Study Notes

1:1 Xerxes. A transliteration of the Greek form of the Persian name Khshayarshan (see NIV text note). Xerxes succeeded his father Darius and ruled 486–465 bc (see chart). 127 provinces. See 8:9. The Greek historian Herodotus (3.89) records that Xerxes’ father Darius had organized the empire into 20 satrapies. (Satraps, the rulers of the satrapies, are mentioned in 3:12; 8:9; 9:3.) The provinces were smaller administrative units. See map below.

1:2 citadel of Susa. The fortified acropolis and palace complex (see photo); it is distinguished from the surrounding city in 3:15; 8:14–15. Several archaeological investigations have been made at the site since the mid–nineteenth century. Xerxes had made extensive renovations in the palace structures. Susa. The winter residence of the Persian kings (see note on Ezr 4:9). The three other capitals were Ecbatana (see Ezr 6:2 and note), Babylon and Persepolis. One of Daniel’s visions was set in Susa (Da 8:2); Nehemiah also served there (Ne 1:1).

1:3–4 The year (483–482 bc), the persons in attendance and the length of the meeting suggest that the purpose of the gathering may have been to plan for the disastrous campaigns of 482–479 against Greece. Herodotus (7.8) possibly describes this assembly.

1:3 banquet. Feasting is a prominent theme in Esther (see Introduction: Purpose, Themes and Literary Features; see also Outline).

1:5–6 The excavations at Susa have unearthed a text in which Xerxes’ father Darius describes in some detail the building of his palace. Xerxes continued the work his father had begun.

1:9 Queen Vashti. Deposed in 484/483 bc; Esther became queen in 479/478 (2:16–17). The Greek historians call Xerxes’ queen Amestris; they record her influence during the early part of his reign and as queen mother during the following reign of her son Artaxerxes (Ezr 7:1, 7,11–12,21; 8:1; Ne 2:1; 5:14; 13:6) until the time of her own death c. 424. Artaxerxes came to the throne when he was 18 years old; therefore he was born c. 484/483, approximately at the time when Vashti was deposed. Since he was the third son of Amestris, the name Amestris cannot be identified with Esther and perhaps could be viewed as a Greek version of the name Vashti. Comparatively little is known of the late portions of Xerxes’ reign, nor is it possible to determine the subsequent events of the life of Esther. Apparently after Esther’s death or her fall from favor, Vashti was able to reassert her power and to exercise a controlling influence over her son.

1:12 refused to come. We are not told why.

1:13–14 Ezr 7:14 and the Greek historian Herodotus indicate that seven men functioned as the immediate advisers to the king.

1:16 Memukan. See v. 14.

1:19 cannot be repealed. The irrevocability of Persian laws is mentioned in 8:8 and Da 6:8,12. never again to enter. The punishment corresponds to the crime: Since Vashti refused to appear before the king, it is decreed that she never appear before him again. Furthermore, from this point on she is no longer given the title “Queen” in the book of Esther.

1:22 proclaiming . . . tongue. Referring to the practice in ethnically mixed marriages of using the husband’s native language as a sign of his rule in the home (Ne 13:23–25).

2:1 Later. Esther was taken to Xerxes “in the seventh year of his reign” (v. 16), i.e., in December, 479 bc, or January, 478. The Greek wars intervened before a new queen was sought (see note on 1:3–4).

2:2 virgins for the king. To add to his harem.

2:3–4 The phraseology here is similar to that in Ge 41:34–37. This and numerous other parallels suggest that the author of Esther modeled his work after the Joseph story (see Introduction: Purpose, Themes and Literary Features). Both accounts are set in the courts of foreign monarchs and portray Israelite heroes who rise to prominence and provide the means by which their people are saved (see notes on vv. 9,21–23; 3:4; 4:14; 6:1,8,14; 8:6).

2:5 in the citadel of Susa a Jew. As far back as the fall of the northern kingdom in 722–721 bc, Israelites had been exiled among the cities of the Medes (2Ki 17:6). After the conquest of Babylon by King Cyrus of Persia in 539, some of the Jewish population taken there by the Babylonians (605–586) probably moved eastward into the cities of Medo-Persia. Only 50,000 returned to Israel in the restoration of 538/537 (Ezr 2:64–65). The presence of a large Jewish population in Medo-Persia is confirmed by the discovery of an archive of texts (Murashu Tablets) in Nippur (southern Mesopotamia) from the period of Artaxerxes I (465–424) and Darius II (424–405). This archive contains the names of about 75 Jews who lived in that city. Some had attained positions of importance and wealth (see article; chart and map). Similar Jewish populations are probable in many other Medo-Persian cities. Mordecai. See article. son of Jair, the son of Shimei, the son of Kish. The persons named could be immediate ancestors, in which case Mordecai would be the great-grandson of a Kish who was among the exiles with Jehoiachin in 597 bc. It is more likely, however, that the names refer to remote ancestors in the tribe of Benjamin (see 2Sa 16:5 for Shimei, 1Sa 9:1 for Kish). This association with the tribe and family of King Saul sets the stage for the ongoing conflict between Israel and the Amalekites (see notes on 3:1–6). If the names are those of remote ancestors, the clause “who had been carried into exile” (v. 6) would not apply to Mordecai, who would have been over 100 years old in that case; rather, it would have to be taken as an elliptical construction in the sense of “whose family had been carried into exile.”

2:6 carried into exile. In 597 bc. Jehoiachin king of Judah. See 2Ki 24:8–17; 2Ch 36:9–10.

2:7 cousin. See v. 15. Hadassah. Esther’s Hebrew name, meaning “myrtle.” The name Esther is likely derived from the Persian word for “star,” though some derive it from the name of the Babylonian goddess Ishtar (see note on Jer 7:18).

2:8 Esther also was taken. Neither she nor Mordecai would have had any choice in the matter (cf. 2Sa 11:4).

2:9 special food. Unlike Daniel and his friends (Da 1:5–10), Esther does not observe the dietary laws, perhaps in part to conceal her Jewish identity (vv. 10,20). Giving such portions is a sign of special favor (1Sa 9:22–24; 2Ki 25:29–30; Da 1:5–10; negatively, Jer 13:25); in the Joseph narrative cf. Ge 43:34 and note. The motif of giving portions appears later as a practice in observing Purim (9:19,22).

2:10 The fact that Esther concealed her identity in obedience to Mordecai’s instructions is reported twice—here and in v. 20 (for the author’s use of duplications, see Introduction: Purpose, Themes and Literary Features).

2:14 to another part of the harem. To the chambers of the concubines.

2:16 tenth month . . . seventh year. December, 479 bc, or January, 478 (see notes on 1:3–4; 2:1). Esther’s tenure as queen continued through the events of the book, i.e., through 473 (see 3:7 and note; see also 8:9–13; 9:1). She may have died or fallen from favor shortly thereafter (see note on 1:9).

2:18 holiday. The Hebrew for this word, unique to this verse, may imply a remission of taxes, an emancipation of slaves, a cancellation of debts or a remission of obligatory military service.

2:19 king’s gate. The gateway of an ancient city was its major commercial and legal center. Markets were held in the gateway; the court sat there to transact its business (Dt 21:18–20; Jos 20:4; Ru 4:1–11; Ps 69:12). A king might hold an audience at the gate (2Sa 19:8; 1Ki 22:10). Daniel was at the king’s gate (NIV “royal court”) as ruler over all Babylon (Da 2:48–49). Mordecai’s sitting at the king’s gate confirms his holding a high position in the civil service of the empire (see note on v. 5). From this vantage point he might overhear plans for the assassination of the king.

2:21–23 Another point of comparison with the Joseph narrative is the involvement of two royal officials (Ge 40:1–3; see note on vv. 3–4).

2:23 impaled on poles. The Persian form of execution, as is confirmed in pictures and statues from the ancient Near East and in the comments of the Greek historian Herodotus (3.125,129; 4.43). According to Herodotus (3.159) Darius I impaled 3,000 Babylonians when he took Babylon, an act that Darius himself recorded in his Behistun (Bisitun) inscription. In Israelite and Canaanite practice, hanging was an exhibition of the corpse and not the means of execution itself (Dt 21:22–23; Jos 8:29; 10:26; 1Sa 31:8–10; 2Sa 4:12). The sons of Haman were killed by the sword, and then their corpses were displayed on poles (9:5–14). The execution of the pharaoh’s chief baker in the Joseph narrative was similar (Ge 40:19). annals. The concern of the author of Esther with rhetorical symmetry is seen in the fact that the annals are mentioned in the beginning (here), middle (6:1) and end (10:2) of the narrative. The episode dealing with the plot of Bigthana and Teresh is a good example of the many “coincidences” in the book that later take on crucial significance for the story, showing God’s providence at work (see 6:2 and note; see also Introduction: Purpose, Themes and Literary Features, last paragraph).

3:1 After these events. Four years have elapsed since Esther’s selection as queen (v. 7; 2:16–17). son of Hammedatha, the Agagite. There is some debate about the ancestry of Haman. The name Hammedatha appears to be Persian and probably refers to an immediate ancestor. The title “Agagite” could refer to some other immediate ancestor or to an unknown place; however, it is far more likely that it refers to Agag, king of Amalek (1Sa 15:20). The Amalekites had attacked Israel after they fled from Egypt (Ex 17:8–16; 1Sa 15:2); for this reason the Lord would “be at war against the Amalekites from generation to generation” (Ex 17:16). Israel was not to forget but must “blot out the name of Amalek from under heaven” (Dt 25:19). Saul’s attack on Amalek (1Sa 15) resulted in the death of most, though not all (1Ch 4:42–43), of King Agag’s people and later in the death of the king himself. Centuries after the battle led by the Benjamite Saul, the Benjamite Mordecai (see note on 2:5) continues the war with the Amalekites. elevating him. The fact that no reason is given for the promotion of Haman provides an ironic contrast between the unrewarded merit of Mordecai (2:21–23; see 6:3) and the unmerited reward of Haman.

3:2–6 Obedience to the second commandment (Ex 20:4–5) is not the issue in Mordecai’s refusal to bow down to Haman, for Israelites were willing to bow down to kings (1Sa 24:8; 2Sa 14:4; 1Ki 1:16) and to other persons (Ge 23:7; 33:3; 44:14). Only the long-standing enmity between Israel and Amalek accounts both for Mordecai’s refusal and for Haman’s intent to destroy all the Jews (vv. 5–6). The threat against the Jews “throughout the whole kingdom” (v. 6) is a threat against the ultimate issue of redemptive history (see Introduction: Purpose, Themes and Literary Features).

3:4 Compare the phraseology with that in the Joseph story (Ge 39:10).

3:7 twelfth year . . . first month. April or May, 474 bc, the fifth year of Esther’s reign. pur. See 9:24,26. This word is found in Akkadian texts with the meaning “lot” (as here). The celebration known as Purim takes its name from the plural of this noun (9:26). There is irony in the fact that the month of the Jews’ celebration of the Passover deliverance from Egypt is also the month that Haman begins plotting their destruction (Ex 12:2–11). twelfth month. The lot providentially established an 11-month delay between the securing of the decree and the execution of it in the month Adar (February-March). See vv. 12–13; cf. Pr 16:33.

3:8 a certain people. The name of the people Haman wishes to destroy is slyly omitted in this blend of the true and the false: The Jews did have their own customs and laws, but they were not disobedient to the king (Jer 29:7). dispersed. See 8:11,17; 9:2,12,16,19–20,28.

3:9 ten thousand talents. Herodotus (3.95) records that the annual income of the Persian Empire was 15,000 talents. If this figure is correct, Haman offers two-thirds of that amount—a huge sum. Presumably the money would have come from the plundered wealth of the victims of the decree. Verse 13 implies that those who would take part in the massacre were to be allowed to keep the plunder, perhaps adding financial incentive to the execution of the decree since Xerxes disavows taking the money (v. 11). On the other hand, 4:7 may imply that the king had planned on collecting some of the money (see also 7:4 and note). king’s administrators. This phrase may represent the title of revenue officers who would bring the money to the treasury, or it could refer to those who carry out the decree. The Amalekites had once before plundered Israel (1Sa 14:48); Haman plans a recurrence.

3:10 took his signet ring . . . and gave it to Haman. Authorizing Haman to put the king’s seal on the royal decree (v. 12). enemy of the Jews. An epithet also applied to Haman later in the book (8:1; 9:10; cf. also 7:6; 9:24).

3:12 thirteenth day . . . first month. In the 12th year of Xerxes’ reign (v. 7), i.e., Apr. 17, 474 bc.

3:13 Haman’s decree against Israel mandates virtually the same destruction that had earlier been decreed against Amalek (1Sa 15:3). thirteenth day . . . twelfth month. Mar. 7, 473 bc (see 8:12).

3:15 Haman and the king will drink together again in the story when the fate of the Jews is once again being decided (7:1–2), but then it will be at the dissolution of their relationship and the reversal of the decree here celebrated. The celebration here is in sharp contrast to the fasting and mourning of the Jews (4:1–3,16).

4:2 king’s gate. See note on 2:19.

4:3 See note on 3:15. The prominence of feasting throughout the book of Esther sets the fasts of vv. 3,16 in sharp relief; a pair of fasts matches the prominent pairs of banquets (see Introduction: Purpose, Themes and Literary Features; see also note on 9:31; cf. Joel 1:14 and note; 2:12–16).

4:5–15 The fact that the dialogue of Esther and Mordecai is mediated by Hathak reflects the prohibition against Mordecai’s entering the royal citadel dressed in mourning (v. 2).

4:7 See note on 3:9. That Mordecai is aware of the amount Haman promised to the king is a reminder of his high position in the bureaucracy at Susa (2:21–23; see also note on 2:5).

4:11 Herodotus (3.118,140) also notes that anyone approaching the Persian king unsummoned would be killed unless the king gave immediate pardon. See photo.

4:12–16 The themes of the book of Esther are most clearly expressed in this passage. Mordecai’s confidence that the Jews would be delivered is based on God’s sovereignty in working out his purposes and fulfilling his promises. Their deliverance will come, even if through some means other than Esther. Yet that gracious sovereignty is not fatalistic: Unless Esther exercises her individual responsibility, she and her family will perish. Cf. Mt 26:24; Ac 2:23 for similar treatments of the relationship between divine sovereignty and human responsibility.

4:14 from another place. As close as the book comes to an explicit reference to God (see Introduction: Purpose, Themes and Literary Features). In Jewish tradition, “the Place” is one of the surrogates used for God’s name. such a time as this. Cf. Ge 45:5–7 in the Joseph narrative.

4:16 fast. See note on v. 3. Prayer, which usually accompanied such fasting, was presumably a part of this fast as well (see Jdg 20:26–27; 1Sa 7:6; 2Sa 12:16; Ezr 8:21–23; Ne 9:1–3; Isa 58:3–4; Jer 14:12; Joel 1:14; 2:12–17; Jnh 3:7–8). The omission of any reference to prayer or to God is consistent with the author’s intention; absence of any distinctively religious concepts or vocabulary is a rhetorical device used to heighten the fact that it is indeed God who has been active in the whole narrative (see Introduction: Purpose, Themes and Literary Features). if I perish, I perish. Esther’s defining moment. Cf. the similar formulation in the Joseph narrative (Ge 43:14).

5:2 An example of divine providence influencing a king, as in Pr 21:1 (see note there).

5:6–7 The author does not explain Esther’s reasons for delaying her answer to the king’s question (vv. 3,6; 7:2) but uses these delays to slow down the plot to sustain the tension and permit the introduction of new material on Haman’s self-aggrandizement (vv. 11–12) and Mordecai’s reward (6:6–11).

5:9 Haman’s rage is kindled when Mordecai does not rise in his presence—an ironic contrast to his earlier refusal to bow (3:2–5).

5:11 many sons. Haman had ten sons (9:7–10). Herodotus (1.136) reports that the Persians prized a large number of sons second only to valor in battle; the Persian king sent gifts to the subject with the most sons (cf. Ps 127:3–5).

5:12–13 See Pr 16:18; 29:23.

5:13 that Jew Mordecai. See notes on 6:10; 7:6.

5:14 height of fifty cubits. Perhaps hyperbolic (see NIV text note). Some, however, suggest that the pole (see 2:23 and note) was set up atop another structure to achieve this height, e.g., the city wall (1Sa 31:10). impaled. See note on 2:23.

6:1 This verse marks the literary center of the narrative. When things could not look worse, a series of seemingly trivial coincidences marks a critical turn that brings resolution to the story. The king’s inability to sleep, his requesting the reading of the annals, the reading of the passage reporting Mordecai’s past kindness (v. 2), Haman’s preparations in the early hours of the morning (5:14), his sudden entry into the outer court (6:5) and his assumption that he was the man the king wished to honor (v. 6)—all are events testifying to the sovereignty of God over the events of the narrative. Circumstances that seemed incidental earlier in the narrative take on crucial significance later. Just as in the Joseph story (Ge 41:1–45), the hero’s personal fortunes are reversed because of the monarch’s disturbed sleep (cf. Da 2:1; 6:18).

6:2 The scribe was reading from the annals that recorded events five years earlier (compare 3:7 with 2:16; see 2:23 and note).

6:4–6 Again, the irony is evident: Just as Haman had withheld from the king the identity of the “certain people” (see 3:8 and note), so now the king unintentionally keeps from Haman the identity of the “man the king delights to honor” (v. 6).

6:6 Who Is there that the king would rather honor than me? See Pr 16:18: “Pride goes . . . before a fall” (see also Est 7:9–10 and notes).

6:8 royal robe the king has worn. See 8:15; see also Introduction: Purpose, Themes and Literary Features. Cf. in the Joseph story Ge 41:41–43. Great significance was attached to the king’s garment in ancient times; wearing his garments was a sign of unique favor (1Sa 18:4). To wear another’s garments was to partake of his power, stature, honor or sanctity (2Ki 2:13–14; Isa 61:3, 10; Zec 3:3–7; cf. Mk 5:27–28). Haman’s suggestion is not only a great honor to the recipient but is also considerably flattering to the king: Wearing his garment was chosen instead of wealth.

6:10 Mordecai the Jew. The king’s words about Mordecai provide an ironic echo of Haman’s sarcastic epithet “that Jew Mordecai” (5:13; see also note on 7:6).

6:13 his wife and all his friends. See 5:14; see also Introduction: Purpose, Themes and Literary Features. Since Mordecai . . . is of Jewish origin, you cannot stand against him. Cf. Mal 1:5: “Great is the LORD—even beyond the borders of Israel” (cf. also note there). God Is bound by covenant to Israel (see, e.g., Ge 22:17–18; Lev 26:44; Jer 31:36–37).

6:14 Guests were usually escorted to feasts (see in the Joseph narrative Ge 43:15–26; cf. Mt 22:1–14).

7:2 See 5:3,6; see also note on 5:6–7.

7:3 found favor with you. See 2:15,17.

7:4 sold. Esther refers to the bribe Haman offered to the king (3:9; 4:7); she also paraphrases Haman’s edict (3:13). because no such distress . . . king. See NIV text note. The statement probably means either (1) that the affliction of the Jews would be less injurious to the king if slavery was all that was involved, or (2) that Esther would not trouble the king if slavery was the only issue.

7:6 This vile Haman! Esther’s biting words are a rhetorical counterpoint to Haman’s sneering characterization of Mordecai as “that Jew Mordecai” (5:13; see also note on 6:10).

7:7 went out. The king’s leaving the room sets the stage for the final twist that would seal Haman’s fate.

7:8 falling on the couch where Esther was reclining. Meals were customarily taken reclining on a couch (see Am 6:4, 7; Jn 13:23 and note). It is ironic that Haman, who became angry when the Jew Mordecai would not bow down (which set the whole story in motion), now falls before a Jew—Esther (6:13). covered Haman’s face. Haman, who had the special privilege of seeing the face of the king (1:14), now can no longer see anything (see also Introduction: Purpose, Themes and Literary Features).

7:9 Before this moment there is no evidence that Esther had known of Mordecai’s triumph earlier in the day (6:1–11); she has pleaded for the life of her people. Harbona’s reference to the pole (see 2:23 and note) in effect introduces a second charge against Haman—his attempt to kill the king’s benefactor.

7:10 impaled Haman on the pole he had set up for Mordecai. A climactic, ironic turn of the story. See 9:1,25 and note on 9:1; Job 4:8; Ps 7:15–16; Pr 26:27 and note; Jer 50:15, 29; Eze 9:10; 16:43; Ob 15 and note; cf. Gal 6:7–8. subsided. See 2:1; see also Introduction: Purpose, Themes and Literary Features.

8:1–17 By echoing much of the phraseology of 3:1—4:3, the author emphasizes how the tables were turned.

8:1 gave Queen Esther the estate of Haman. Herodotus (3.128–129) and Josephus (Antiquities, 11.17) confirm that the property of a traitor reverted to the crown; Xerxes presents Haman’s wealth (5:11) to Esther.

8:2 Cf. 3:10–11, where the king’s offer of his ring includes Haman’s keeping the money; here Mordecai receives the office and the estate of Haman.

8:3–6 Esther and Mordecai are secure (7:4—8:2), but the irrevocable decree is still a threat to the rest of the Jews.

8:3 Agagite. See note on 3:1.

8:5 favor. See 4:11; 5:2.

8:6 Esther saved her people from annihilation by Haman. Similarly, Joseph saved his people from annihilation by famine (Ge 50:20).

8:8 write another decree. See 1:19 and note; see also Introduction: Purpose, Themes and Literary Features. The dilemma is the same as the one that confronted Darius the Mede in Daniel (Da 6:8, 12,15). The solution is to issue another decree (cf. Da 6:25–27) that in effect counters the original decree of Haman (3:12; cf. Da 6:7–9) without formally revoking it (see note on 9:2–3).

8:9–13 The phraseology is taken from the parallel in 3:12–14. The extent of the destruction mandated is virtually the same as that earlier decreed against Amalek (see note on 3:13).

8:9 twenty-third day . . . third month. In Xerxes’ 12th year, i.e., June 25, 474 bc, two months and ten days after the proclamation of Haman’s edict (see note on 3:12).

8:11 Reverses 3:13.

8:12 thirteenth day . . . twelfth month. Mar. 7, 473 bc (see 3:13 and note). Some 15 years after this first Purim, Ezra would lead his expedition to Jerusalem in 458 bc (Ezr 7:9).

8:14–17 The phraseology is taken from 3:15—4:3.

8:15 royal garments. See note on 6:8; Mordecai’s second investiture (see 6:7–11; see also Introduction: Purpose, Themes and Literary Features).

9:1 The Jews carry out the edict of Mordecai eight months and 20 days later (8:9). tables were turned. See note on 2:23. The statement that the opposite happened points to the author’s concern with literary symmetry: He balances most of the details from the first half of the story with their explicit reversal in the second half (see note on 8:1–17 and chart).

9:2–3 An illustration of Ge 12:3. Confronted with two conflicting edicts issued in the king’s name—the edict of Haman (3:12) and the edict of Mordecai (8:7–14)—the governors follow the new edict.

9:3 Just as “people of other nationalities” were seized by “fear of the Jews” (8:17), so also the government officials of Persia were seized by “fear of Mordecai.”

9:5–10 The Jews attend to the unfinished business of blotting out the name and memory of the Amalekites (Ex 17:14–16; Dt 25:17–19; see notes on 3:1–6). This incident is presented as the antithesis of 1Sa 15: The narrator is emphatic that the Jews did not take plunder, in spite of the king’s permission to do so (8:11). Seizing the plunder centuries earlier in the battle against Amalek had cost Saul his kingship (1Sa 15:17–19,23); here, not taking the plunder brings royal power to Mordecai, as well as grateful recognition by his people (vv. 20–23). See vv. 15–16; cf. Ge 14:22—15:1.

9:12 See 5:3,6; 7:2.

9:13–14 impaled . . . impaled. See vv. 7–10 and note on 2:23.

9:13 Susa. The city, not the citadel (vv. 11–12; see note on 1:2).

9:15–16 See note on vv. 5–10.

9:16,22 relief from their enemies. Closely associated with the vengeance on its enemies is the rest promised to Israel (Dt 25:19). The defeat of Haman brings rest to the Jews (see Introduction: Purpose, Themes and Literary Features; cf. 1Ch 22:6–10; Ps 95:7–11; Isa 32:18; Heb 3:7—4:11).

9:17 Adar. See chart.

9:18–19 The author accounts for the tradition of observing Purim on two different days: It is observed on the 14th in most towns, but the Jews of Susa observed it on the 15th. Today it is observed on the 14th except in Jerusalem and a few other cities, where it is observed on the 15th.

9:20 Mordecai recorded these events. Some take this as indicating that Mordecai wrote the book of Esther; however, the more natural understanding is that he recorded the events in the letters he sent.

9:22 presents of food. See note on 2:9; cf. Ne 8:10,12.

9:24,26 pur. See note on 3:7.

9:25 come back onto his own head. See notes on v. 1; Pr 26:27.

9:31 fasting. See notes on 4:3,16. No date is assigned for this fast. Jews traditionally observe the 13th of Adar, Haman’s propitious day (3:7,13), as a fast (“the fast of Esther”) before the celebration of Purim. These three days of victory celebration on the 13th–15th days of Adar rhetorically balance the three days of Esther’s fasting prior to interceding with the king (4:16).

10:1–2 The reference to this taxation may represent material in the author’s source, to which he directs the reader for additional information and confirmation (see note on 2:23).

10:2–3 These verses indicate that the book of Esther was written after the death of Xerxes (cf. 1Ki 11:41; 14:19,29 and often in 1,2 Kings). Mordecai . . . spoke up for the welfare of all the Jews. Cf. Ge 12:3: “I will bless those who bless you, and whoever curses you I will curse.” This book warns everyone against anti-Semitism.