalism are succinctly put by Kahan 2003. Liberals were ‘both the confident heirs of Voltaire and the frightened successors of Robespierre’ (ibid. 1).
‘Den friare statsförfattningen började sprida ljus och värma till vinklar och vrår … Det goda och det ädla af det gamla hade ännu icke multnat, och det nya sköt friska skott.’
In 1917, to be precise. Following the result of the 1917 elections, the conservative government of Carl Swartz resigned in favour of a liberal–social democratic coalition.
Samuel Pufendorf, of Saxon origin, had a background as professor in Lund, Sweden, and as court historiographer in Stockholm, but he is perhaps most commonly remembered for performing the same function at the Prussian court during the last years of his life–he was appointed in 1691 and died in 1694. Certainly the stress put on the role of the state and the monarch was as such far from unique in the era of absolutism. Clark, however, suggests that Pufendorf’s ideas struck a lasting chord in Prussia particularly, due to the upheavals during the Thirty Years War.
i.e. the Encyklopaedie der Staatswissenschaft (1834), edited by Karl von Rotteck and Carl Theodor Welcker, in which prominent controvertialists ventured to address the critical, political issues of the day, Sheehan 1978. On Rotteck and civic association, see also below.
‘Sie helten true zu König und bestehender Staatsverfassung, standen aber den Beamten kritisch gegenüber.’
Named after Uwe Jens Lornsen, 1793–1838.
‘… aller nationalgesinnten, kaiser- und reichstreuen Männer’: national liberal appeal, ninth constituency, Oldenburg-Segeberg-Plön, 6 July 1873. 8342. Reichstagswahlen 1871/1874. Regierung zu Schleswig. LAS.
Bidrag till Sveriges officiella statistik (BiSOS). Kungl. Maj:ts befallningshafvandes femårsberättelser, Värmland, 1881–85, Sammandrag för åren 1881–85, 124–25.
When the first issue appeared the newspaper was called Wermlands Tidning. Only from 1851 did it appear under the name Nya Wermlands-Tidningen.
Under this name from 1879.
The poem was called ‘Riksdassbönnras marsch’ (sic) (March of the Peasant Deputies) and was later set to music by actress and composer Helfrid Lambert.
Nya Wermlands-Posten, 1 May and 8 September 1869. See also Nya Wemlands-Posten, 18 August 1869.
Protokoll, 7 April 1902, § 3; 16 May 1902, § 2. Protokoll verkställande utskottet, A 2:9, 1902–07. Frisinnade landsföreningen. RA.
Such as the discussions held when the party was reunited in 1934, see Protokoll, 22 February 1934, § 2. Vol. 2., Protokoll 1923–34. Karlstads Frisinnade Valmansförening, Folkrörelsernas arkiv för Värmland, Arkivcentrum Karlstad.
Bidrag till Sveriges officiella statistik (BiSOS). Kungl. Maj: ts befallningshafvandes femårsberättelser, Värmland, 1901–05, Sammandrag för åren 1901–05, Tables E and F. An estimated 56.4 per cent of all teetotallers in Visnum, Väse, and Ölme were affiliated to the Blue Ribbon and other non-IOGT lodges.
Föreningsrapporter till valkretsförbundet, Ölme 1922 and Väse Södra, 1924. Vol. 8, Inkomna handlingar från lokalavdelningar 1919–26. Östra Värmlands Frisinnade valkretsförbund, Folkrörelsernas arkiv för Värmland, Arkivcentrum Karlstad.
The Norwegian connections are emphasized by among others Byström 1963, whereas the clergy itself noted how the ‘emissaries’ of nonconformism entered the region both from Närke in the east and from Vänersborg in the southwest: Handlingar rörande prestmötet i Carlstad 1869 (1870), 51.
Karlstads-tidningen, 2 April 1887; ibid. 9 April 1887.
Nya Wermlands-Tidningen, 8 August 1893; Karlstads-tidningen, 19 July 1893; 1 July 1896; ibid. 6 July 1896; ibid. 15 July 1908; ibid. 23 August 1911.
Minutes of constituent meeting, 6 March 1904, § 3. Vol. 1, protokoll, 1904–67. Folkpartiets lokalavdelning i Munkfors. Folkrörelsernas arkiv för Värmland, Arkivcentrum Karlstad.
Rapport från Frisinnade landsföreningens ombud J. E. Cervin, 16 June–15 August 1917. Vol. 1, Ombudsmannens handlingar, 1917–22. Värmlands frisinnade länskommitté. Folkrörelsernas arkiv för Värmland, Arkivcentrum Karlstad. After the elections, though, Cervin stressed in his evaluation that the campaigning in the north suffered from insufficient advertising of election rallies, and the candidates’ failure to appear to address the public at these meetings. Also, in many cases local liberals had failed to join the national organization of the party (Några iakttagelser vid resa i Wärmlands Norra valkrets, 14 September 1917. Vol. 1., Ombudsmannens handlingar, 1917–22. Värmlands frisinnade länskommitté. Folkrörelsernas arkiv för Värmland, Arkivcentrum Karlstad).
The problem will be addressed in a doctoral dissertation on pietist awakenings in the Swedish context by Per von Wachenfeldt, Department of Historical Studies, University of Gothenburg.
A debate on the topic of ‘What is Freedom?’ (‘Hvad är frihet?’), held by the IOGT lodge at Visnum, 1893, gives a typical illustration (Protokoll, 1 July 1893, § 7. Protokoll A I:3. IOGT Logen 1544 Björneborg, Visnum. Folkrörelsernas arkiv för Värmland, Arkivcentrum Karlstad).
In Holstein and Lauenburg censorship was reintroduced between 1819 and 1848. In Schleswig, each new edition of a newspaper had to be submitted to the police authorities for scrutiny. In Sweden freedom of speech as well as freedom of the press were constitutionally guaranteed rights, but in the latter case with certain important exceptions in the 1812–45 period. Hence, periodicals which were deemed injurious to public safety, or otherwise libellous, could be withdrawn from publication. This was the fate of the liberal newspaper Aftonbladet on a number of occasions during the 1830s. Yet, the limitations were circumvented by publishing the newspaper under slightly modified names: Thus, in 1839, the ‘Twenty-first Aftonbladet’ (Det tjugondeförsta Aftonbladet) was printed.
Such as in connection to the 1884 elections. See Amtsblatt (4), 26 January 1884, 62; Amtsblatt (50), 18 October 1884, 1049–50 et passim.
See, for instance, the government surveillance reports pertaining to articles published in the Kieler Zeitung and the Kieler Correspondenz-Blatt, from the district commissioners in Segeberg, 31 August 1872, Holm, 31 August 1872, and Rendsburg, 31 August 1872. 8523. Öffentliche Stimmung in der Provinz Schleswig-Holstein, 1872–1873. Regierung zu Schleswig. LAS. See also surveillance report concerning a national liberal meeting in Kiel, 13 February 1871. 6820. Gendarmerie 1871–1874. Oberpräsidium und Provinzialrat der Provinz Schleswig-Holstein. LAS.
In this respect there are, at least superficially, certain parallels to the Swedish local heritage movement. However, the political context of the ‘Heimatkunst’ movement and its various expressions, such as for instance the ‘Bund Heimatschutz’, founded in Dreseden, in 1904, made it unique.
‘Ich will mit!’
‘… der fortschrittliche, rein theoretisch-unpraktische Liberalismus, wie ihn der Herr Prof. Hänel aus der Fremde hier in unser Land eingeschleppt hat.’ Schleswiger Nachrichten, 24 October 1884.
The names of the constituencies vary according to the primary source and in the literature. This can be confusing since, for instance, Plön was divided between the seventh constituency of Kiel-Rendsburg (which often is referred to as Kiel-Rendsburg-Plön) and the ninth constituency of Oldenburg-Segeberg-Plön. In order to avoid confusion I use the labels applied by Schultz Hansen 2003, 464, in this and following chapters.
Letter from General von Lindequist, 5 December 1911, on behalf of the ‘Preussischer Landes-Kriegerverband’, to von Bülow, Oberpresident in Schleswig-Holstein. 6759. Reichstagswahl 1912. Oberpräsidium und Provinzialrat der Provinz Schleswig-Holstein. LAS. The letter specifies measures with respect both to the first and second ballot.
The system meant that the voters in the municipalities were divided into three classes depending on taxable income. Votes were assigned accordingly, leading to a situation in which the wealthy minority of each municipality was entitled to one-third of all votes. Also, analogous to Sweden, local self-government was long considered a basically non-political sphere. Only by the turn of the twentieth century, and due to pressure from influential liberals such as Josef Redlich and, most notably, Hugo Preuss, did local self-government become considered more on a par with the national level in terms of importance, Palmowski 1999. At the same time, however, the ‘Städteordnung’ of 1869–by and large a product of liberal efforts, too–added a somewhat more democratic flavour to local government in Schleswig-Holstein, compared to other Prussian provinces. See, for instance, Pust 1975, 134–35.
Apart from Hänel, professors Peter Wilhelm Forchhammer, Victor Hensen, Gustav Karsten, and Wilhelm Seelig were also members of the executive committee.
Itzehoer Nachrichten, 28 February 1871; Schleswiger Nachrichten, 2 March 1871.
Constituent meeting 3 November 1883. Vol 1, Protokoll des Friedrichsberger Bürgervereins, 1883–97, 1. 31. Friedrichsberger Bürgerverein. Vereine und Verbände. LAS.
Kieler Zeitung, 7 January 1907.
Itzehoer Nachrichten, 6 January 1907; Nicolai-Kolb, 1991, 171.
Flensburger Nachrichten, 12 and 15 June 1898; Itzehoer Nachrichten, 30 December 1906.
In his analysis of Hamburg, Breuilly, 1994, 211–12, notes that dissenting Protestantism excercised any real influence on the formation of urban liberalism only momentarily, viz. in the 1840s. Insofar as Breuilly had pietism in mind it is however beyond doubt that this particular expression of nonconformism had more far-reaching consequences, which significantly extended the limits of 1840s’ radicalism.
Gellert, vol. 1, 1777 [1770], 18–19, 139.
‘… wåra plikters i akttagande emot Gud och människor’: Gellert, vol. 2, 1777 [1770], 7. The quote is from Gellert’s Moralische Charaktere, which was included as a separate section when the Vorlesungen was originally published in Leipzig. The Swedish edition follows the same structure.
‘… deutsche, dänische, liberale, orthodoxe, religiöse, konfessionelle sowie vereinstaktische Gesichtspunkte und Interessen erkennen.’
In the poem Den gamla goda tiden (‘The good old days’), 1894.
Handlingar rörande prestmötet i Karlstad 1899, 1899, 25–42; Handlingar rörande prästmötet i Karlstad 1911 (1911), 26–61 and in particular 27–31. See also Martling, 1958, 391–410.
Protokoll, 7 March 1918, § 4. Vol. 1, Protokoll 1916–18. Frisinnade diskussionsklubben, Karlstad, Folkrörelsernas arkiv för Värmland, Arkivcentrum Karlstad.
Protokoll, 7 March 1918, § 3. Vol. 1, Protokoll 1916–18. Frisinnade diskussionsklubben, Karlstad, Folkrörelsernas arkiv för Värmland, Arkivcentrum Karlstad.
‘… det gives ock plikter mot anförvanter, särskilt mot hustru och barn’. Protokoll, 7 March 1918, § 4. Vol. 1, Protokoll 1916–18. Frisinnade diskussionsklubben, Karlstad, Folkrörelsernas arkiv för Värmland, Arkivcentrum Karlstad.
Nya Wermlands-Tidningen, 30 April 1887.
Karlstads-tidningen, 7 May 1887.
‘… flere föreningar här i Karlstad, de frireligiöse, goodtemplarne och medlem-marne af arbetare föreningen’. Karlstads-tidningen, 2 April 1887.
Karlstads-tidningen, 6 April and 9 April 1887.
‘… omfattande erfarenhet i lifvets skilda värf … ett lugnt och värdigt sätt att uppträda inför ett större auditorium, ett skarpt och genomträngande förstånd, stor lätthet att uttrycka sig, mycken vana vid offentliga förhandlingar och, först och sist att komma ihåg, en omutlig rättrådighet och en aldrig svigtande karakterens styrka.’ Filipstads Stads- och Bergslags Tidning, 31 March 1887.
Ibid.
‘… de olika samhällsklasser, hvaraf frihandelspartiet består’. Karlstads-tidningen, 16 April 1887.
Nya Wermlands-Tidningen, 16 April 1887.
Election results as presented in Karlstads-tidningen, 27 April 1887.
In general terms, though, ideas of blood, race, and racial purity were, in Sweden as elsewhere in Europe, part of the ‘Zeitgeist’ among liberals. For instance, at a meeting of the Liberal Debating Society in Karlstad in 1917, the audience was entertained with a talk on races and racial eugenics. Protokoll, 1 February 1917, § 3. Vol. 1, Protokoll 1916–18. Frisinnade diskussionsklubben, Karlstad, Folkrörelsernas arkiv för Värmland, Arkivcentrum Karlstad.
Nya Wermlands-Tidningen, 30 April 1887.
Karlstads-tidningen, 8 October 1887.
On Norway as model country from a parlamentarian point of view in the local press, see for instance Karlstads-tidningen, 22 and 29 October 1887. Yet, it should be pointed out that examples pertaining to the issues of parliamentarism and suffrage could emanate from very diverse contexts. Some years later an article in Karlstads-tidningen of 19 July 1893 actually referred to conditions in Wyoming on the matter of women’s right to vote. There, according to the newspaper, inclusion of the women ‘had led to the result that the elections could be carried out in a kind of order, and peace, and quiet that was unknown in other member states of the Union’. (‘[H]ar gifvit valen en karaktär af ordning och lugn, som är okänd i unionens öfriga stater’.)
In Värmland, when the conservative press commented on the 1893 elections, it used the established concepts of protectionists and free traders in order to describe the competing candidates (Nya Wermlands-Tidningen), 12 August 1893.
Karlstads-tidningen, 22 March 1893.
Årsberättelse 1889, 19 April 1890. Vol. 1, Årsberättelser m.m., 1889–97. Värmlands rösträttsförening. Folkrörelsernas arkiv för Värmland, Arkivcentrum Karlstad.
‘… en hedersplats bland deras kamrater i landets öfriga landskap’. Årsberättelse 1892, 31 May 1893. Värmlands rösträttsförening, vol 1, Årsberättelser m.m., 1889–97. Folkrörelsernas arkiv för Värmland. Arkivcentrum Karlstad.
The archives for each branch usually include a brief historical account. In yet other cases the minutes of the respective associations have been used to track down when this or that lodge started.
Årsberättelse 1889, 19 April 1890; Årsberättelse 1890, 20 June 1891. Vol. 1, Årsberättelser m.m., 1889–97. Värmlands rösträttsförening. Folkrörelsernas arkiv för Värmland, Arkivcentrum Karlstad.
On Olson’s affiliations: Årsberättelse 1889, 19 April 1890. Vol. 1, Årsberättelser m.m., 1889–97. Värmlands rösträttsförening. Folkrörelsernas arkiv för Värmland, Arkivcentrum Karlstad; Protokoll, 18 February 1900, § 1. Protokoll AI: 1, 1893–1904. Ransäters Blåbandsförening. Folkrörelsernas arkiv för Värmland, Arkivcentrum Karlstad. See also Larsson, 1977, 212–15. On Andersson see Svärd, 1954, 39.
Protokoll, 18 February 1900, § 3. Protokoll AI: 1, 1893–1904. Ransäters Blåbandsförening. Folkrörelsernas arkiv för Värmland, Arkivcentrum Karlstad.
Handlingar rörande prästmötet i Karlstad 1911 (1911), 28. See also the comments in Karlstads-tidningen, 23 and 26 August 1911.
Rönblom 1929, 67–70; Karlstads-tidningen, 22 March 1893.
Proceedings as referred to by Karlstads-tidningen, 22 March 1893. Emilie Rathou is presently the subject of a doctoral dissertation by Åsa Bengtsson, Department of History at Lund University. See also Bengtsson 2010.
Årsberättelse 1893, 28 May 1894. Värmlands rösträttsförening, vol 1, Årsberättelser m.m., 1889–97. Folkrörelsernas arkiv för Värmland. Arkivcentrum Karlstad.
Ibid.; Carlsson 1953, 154–55; Larsson 1977, 212–15; Ekberg 2006, 54.
Årsberättelse 1893, 28 May 1894. Värmlands rösträttsförening, vol 1, Årsberättelser m.m., 1889–97. Folkrörelsernas arkiv för Värmland. Arkivcentrum Karlstad.
Karlstads-tidningen, 19 August 1893.
‘Ett inflytelserikt, i värklig mening liberalt parti’ (Karlstads-tidningen, 4 July 1896).
By early July, according to Karlstads-tidningen, Göthberg had deferred joining the People’s Party, since he was waiting for a less left-wing liberal party to appear. The consequences were obvious: only one week later he was manifestly in the process of making up his mind, since the newspaper then claimed that the most likely would become (if not necessarily formally) the candidate of the conservatives in this constituency (Karlstads-tidningen, 6 July and 15 July 1896). However, some years later Göthberg was also among those who signed the invitation to organize ‘Liberala samlingspartiet’ in 1900 (Rönblom, 1929, 92).
Svärd 1954, 19–20, 39, 42; Svenska folkrörelser, I, 1936, 450.
Arbetarföreläsningarne 1904–05, Verksamhets- och kassaberättelser, G2: 1, 1887–90. Karlstads föreläsningsanstalt. Folkrörelsernas arkiv för Värmland. Arkivcentrum Karlstad.
Protokoll, 26 March 1893, § 11. Protokoll, AI: 1, 1892–95. IOGT-logen 1810 Enigheten, Arvika. Folkrörelsernas arkiv för Värmland, Arkivcentrum Karlstad.
Protokoll, 11 January 1904, § 7. Protokoll verkställande utskottet, A 2:9, 1902–07. Frisinnade landsföreningen. RA.
Protokoll, 16 May 1902, § 4 and 7 November 1902, § 5. Protokoll verkställande utskottet, A 2:9, 1902–07. Frisinnade landsföreningen. RA.
Politiska fysionomier, series. No date, but probably issued in conjunction with the 1902 elections (Cirkulär, B 2:34, 1899–1914. Frisinnade landsföreningen. RA).
Cirkulär, 31 December 1907. Korrespondens 1907–22. Värmlands frisinnade länskommitté. Folkrörelsernas arkiv för Värmland, Arkivcentrum Karlstad.
Protokoll, 30 June 1902, § 2. Protokoll verkställande utskottet, A 2:9, 1902–07. Frisinnade landsföreningen. RA.
Protokoll, 19 September 1909, § 2. Vol. 1, Protokoll 1908–16. Föreningen för kvinnans politiska rösträtt, Värmlands länsförbund. Folkrörelsernas arkiv för Värmland. Arkivcentrum Karlstad. Some years earlier, in 1903, Gerda Hellberg had also been elected chairwoman of the local Karlstad branch of the women’s suffrage movement (Protokoll, 16 March 1903, § 5. Vol. 1, Protokoll 1903–07. Föreningen för kvinnans politiska rösträtt, Karlstad. Folkrörelsernas arkiv för Värmland, Arkivcentrum Karlstad).
Protokoll, 5 March 1919, § 2. Vol. 2, Protokoll 1919–23. Föreningen för kvinnans politiska rösträtt, Karlstad. Folkrörelsernas arkiv för Värmland, Arkivcentrum Karlstad.
Protokoll, Easter Monday, 1922, § 8. Protokoll, A1: 1, 1922–34. Värmlands frisinnade valkretsförbund. Folkrörelsernas arkiv för Värmland, Arkivcentrum Karlstad.
Karlstads-tidningen, 22 August 1908.
‘Elofson bör kastas.’ Utkast till frisinnade valrörelsen 1906, no date. Protokoll verkställande utskottet, A 2:10, 1907–11. Frisinnade landsföreningen. RA. Note that the material has been filed in the wrong volume. Presumably it belongs to the A 2:9 volume and the 1902–07 proceedings.
29 July 1917, Appendix § 7. Norra Värmlands frisinnade valkretsförbund, Protokoll, 1, 1909–22. Folkrörelsernas arkiv för Värmland. Arkivcentrum Karlstad. Rylander was the third name on the liberal slate in this particular constituency, but he had been a candidate twice before, in the 1908 and 1911 elections.
For instance, 17 out of 27 members in Huggenäs, western Värmland (1918); 23 out of 26 members in Östra Stavnäs, also western Värmland (1919). Föreningsrapporter till valkretsförbundet Huggenäs, 1918, and Östra Stavnäs, 1919. Vol. 7, Inkomna handlingar från lokalavdelningar 1918–21. Västra Värmlands frisinnade valkretsförbund. Folkrörelsernas arkiv för Värmland, Arkivcentrum Karlstad.
Föreningsrapporter till valkretsförbundet 1920. Vol. 7, Inkomna handlingar från lokalavdelningar 1918–21. Västra Värmlands frisinnade valkretsförbund. Folkrörelsernas arkiv för Värmland, Arkivcentrum Karlstad.
Föreningsrapporter till valkretsförbundet 1922. Vol. 8, Inkomna handlingar från lokalavdelningar 1919–26. Östra Värmlands frisinnade valkretsförbund. Folkrörelsernas arkiv för Värmland, Arkivcentrum Karlstad.
Föreningsrapporter till valkretsförbundet 1920. Vol. 7, Inkomna handlingar från lokalavdelningar 1918–21. Västra Värmlands frisinnade valkretsförbund; Föreningsrapporter till valkretsförbundet 1922. Vol. 8, Inkomna handlingar från lokalavdelningar 1919–26. Östra Värmlands frisinnade valkretsförbund. Folkrörelsernas arkiv för Värmland, Arkivcentrum Karlstad.
Ibid.
Föreningsrapporter till valkretsförbundet 1920. Vol. 7, Inkomna handlingar från lokalavdelningar 1918–21. Västra Värmlands frisinnade valkretsförbund; Föreningsrapporter till valkretsförbundet 1922. Vol. 8, Inkomna handlingar från lokalavdelningar 1919–26. Östra Värmlands frisinnade valkretsförbund. Folkrörelsernas arkiv för Värmland, Arkivcentrum Karlstad.
607,487 voters participated in the elections (Esaiasson 1990, 113). According to Rönblom, membership figures in the party had risen to 42,675 by 1910 (Rönblom 1929, 200). The liberal result in the elections was 40.2 per cent, Table 1, chapter 1.
Appendix to Protokoll, 16 October 1911. Protokoll verkställande utskottet, A 2:10, 1907–11. Frisinnade landsföreningen. RA.
SOS. Allmänna val. Riksdagsmannavalen åren 1909–1911, 41; Schiller 1967, Table 19, 170. This proportion was impressive not least considering the fact that the Social Democratic Party had, by that time, lost a substantial number of its members because of conflicts between the party and the trade unions, economic depression, and a devastating defeat in the 1909 general strike (Schiller 1967, 169–70).
Protokoll, 8 September 1923, § 2. Styrelseprotokoll, A II: 2, 1917–24. Munkfors missionsförsamling (Ransäters Brödraförsamling). Folkrörelsernas arkiv för Värmland, Arkivcentrum Karlstad.
Göthberg had even been put forward as a candidate for the executive committee, but was not elected (Protokoll, 22 February 1902, § 5. Protokoll landsmötet, A 1:1, 1902–10. Frisinnade landsföreningen. RA).
Appendix Aa, Protokoll, 29–30 May 1910, § 23. Protokoll landsmötet, A 1:1, 1902–10. Frisinnade landsföreningen. RA. Nothing of detail is mentioned of Värmland in this report however.
Upprop till bildandet af en Valfond för 1911 års riksdagsmannaval i Värmlands östra valkrets, January 1911. Vol. 1, Korrespondens 1907–22. Värmlands frisinnade länskommitté. Folkrörelsernas arkiv för Värmland, Arkivcentrum Karlstad.
By 1911, though, opinions was still divided on the matter of modern technology. It is interesting to note how Karlstads-tidningen, in hindsight, expressed some concern regarding the new campaigning techniques, i.e. the use of motor cars, including the manner in which these had been made a topic of ridicule and political caricature. At least in terms of political organization this suggests a stress on tradition rather than innovation, curiously so for a political movement which hailed itself as a vanguard of radicalism and modernization. Even so, the mechanization of campaigning was, on occasion, also curtailed by lacking infrastructure, since Swedish geography simply did not allow the use of motor cars in some parts of the country, had they even been available. In the elections to the Provincial Councils the previous year, campaigners faced a particularly difficult task in those districts were public transportation was poorly developed, such as in northern Sweden or, for that matter, Värmland. One of the most extreme cases then had been editor Gustav Rosén, who, according to the annual report of the party had travelled 860 kilometres by rail across the province of Västerbotten–and another 774 kilometres by horse and bicycle (Karlstads-tidningen, 28 September 1911; Ombudsmannens årsberättelse, Frisinnande landsföreningen 1910, 2. Protokoll landsmötet, AI: 2, 1911–12, § 26. Frisinnade landsföreningen, RA). Usage of motorboats, cars, motorcycles, and horse carts was proposed in ‘Några anvisningar rörande Folkpartiets organisationsarbete’, no date, January, 1935, 4. Bilaga, Protokoll verkställande utskottet, A 2: 16, 1934–35. Frisinnade landsföreningen, RA.
Protokoll, 19 March 1911, § 8. Protokoll verkställande utskottet, A 2:10, 1907–11. Frisinnade landsföreningen. RA.
Protokoll, 25 May, § 1 and 17 June, § 1, 1911. Vol. 1, Protokoll 1910–73. Folkpartiets lokalavdelning i Ransäter; Protokoll, 30 April 1911, § 5; Vol. 1, Protokoll 1907–3 5. Folkpartiets lokalavdelning i Filipstad. Folkrörelsernas arkiv för Värmland, Arkivcentrum Karlstad.
Protokoll, 19 February, § 8, 17 June, § 3, 1911. Vol. 1, Protokoll 1904–67. Folkpartiets lokalavdelning i Munkfors. Folkrörelsernas arkiv för Värmland, Arkivcentrum Karlstad.
Examples are given in Karlstads-tidningen, 30 August, 2 September, and 4 September 1911.
Protokoll, 30 August 1911, § 6. Protokoll, AI: 7, 1911–14. IOGT-logen 1810 Enigheten, Arvika. Folkrörelsernas arkiv för Värmland, Arkivcentrum Karlstad.
Protokoll, 5 February 1911, § 4. Vol. 4, protokoll, 1906–21. Membership figure, ibid., Årsberättelse för 1910 (66 members). Högeruds Blåbandsförening. Folkrörelsernas arkiv för Värmland, Arkivcentrum Karlstad.
Karlstads-tidningen, 18 September 1911.
Karlstads-tidningen, 30 September 1911.
Protokoll, 14 December 1910, § 1. Protokoll verkställande utskottet, A 2:10, 1907–11. Frisinnade landsföreningen. RA.
SOS. Allmänna val. Riksdagsmannavalen åren 1915–1917, Table 4; Riksdagsmannavalen åren 1921, Table 5; Riksdagsmannavalen åren 1922–1924, Table 4.
Letter from Johan Bergman to Mauritz Hellberg, 31 December 1917. Mauritz Hellbergs brevsamling. Folkrörelsernas arkiv för Värmland. Arkivcentrum Karlstad.
Lindh and Björling were both deputies at the first, national party convention of the ‘frisinnade’ in 1924.
‘Den brutala inträssepolitiken mällan klasspartierna är befryndad med krigs-politiken mällan nationerna.’ Karlstads-tidningen, 12 August 1921.
Protokoll, 13 August 1920, § 2. Vol. 1, Protokoll 1914–23. Karlstads Frisinnade Valmansförening. Folkrörelsernas arkiv för Värmland, Arkivcentrum Karlstad.
Proceedings of ‘Värmlands Ansgariiförening’, the regional organization of the Mission Covenant Church, as quoted in: Protokoll 7 March 1921, §§ 3–4. Protokoll, AI: 4, 1898–1926. Väse Missionsförsamling. Folkrörelsernas arkiv för Värmland, Arkivcentrum Karlstad.
Protokoll, 21 March 1920, § 5. Protokoll AI: 2, 1904–20. Ölme Blåbandsförening. Folkrörelsernas arkiv för Värmland, Arkivcentrum Karlstad.
Protokoll, 13 August 1921, § 6. Protokoll AI: 4, 1920–25. IOGT-logen 504 Heijkensköld, Älvsbacka. Folkrörelsernas arkiv för Värmland, Arkivcentrum Karlstad.
Protokoll, 3 September 1921, § 7. Protokoll AI: 12, 1918–24. IOGT-logen 1544 Björneborg, Visnum. Folkrörelsernas arkiv för Värmland, Arkivcentrum Karlstad. On Svensson: Svenska folkrörelser, I, 1936, 1041.
Letter from Adolf Carlsson to Fritz Björn, 6 June 1921. Vol. 7, Inkomna handlingar från lokalavdelningar 1918–21. Västra Värmlands frisinnade valkretsförbund. Folkrörelsernas arkiv för Värmland, Arkivcentrum Karlstad.
Data based on the case of post-communist Poland (N = 725) show that the level of trust in other people increased from less than 30 per cent among the cases to over 40 per cent if we distinguish between active and inactive membership. For specific types of organizations, such as those concerned with art, music, or education, the respective figures are much higher: 50 and 90 per cent respectively. This feature is similar to the pattern we might expect to find in Western Europe, although the distinction between active and inactive membership has often been overlooked in previous research.
Protokoll, 7 August 1921, § 6. Vol. 2, Protokoll arbetsutskottet 1918–22, Värmlands frisinnade länskommitté. Folkrörelsernas arkiv för Värmland, Arkivcentrum Karlstad
SOS. Allmänna val. Riksdagsmannavalen år 1921, Table 5.
Karlstads-tidningen, 20 September 1921.
Protokoll, 27 March 1923, § 6, supplement L. Protokoll landsmötet AI: 6, 1923–24. Frisinnade landsföreningen, RA.
Protokoll vid möte för konstituerande av nytt liberalt parti, 7 October 1923, § 5. Protokoll, A:1, 1923–24. Sveriges liberala parti. RA.
Only in May 1924 do the first records for Värmland appear, pertaining to Karlstad and Töcksfors ‘Uppgift å personer, vilka enligt undertecknads kännedom eller förmodan äro att–efter heställning från Huvudbyrån–påräkna som direkt anslutna medlemmar’, Töcksfors, 3 May, and Karlstad, 5 May 1923. Medlemslistor 1923–30, Register, D: 7, 1923–30. Sveriges liberala parti, RA.
Protokoll, 16 January 1934, § 8. Protokoll verkställande utskottet A2: 16, 1934–35. Frisinnade landsföreningen, RA.
Några anvisningar rörande Folkpartiets organisationsarbete, supplement, January 1935. Protokoll verkställande utskottet A2: 16, 1934–35. Frisinnade landsföreningen, RA.
However, the opinion on free trade among the farmers is difficult to pinpoint exactly. For instance, Thompson’s claim is derived solely from a newspaper article in the Kieler Zeitung (Thompson 2000, 294, n. 63).
Beiträge zur historischen Statistik Schleswig-Holsteins, 1967, Table V 1 a.
Kieler Zeitung, 11 January 1871.
Ibid.
Surveillance report, Kiel, 13 February 1871. 6820. Gendarmerie 1871–1874. Oberpräsidium und Provinzialrat der Provinz Schleswig-Holstein. LAS.
‘Die Arbeiter sind der Fels, auf den die Kirche der Gegenwart gebaut werden soll.’ Social Democratic appeal, eighth constituency, Altona-Stormarn, 1871 elections. 8342. Reichstagswahlen 1871/1874. Regierung zu Schleswig. LAS.
The preparations for at least one such celebration are documented in the official reports from the area (District commissioner Wiedt, Rendsburg, to Regierungspräsident Bitter, 8 April 1872. 12579. Öffentliche Versammlungen und Vereine Kr. Rendsburg, Bd I, 1869–1902. Regierung zu Schleswig. LAS).
Social Democratic appeal, eighth constituency, Altona-Stormarn, 1871 elections. 8342. Reichstagswahlen 1871/1874. Regierung zu Schleswig. LAS.
Itzehoer Nachrichten, 25 February 1871; Summary of the election results, 3 March 1871. Both in 8342. Reichstagswahlen 1871/1874. Regierung zu Schleswig. LAS. On Johannsen, see also chapter 2 in this book.
Itzehoer Nachrichten, 28 February, 1871; Schleswiger Nachrichten, 2 March 1871.
‘Die Kandidatur des Herrn Grafen Baudissin halten wir nach wie vor für vollständig verloren.’ Schleswiger Nachrichten, 26 February 1871.
Summary of the election results, 7 March 1871. 8342. Reichstagswahlen 1871/1874. Regierung zu Schleswig. LAS.
Itzehoer Nachrichten, 25 February 1871.
Itzehoer Nachrichten, 2 March 1871.
The topic was dealt with at a lecture arranged in Kiel, in February, by the local ‘Harmonie’ cultural society Kieler Zeitung, 11 February 1871.
Kieler Zeitung, 10 and 19 February 1871.
Kieler Zeitung, 14 February 1871.
Sozialgeschichtliches Arbeitsbuch, II, 1978, Table 9a, 172–176.
Summary of the election results, 7 March 1871. 8342. Reichstagswahlen 1871/1874. Regierung zu Schleswig. LAS.
Nordslesvigs Good Templar, 23 January 1898.
Ibid.
Bidrag till Sveriges officiella statistik (BiSOS). Kungl. Maj:ts befallningshafvandes femårsberättelser, Värmland 1901–05, Sammandrag för åren 1901–05, Table F.
A possible exception is the connection made between teetotalism and the ‘social issue’, a problem which was discussed in a series of articles published in the mid 1890s. See Nordslesvigs Good Templar, 28 July and 11 August 1895.
Mitteilungen aus der Arbeit des Schleswig-Holsteinischen Provinzial-Vereins zur Bekämpfung des Missbrauchs geistiger Getränke, 1900, 12–40.
Protokoll der Generalversammlung des Schleswig-Holsteinischen Provinzialvereins zur Bekämpfung des Mißbrauchs geistiger Getränke, 1885, 5; Mitteilungen aus der Arbeit des Schleswig-Holsteinischen Provinzial-Vereins zur Bekämpfung des Missbrauchs geistiger Getränke, 1900, 11.
Schleswig-Holstein und der der Alkohol 1925 (zugleich Jahresbericht…), 18–20, vol. 20, II, Jahresversammlungen. Also, the organization seems to have been reformed in 1916, when a new ‘Provinzialverband’ was instituted, possibly as a result of internal conflicts dating back to, at least, 1914 (Letter from Professor Gonser to Pastor Dr. Stubbe, Berlin, 21 July 1914. Vol. 36, Guttemplerjubiläum in Flensburg 1914, IV. Aus der Tätigkeit des Provinzialverbandes); Letter from Professor Gonser to Pastor Dr. Stubbe, Berlin 18 May 1916. Vol. 1, Organisation des Provinzialverbandes 1914–18, I. Organisation. 408. Provzialverband gegen den Alkoholismus. LAS.
As in the fourth Tondern-Husum-Eiderstedt constituency in the 1907 elections, where the ‘Bund der Landwirte’ decided to vote for the national liberal candidate Feddersen (8344. Reichstagswahlen 1878/1911. LAS).
These were made public in the Kieler Zeitung, 6 October 1884.
See for instance Kieler Zeitung, 13 September 1884.
Schleswiger Nachrichten, 21 and 24 October 1884.
‘… einer Partei, die ja eine wirtschaftliche Theorie zur Grundlage, zur ungesunden Grundlage, ihrer Parteibildung gemacht hat, und alle, welche als praktische Männer dieser Theorie nicht huldigen, als “illiberal”, als “reaktionär” verschreit. Schleswiger Nachrichten, 21 October 1884.
Kieler Zeitung, 27 October 1884.
‘Steuer auf Steuer, Schutzzoll auf Schutzzoll … dann handelt sie in aller Konsquenz mit den Konservativen und der Feindschaft mit uns.’ Ibid.
‘Alle übrigen zivilisierten Länder zeigen uns, daß in der möglichsten Befreiung des Individuums von beschränkenden Fesseln eine wesentliche Bedingung der Zivilisation liegt.’ Kieler Zeitung, 13 September 1884.
Kieler Zeitung, 23 October 1884.
Historischer Atlas Schleswig-Holstein 1867 bis 1954, 2001, 38.
Kieler Zeitung, 18 and 19 September 1884.
Summary of the 1884 election results. 17370. Wahlen zum Reichstage 1884/1887. Regierung zu Schleswig. LAS.
Meeting, 17 November 1883. Vol 1, Protokoll des Friedrichsberger Bürgervereins, 1883–97, 3. Friedrichsberger Bürgerverein. Vereine und Verbände. LAS.
Meeting, 25 October 1884. Vol 1, Protokoll des Friedrichsberger Bürgervereins, 1883–97, 20–21. Friedrichsberger Bürgerverein. Vereine und Verbände. LAS.
Schleswiger Nachrichten, 25 October 1884.
Meeting, 25 October 1884. Vol 1, Protokoll des Friedrichsberger Bürgervereins, 1883–97, 20–21. Friedrichsberger Bürgerverein. Vereine und Verbände. LAS.
Schleswiger Nachrichten, 9 October 1884, Kieler Zeitung, 6 October 1884.
Election results in Schleswiger Nachrichten, 30 October 1884.
‘…er sei keine Puppe, wohl ein Landmann, indeß doch ein Mann.’ As quoted in Schleswiger Nachrichten, 9 October 1884.
Kieler Zeitung, 17 September 1884.
‘Die Kieler Zeitung hält fest an den alten Idealen Schleswig-Holsteins: Freiheit, nationales Recht unde öffentliche Wohlfahrt.’ Kieler Zeitung, 14 September 1884.
See for instance Kieler Zeitung, 12 September 1884.
Kieler Zeitung, 27 September 1884.
Kieler Zeitung, 10 October 1884.
For example Hotel Stadt Hamburg (liberals, Eckernförde), Kieler Zeitung, 18 September 1884; Gastwirt Henning Müller (‘Antifortschrittliche Vereinigung’, Süderbrarup), Flensburger Nachrichten 30 September 1884; Köbke’schen Gasthofe (liberals, Klein-Waabs), Schleswiger Nachrichten, 24 October 1884.
Advertisment in Kieler Zeitung, 6 October 1884.
‘Dieses Programm hat nichts zu thun mit Kapitalismus und Opposition um jeden Preis, nichts mit einem abstrakten Manchesterthum, nichts mit einem absoluten Freihandelssystem.’ Kieler Zeitung, 10 October 1884.
Sozialgeschichtliches Arbeitsbuch, II, 1978, Table 9a, 172–76.
Beiträge zur historischen Statistik Schleswig-Holsteins, 1967, Table VI 3.
Summary of the election results, 1898. In 8344. Reichstagswahlen 1878/1911. Regierung zu Schleswig; 809. Reichstagswahl 1898. Oberpräsidium und Provinzialrat der Provinz Schleswig-Holstein, LAS.
Summary of the election results. 809. Reichstagswahl 1898. Oberpräsidium und Provinzialrat der Provinz Schleswig-Holstein, LAS; Kieler Zeitung, 8 June and 14 June 1898. Later, in the 1912 elections, Reventlow did run as an official candidate for the ‘Bund’ in the constituency (Landrat in Flensburg to Oberpräsidium, 1 November 1911. 6759. Reichstagswahl 1912. Oberpräsidium und Provinzialrat der Provinz Schleswig-Holstein, LAS).
Kieler Zeitung, 8 June 1898.
‘… provinsielle Antisemitismus’, Kieler Zeitung, 13 June 1898.
Kieler Zeitung, 12 June 1898.
Kieler Zeitung, 8 June 1898.
Sozialgeschichtliches Arbeitsbuch, II, 1978, Table 9 a, 175; Ibs 2006, 153.
Segeberger Kreis- und Tageblatt, 12 January 1912.
‘Zwischen dem nördlichen und südlichen Theile des zweiten Wahlkreises hat schon seit Jahren ein Gegensatz bestanden in sofern als im nördlichen Theil die Parteigegensätze innerhalb der deutschen Wählerschaft gar keine oder verschwindend geringe Bedeutung hatten, während im Süden dieselben Parteifragen, wie überall im Reich, die deutsche Wählerschaft spalten. Dies liegt daran, daß im Norden die nationale Frage vorwiegend die Aufmerksamkeit und das Interesse in Anspruch nimmt, während im südlichen Theil des Wahlkreises nationale Gegensätze nicht vorhanden aber doch bedeutend zurückgetreten sind, dagegen die wirtschaftspolitischen Gegensätze um so mehr Bedeutung haben.’ Kieler Zeitung, 10 June 1898.
Flensburger Nachrichten, 10 January 1912.
Kieler Zeitung, 7 January 1907.
Itzehoer Nachrichten, 6 January 1907.
‘…in ernstem Mühen neue Werte der Kultur zu schaffen versucht, statt in unfruchtbaren Neinsagen sich um die besten Früchte seiner Arbeit zu bringen.’ Itzehoer Nachrichten, 30 December 1906.
‘Einen Freisinnigen wähle ich nicht, dann bleibe ich lieber zu Hause.’ Kieler Zeitung, 18 January 1912.
‘Ein solcher Landmann erfüllt aber nicht seine Pflicht gegen daß Vaterland’, ibid.
Ibid.
Landrat in Flensburg to Oberpräsidium, 1 November 1911. 6759. Reichstagswahl 1912. Oberpräsidium und Provinzialrat der Provinz Schleswig-Holstein, LAS.
‘…ein ungewöhnlich frivoler Strike’. District commissioner in Rendsburg to Regierungspräsidentur, 15 June 1912. 12580. Öffentliche Versammlungen und Vereine Kr. Rendsburg, Bd II, 1903–1922. Regierung zu Schleswig. LAS.
Kieler Zeitung, 6 January 1919.
The district commissioner’s reports reveal the extent of Nazi campaigning during the last years of the Weimar Republic. For instance, in March 1931 alone, five Nazi rallies were held in Eiderstedt, as well as five by the communists and ‘Rote Gewerksschafts-Opposition’. A Nazi meeting at Tönning, on 20 March, succeeded in gathering 500 listeners (Nachweisung der in der Zeit vom 1.III. bis 31.III. 1931 in Kreise Eiderstedt stattgefundenen Versammlungen radikaler Organisationen, Tönning, 1 April, 1931. 22996. Versammlungstätigkeit der rechts- und linksradikalen Organisationen, Bd. II, 1931–32. LAS). A thorough analysis of this problem is presented in Frank Omland’s article, 2006.
The constituency was represented by a social democratic deputy following the 1893, 1903, 1907 and 1912 elections.
Kieler Zeitung, 5 January 1919.
Kieler Zeitung, 13 June 1898.
Karlstads-tidningen, 19 August 1893. In fact, some doubts regarding proportionalism were expressed by the members of the executive committee of the Liberal Party as late as to the introduction of the new method (Protokoll 22 May 1909, § 3 incl. Supplement. Protokoll verkställande utskottet, 1907–10, A 2:10. Frisinnade landsföreningen. RA).