Annotations for Joel

1:2 Hear this. Appeals for an attentive audience are not unique to ancient Israelite literature. The goddess Inanna in the Sumerian text Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta encourages the hero Enmerkar to listen and take heed to her advice. The same is found in the Ugaritic Baal Cycle, where Sapsu calls out to Mot (personified Death) to listen to his words. Has anything like this ever happened . . . ? Asking a rhetorical question concerning an unprecedented event is seen in Sumerian literature: in Dumuzi’s Dream (“Since time of yore, who ever saw a sister revealing the hiding place of her brother?”), in Inanna’s Descent to the Underworld (“Who ever saw a man find safety for his life in a house not his own?”), and in the “Curse of Agade” (“Who ever saw a king holding [his] head in [his] hands for all of seven years?”). These examples show that Israelites would have used many of the same rhetorical devices as their neighbors, demonstrating that literarily they had much in common with their cultural environment.

1:4 locust swarm . . . great locusts . . . young locusts . . . other locusts. Since the locusts are compared to an army in 2:4–9, Joel is probably describing a real locust plague that occurred. The four different Hebrew terms used here and in 2:25 appear individually or in pairs in other places in Scripture (e.g., Dt 28:38, Isa 33:4; Am 7:1). Opinion is divided as to whether these four Hebrew terms for locusts refer to different developmental phases or to different species of locust. The Mesopotamian hymn to the goddess Nanaya has interesting parallels with this verse: “The evil locust which destroys the crop/grain, the wicked dwarf-locust which dries up the orchards.” The hymn was apparently composed in response to a locust infestation during the time of Sargon II. Like Joel, the hymn lists at least two types of locusts, which appear to be distinct species and not developmental stages. The migratory locust does not go through a metamorphosis as easily recognizable as that of a butterfly. Over 20 words for locust have been found in Akkadian, the language of the Assyrians and the Babylonians.

1:6 A nation has invaded. The locusts here in Joel are described as a “nation.” Conversely, Sumerian, Ugaritic, Egyptian and Assyrian literature occasionally compare human armies to locusts. The army of Keret in the Ugaritic Keret epic is said to be as numerous as locusts. Defeated enemies during the reigns of New Kingdom monarchs Rameses II (1279–1212 BC) and Merneptah (1212–1204 BC) in Egypt are often compared to locusts. Likewise, the Assyrian annals during the reigns of Sargon II (721–705 BC) and Sennacherib (705–681 BC) compare locusts to invading armies. Comparing bees, birds and flies with a nation is also found in Homer’s Iliad.

1:7 vines . . . fig trees. Locusts do not favor the plants mentioned here, so they only attack them when everything else is gone. This is an indication of the extent of the damage. Additionally, the vine and fig are signs of security and prosperity, so their devastation is symbolic of the mood among the population. stripped off their bark. Locusts are known not only to devour plant life but also to break off branches and strip off bark. If there is significant damage to the bark, the tree may not survive; even if it does survive, the healing process will greatly reduce its fruitfulness.

1:8 virgin. The Hebrew word refers to a woman who has not yet officially left the house of her father. She may still have a “husband” by contract if the bride-price has been paid, even if the marriage has not yet been consummated. The metaphor here then refers to one of the most tragic situations imaginable: the mourning of a woman who has been betrothed and is very close to marriage when she loses her husband. Such should be the depth of Israel’s mourning. sackcloth. See the article “Mourning.”

1:9 Grain offering and the drink offerings are cut off from the house of the LORD. A phrase in the “Hymn to Nanaya” (“which cuts off the daily offerings of the gods and goddesses”) is remarkably similar to this sentence in Joel. Both texts bemoan the fact that the locust plague has impeded the sacrificial offerings, which were fundamental to the life of the spiritual community.

1:10–12 Many incidents concerning the destruction of fields and orchards are noted in annals of the Neo-Assyrian kings. These acts of destruction were usually done by the Assyrians themselves on the trees, canals and meadows of their enemy, all of which were vital to the existence of states in this dry desert region. Thus, Assyrian attacks often crippled the economy of an enemy state, as it took years for a fruit tree to grow to maturity and as much as 20 years for a date palm to mature. Moreover, the ecological devastation wrought by the invasion would often reduce fertility. In fact, the destruction of an enemy’s fruit trees was often an effective way of causing the surrender of a fortified town, whose people would then be susceptible to starvation. The locusts are thus likened to an invading army that destroys the economy of the land.

1:14 cry out to the LORD. It was common in the ancient Near East to see locust plagues as having been sent from a deity (see note on Ex 10:4), so the natural response was to pray for the removal of the plague. A relief from the period of Sargon II of Assyria (721–705 BC) has a person with a locust above his head in front of the deity Shamash, presumably to placate the god for the removal of a plague or to give thanksgiving for deliverance from a plague. Furthermore, the Assyrians and Babylonians employed magical incantations and omens to avert locust plagues. One Assyrian omen states, “If the inner side of the liver is curved at the spot [which indicates] devastation by locusts, there will be pestilence in the prince’s country.” Though the Israelites did not employ incantations and omens, they certainly did pray for relief from natural disasters such as locust plagues.

2:1 holy hill. Various mountains were given religious veneration in the ancient Near East. In fact, the idea of a divine residence on a mountain is common in ancient Near Eastern and Aegean mythology. Mount Zion is often mentioned in Scripture as the place God has chosen as his dwelling place (see 3:17; Ps 46; 48; 76; 87). Similarly, Mount Zaphon was the home of Baal in Ugaritic texts, where it is also described as “my mountain.” In addition, Mount Olympus is well known as a divine residence in Greek literature. See notes on Ps 48:1–2; Isa 2:2. day of the LORD. Each year in Mesopotamia (often twice a year) there was an enthronement festival for the king of the gods (see the article “Enthronement in the Ancient Near East”). During the course of this Akitu festival, the deity determined the destiny of his subjects and reestablished order as he had done long ago when he defeated the forces of chaos. In fact, the creation epic Enuma Elish that recounts Marduk’s defeat of Tiamat and his elevation to the head of the pantheon was read during the course of the festival. Though the texts never refer to the Akitu festival as the “Day of Marduk,” there are some similarities. The “day of the LORD” refers to the occasion on which Yahweh will ascend to his throne with the purpose of binding chaos and bringing justice to the world order. The destinies of his subjects will be determined as the righteous are rewarded and the wicked suffer the consequences of their rebellion and sin. For Israel there is no firm evidence that this was represented in a regular ritual; rather, it is reflected in a historical expectation. As is often the case, then, to the extent that there is a connection, Israel appears to have historicized that which elsewhere is in the realm of myth and ritual. The “day of the LORD” also has elements of theophany usually connected with the divine warrior who defeats the disruptive powers (see notes on 1Sa 14:6; 2Sa 5:24; see also the article “Divine Warfare”). Such theophanies often are accompanied by cosmic effects (see note on 1Ki 19:11). The cosmic effects often depict a world upside down (see note on Jer 4:23–26). The “day of the LORD” was a momentous day, and these are the kinds of occurrences that characteristically accompany momentous days. All of this helps our understanding of the “day of the LORD” by showing us that Israelite thinking and the prophet’s communication intersect with a wide spectrum of ideas current in the culture. The originality in the Israelite literature is not that whole new matrices are being created but that known ideas are being combined and applied in unique ways.

2:17 between the portico and the altar. In context, this is referring to the entrance area of the temple, where access was limited to priests, and thus it served as a buffer between the people and the holy place itself. The portico (see note on 1Ki 6:3) at the front of the main hall to Solomon’s temple measured 10 cubits by 20 cubits (see NIV text notes on 1Ki 6:3). Since this area was sacred, it was particularly sacrilegious that 25 priests of the Lord worshiped the sun there (Eze 8:16) and that Zechariah was murdered there (2Ch 24:20–22).

2:20 northern horde. No doubt symbolizes the locust plague. The Assyrian “Hymn to Nanaya” (see note on 1:9) is similar in that it requests that the goddess command that the locusts disappear, similar to God removing them from the midst of Israel.

2:23 autumn rains . . . spring rains. See note on Jer 5:24. Echoing the promises of Lev 26:3–4; Dt 11:13–15, Joel describes God’s covenant loyalty toward Israel in regard to bringing rain. In contrast, the withholding of rain was seen as a sign of God’s disfavor (Jer 3:3; Hos 6:3).

2:28 pour out my Spirit. The concept of having God’s Spirit “poured out” on an individual signified election by the deity. This was done in Mesopotamia with the monarch, who was endowed with melammu, a word denoting the glory of the deity (see the article “Glory”). In fact, monarchs had their own melammu, which often, in context, meant “royal terror.” Assyrian monarchs, such as Shalmaneser III and Shamshi-Adad V, described themselves in this way in their annals, especially in regard to the enemy: “I poured my melammu over them.” Demons, and even inanimate objects, such as palaces and royal weapons, could also be endowed with this manifestation of divine presence. Moreover, the name of the Mesopotamian god of dreams, Zaqiqu, meant “wind/spirit,” showing a connection, like that in Joel, between spirit and dream revelation. However, there was a darker side to this term; it also referred to phantoms or ghosts, haunted places, ruined cities (i.e., “ghost towns”) or even nothingness. It is more likely that an Israelite of Joel’s time would think in some of these terms rather than think of the third person of the Trinity. See note on Jdg 6:34.

2:31 sun will be turned to darkness and the moon to blood. This passage is no doubt describing solar and lunar eclipses, respectively, which were often considered evil omens in Mesopotamian society, portending disaster, especially to the nation or to the king. In fact, Mesopotamian kings sometimes abdicated their throne and had another sit on the throne until the eclipse (and bad omen) was over. In effect, it was hoped that the substitute king, not the true king, would thus endure the hardships associated with the eclipse (see the article “Substitutionary Rites”).

The Neo-Assyrian kings were especially concerned about celestial observations and their explanations. Often, a new or full moon was predicted by scholars and reported to the king, especially if the omen was favorable. Interestingly, the nonoccurrence of lunar eclipses is periodically mentioned in the scholarly reports to the king, much to the relief of the monarch. However, a prediction that a lunar eclipse was probable gave the crown time to prepare for the oncoming danger. The scholars who predicted them also gave the monarch advice on how to proceed. We are not certain as to how the scholars determined the eclipse was going to happen, but the prediction was usually only a few days before the event.

Solar eclipses were rare and more difficult to predict. They were sometimes considered good omens for the king and particularly bad for his enemies, but here the connotation is negative. In one report, the time and even color of the solar eclipse was crucial to a favorable report. If it was red on the west side and rode the south wind, locusts would attack. However, if it occurred in Ziv/Iyyar (II) on the 28th day, the days of the king would be long, and the land would enjoy abundant business.

3:2 Valley of Jehoshaphat. Though there is no certainty as to the location of this valley, the Judahite king Jehoshaphat defeated a coalition of Moabites, Ammonites and Meunites in the vicinity of the Desert of Tekoa in the Valley of Berakah (means “blessing”) (2Ch 20:20–26), which was so named because of Judah’s victory.

3:4 Tyre and Sidon . . . regions of Philistia. The historical incident referred to here is uncertain; perhaps this verse is simply referring to the common practice and reputation of these seaports. Tyre and Sidon were the leading port cities of Phoenicia from at least the late second millennium BC, controlling the sea trade routes to Egypt, Anatolia, the Aegean and beyond. The southern region of Philistia was also involved in trade in the first millennium BC.

3:6 sold the people . . . to the Greeks. Slavery in the ancient Near East was not an economically productive institution. The palace economy was not complex enough to absorb a high number of slaves for supervision. Not until the Greco-Roman period did slavery become a powerfully viable economic force. Slaves were often foreigners who were prisoners of war, and they were often, as in the case in Joel, foreign slaves brought from abroad. They were often dedicated to the temple to serve the religious personnel. Members of the local population who went into debt were often sold into slavery, which was often temporary (until they were able to redeem themselves). Nevertheless, slave trade was a lucrative enterprise for some merchants. Slaves from Subartu in northern Mesopotamia were valued in Babylonian and Assyria in the Old Babylonian period. The Code of Hammurapi determined that the seller in many cases granted a one month “guarantee” that the slave would not run away or die. In the Neo-Assyrian period this was lengthened to 100 days. The average price of a slave in the late third millennium BC was between 10–15 shekels of silver, 20 shekels in the early second millennium BC, and 50–60 shekels in the Neo-Assyrian period. Though nothing is known for certain concerning slave trade from the coast of Canaan to the Greeks, the trading relationships between the Aegean and eastern Mediterranean in this period are well established. Greeks. Or Ionians (Biblical Javan, probably referring to Greek-speaking peoples from the western coast of Anatolia and the Aegean islands). They are mentioned in Assyrian sources by the eighth century BC during the reign of Sargon II (721–705 BC). Eze 27:13 also notes slave trade between Greece and Tyre in the sixth century BC.

3:8 Sabeans. The exact location of Sheba, or Saba, is uncertain, although it was most likely in south Arabia in present-day Yemen. However, the Saba are mentioned in Assyrian annals during the reigns of Tiglath-Pileser III (745–727 BC) and Sargon II (721–705 BC) in the vicinity of northern Arabia. It is possible that there was an expansion of the southern Sabeans to the north in this period. Sabeans are also known in the vicinity of Ethiopia in Africa.

3:10 Beat your plowshares into swords and your pruning hooks into spears. This is a reversal of the end of warfare described in Isa 2:2–4; Mic 4:1–4. Farmers are called up for military service and are to bring their agricultural implements, from which the blacksmith refashioned the seven-inch (17.75-centimeter) metal tip of the plowshare (or possibly a heavy hoe) into swords and pruning hooks (small knives used to remove leaves from grapevines) into spearheads. The plow was a single-furrow plow, a straight pole that was parallel to the ground, with a point or plowshare at the end. Before the Iron Age, many plowshares were made of either stone or bronze, and many have survived in archaeological excavations. The point of the plow broke up the hard ground in order to give the seeds a place to germinate during the winter months. A hoe was needed to smash the dirt clods and level the ground. At any rate, having a sharp point was crucial (see 1Sa 13:19–22).

3:15 The eighth-century BC Deir ‘Alla “Plaster Inscription” describes Balaam’s vision in which he saw the heavens with “dense cloud, / That darkness exists there, not brilliance.” The similarity between that text and this verse lies in the contrast between the darkness and brilliance. Moreover, the Hebrew root, nogah, a term usually associated with the light of heavenly bodies, is also attested in the Balaam text.

3:18 hills will flow with milk. A number of scholars have seen parallels between various statements in Joel and Ugaritic literature from the second-millennium BC coastal Syria. One Ugaritic text depicts honey flowing in streams, while another describes Baal’s return to life: “the heavens rain oil, the valleys flow with honey.” These Ugaritic texts are similar to Joel in that they all reflect metaphors for prosperity. Israelites would have been reminded that there is a “land of milk and honey.” A fountain will flow out of the LORD’s house. The connection of spring waters and temples in the ancient Near East is well known from Mesopotamia and Ugarit in Syria. The temple was often associated with the waters of life that flowed from a spring within the building itself. In fact, the temple was considered as having been built upon a spring or the primeval waters of creation. The Sumerian Eninnu temple, built by Gudea of Lagash, rose up out of the primeval waters (Sumerian apsu), and was called the “foundation of the apsu.” Many later-period Egyptian temples were considered a replica of the first temple fashioned on the primeval mound and the Nun, the abysmal waters. Even the Ugaritic Baal Cycle describes a temple founded upon springs, which even flowed from the building. The Mesopotamian creation epic Enuma Elish describes the foundation of the earth, with waters flowing from the divine Apsu. valley of acacias. Or Valley of Shittim (see NIV text note). Its location is not certain, but it may be the Wadi ‘en-Nar, a continuation of the Kidron Valley that runs to the Dead Sea. However, it is possible that, like the Valley of Jehoshaphat (see note on v. 2), the valley of acacias has symbolic significance. Since acacias grow in dry places, the implication is that even the driest valley will have flowing water.

3:19 shed innocent blood. Both the Egyptians and Edomites are known to have plundered Israel in the past. The Egyptian monarchs Shishak I (1Ki 14:25–26; 2Ch 12:2–12), Osorkon I (see 2Ch 14:9–15 and note on 2Ch 14:9; 16:8) and Necho (2Ki 23:29–34) all attacked Israel (although Necho’s attack in 609 BC may have been after Joel, depending upon when the book was written). The Edomites mistreated Judahite soldiers who fled from the Chaldeans/Babylonians in 586 BC, once again, perhaps later than Joel.