Halal means permissible in Arabic and the concept is a cornerstone of Islam and is used to refer to what is permissible to Muslims. For many non-Muslims, the idea of halal is often thought to relate only to food and what is allowed to be consumed by Muslims (Regenstein, Chaudry & Regenstein 2003; Riaz & Chaudry 2004; Bonne & Verbeke 2008). However, although important, the notion of halal is much wider than just food and relates to all aspects of life (Wilson & Liu 2011). The source of what constitutes halal and haram is derived from the Quran, The prophet’s Hadith (the Prophet Mohammed’s teachings), and what Islamic jurists have deemed as haram (forbidden).
In recent years the notion of halal tourism and hospitality has become an increasingly important part of the global tourism and hospitality industry and has also received much greater recognition in the academic literature. Of course, if we are honest, by this we mean that the Islamic market and its hospitality and tourism needs has finally become recognised as economically significant by people, usually from Western countries or companies, who are not of the Islamic faith, although the economic potential of the halal market has also become a focus of Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) countries. It has become a part of, what Rudnyckyj (2009) terms, “the spiritual economy”. But such economic recognition is only part of the story. Certification of halal and the development of specific standards provide new opportunities for international trade and competitiveness, including the positioning of countries within the Islamic world as they vie for political and economic leadership and advantage, as well as positioning of Islam within their own countries. Globalisation and the expansion of international tourism also means that a number of Muslim majority countries have also become important international tourism destinations in their own right, while migration has also meant the growth of significant Muslim minorities in Europe, the Americas, and Australasia. This has meant that there is also now greater cultural recognition of Islam and the need to better understand the implications of the faith for tourism and hospitality by industry, tourists and policy-makers as well as the measures undertaken by businesses and governments to meet the needs of Muslim travellers and visitors.
Telfer (1996: 83) defines hospitality as “the giving of food, drink and sometimes accommodation to people who are not regular members of a household” (see also Telfer 2000). The religious dimensions of tourism and hospitality have been given increased attention in the academic literature. For example, with respect to pilgrimage (Henderson 2011), religious needs (Weidenfeld 2006), religious lodging experience (Hung 2015), religious issues and patterns (Din 1989), religious facilities (Shuriye & Che Daud 2014), certification (Aziz & Chok 2013; Abdul, Ismail, & Mustapha 2013; Marzuki, Hall, & Ballantine 2012a), and religious identity (Eum 2008). However, the religious dimensions of hospitality indicate the potential for tensions between the commercial material and technical dimensions of hospitality and tourism industry services and the social relationship between host and guest which may be highly influenced by religious belief systems and different cultures of hospitality (Aramberri 2001; Carboni & Janati 2016; Siddiqui 2015; Kushimoto 2017; Yarbakhsh 2018).
Seen from the perspective of economic exchange, hospitality can be defined as “the method of production by which the needs of the proposed guest are satisfied to the utmost and that means a supply of goods and services in a quantity and quality desired by the guest and at a price that is acceptable to him [sic] so that he [sic] feels the product is worth the price” (Tideman 1983: 1). Yet despite the centrality of economic exchange in commercial hospitality relationships, hospitality is also a socio-cultural domain in which there are “requirements to offer shelter to strangers, to provide food and drink and protection from danger. These obligations extended to all, irrespective of status or origins” (Lashley 2008: 71). Both hosts and guests are expected to respect each other in giving and accepting the hospitality. In many countries, these obligations originate from cultural or religious beliefs that function in tandem with economic relationships. Furthermore, any division between hospitality in terms of commercial operations and hospitality in the home is also breaking down or at least becoming more fluid given the growth of operations such as Airbnb and the commercial home (Gössling & Hall 2019; Hall 2009). Indeed, the social dimensions of hospitality are often promoted as a point of differentiation by many commercial providers whether large or small (Lashley 2008).
Nevertheless, commercial hospitality operations emphasise that the hospitality provider “provides, and fulfils” (King 1995: 229) the customer’s requirements. According to King, hospitality in the commercial context is
a specific kind of relationship between individuals—a host and a guest. In this relationship, the host understands what would give pleasure to the guest and enhance his or her comfort and well-being, and delivers it generously and flawlessly in face to face interactions, with deference, tactfulness and the process of social ritual. The objective is to enhance guest satisfaction and develop repeat business.
(King 1995: 229)
Yet, if King’s statement is considered in relation to the religious beliefs of hospitality suppliers and consumers, it is clear that tensions between commercial and religious understandings of hospitality concept could be difficult to manage both between and within people (Saad, Ali, & Abdel-Ati 2014). Furthermore, not being able to meet religious requirements may have commercial consequences, for example, Muslim customers may not be comfortable with some accommodation services and be dissatisfied or not even purchase them (Laila, Kholidah, & Abdurrahman 2012) while providers may miss the opportunity to penetrate local and global markets (Samori, Ishak, & Kassan 2014). The need to understand the religious requirements of customers should therefore be part of a broader improved cultural understanding strategy in tourism and hospitality education, training, and research programmes for those working in the sector. In the case of the present book this is clearly focused on Islam, but it is readily apparent that in the global tourism and hospitality marketplace other religious beliefs also require greater understanding.
This first introductory chapter introduces the reader to some of the issues surrounding religion, hospitality, and the host–guest relationship in both a general religious context and with respect to Islam. A major theme highlighted in this chapter, and throughout the book, is the apparent tension between religious and commercial needs, including the interpretation of what hospitality actually means. The chapter also provides a brief introduction to Islamic tourism and hospitality before the concept of halal hospitality is discussed in further detail in the following chapter.
Religion is arguably essential to understanding the development of the host–guest relationship in hospitality. According to Aramberri (2001) host–guest relationships in the pre-modern era of hospitality are based on three features: protection, reciprocity, and duties for both sides (host and guest). Religious teachings are a means to structure and inform such features. For example, Siddiqui (2015) linked the scriptures of the three Abrahamic religions—Christianity, Judaism, and Islam—to the host–guest relationship. She stresses the obligation of hosts to treat the guests well as a reflection of the worship of God based on the story of Prophet Abraham welcoming guests in Genesis 18:1–10, and serving food (calf) in Quran 51:24–30 and Hebrews 13:2. In fact, generosity and life-giving qualities in hospitality are seen potentially to create the possibility of long-term relationships with others (Burgess 1982). However, Aramberri (2001) argued that pre-modern traditions of host–guest relationships do not work in the modern hospitality industry as it is not a long-term relationship that requires reciprocity if the roles are swapped in the future. In addition, the long-term relationship exists more based on the provider–customer relationship (i.e. a loyal customer relationship) that involves a monetary transaction (Lugosi 2008). Arguably, providers may not be able to be genuine in the commercial context (Lashley & Morrison 2000) as substantial pressures may exist between hospitableness (i.e. generosity) and its costs to the business (Hemmington 2007; Weidenfeld 2006).
Kirillova, Gilmetdinova, and Lehto (2014) also indicate that religion is an important factor in host–guest relationships and suggest that religious differences between host and guest can be a threat to positive hospitality service (see also Wijesinghe 2007). Nevertheless, O’Gorman (2009) notes that commercial hospitality does portray some aspects of humanity and spirituality. He argues that protection and security are still offered to guests in contemporary hospitality practices such as by strictly following security protocols, providing CCTV, and strong linkages with police, fire, and other security personnel in order to increase security (Cowell, McDavid, & Saunders 2012). In such cases the generosity in safeguarding the customers’ security is shown through the effort given by the providers.
Studies on hospitality in a religious context are relatively limited (Kirillova et al. 2014; Timothy & Iverson 2006; Weidenfeld 2006). Kirillova et al.’s (2014) study on the interpretation of hospitality across different religions, found that Muslim and Christian participants interpreted hospitality as helping those in need among their own community and then extending it to strangers. Such interpretations emphasise the priority of hospitality towards members of a community instead of to total strangers, as typically occurs in commercial host–guest relations. Kirillova et al. (2014) also claimed that specific teachings associated with each religion possibly influence interpretations of appropriate hospitality behaviours. For example, Christians are expected to love their neighbours as they love themselves, Muslims should be generously hospitable to neighbours, and Buddhists should be hospitable and charitable to friends, relatives, and neighbours. However, these representations are from those who are considered religious in the context of their respective religion rather than the commercial context of hospitality (Chambers 2009).
Hospitality in a religious context can involve rituals or collective acts of worship to religious commitment that contribute to the development of social relationships through the adoption of common religious values and experience (Hassan 2005, 2007). Meeting the requirements or regulations of belief systems can be challenging to business. A study by Cheung and Yeo-chi King (2004) found that devoted Confucian business providers considered that adhering to Confucian moral values slowed their business growth and reduced profit making, as the values prioritise righteousness over profitability in business dealing. Similarly, halal providers in Muslim and non-Muslim countries face difficulties in ensuring that their tourism packages are strictly halal due to their inability to adhere to the halal concept (Eid & El-Gohary 2015; El-Gohary 2016). Difficulties to commit to religious rituals has led to numerous cases of kosher fraud in the United States and influenced some states to implement disclosure laws to force vendors to show evidence that their kosher products were genuine (Tieman & Hassan 2015). Hence, offering hospitality within the context of religious requirements can be a challenge for providers, especially those who cater to global markets (Hassan 2007), while the role of religiosity is also important in understanding hospitality in the context of the religious requirements of guests.
Religious customers are regarded as customers with requirements that are proscribed by their religious beliefs and that are involved with tourism activities other than pilgrimage (Hung 2015). The needs of religious customers may include specific religious requirements that affect staffing, facilities, servicescape, and information services. Studies on the needs of religious customers have grown given the needs of providers in understanding religious customers’ expectations in multi-religion destinations (Weidenfeld & Ron 2008). Whilst fulfilling religious needs are necessary for customers to practise their daily religious routine, fulfilling such needs can improve their satisfaction with the hospitality and tourism experience (Weidenfeld 2006).
Customers’ religion and religiosity influence consumption habits (Fischer 1998, 2008, 2011; Fischer & Lever 2016; Hanzaee & Ramezani 2011; Jamal 2003), including customers’ concerns as to food choices in hospitality service, which is arguably one of the most widely recognised aspects of religion in service provision. Some foods are permitted and others prohibited for religious customers. For example, Jews will look for kosher, Muslims for halal, and Hindus for vegetarian offerings (Mak, Lumbers, Eves, & Chang 2012; Sack 2001). These restrictions require providers to pay attention to the provision of foods in hospitality services including not only the dishes that are served, but also the use of ingredients, the food supply chain, and food preparation procedures (Hanzaee & Ramezani 2011).
Every religion has norms and rules that are shared among the religious communities and those who do not understand may conflict with religious norms and rules (Hung 2015). Religions such as Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism, Islam, Judaism, and Shinto have teachings that affect food requirements (Table 1.1). Fasting is also often an important matter for religious customers. Customers will consider looking at places that could cater their needs, such as during the Ramadan fasting month when Muslim customers will need providers that serve meals for breaking fast in the evening and breaking-dawn (sahur). Buddhists and Hindus will look to accommodation that provides vegetarian foods; and Jews will consider providers that could provide food that strictly prepared according to kosher requirements. Although some followers may not comply due to unavailability of appropriate food or differences in local custom (Dugan 1994), providers should consider religious needs in order to better respond to their customers as well as add value to their hospitality service (Tama & Voon 2014; Weidenfeld & Ron 2008).
Table 1.1 Religious food restrictions
| Major religion | Restrictions | Remarks |
|---|---|---|
| Buddhism | Prohibition of meat, meat products, or their derivatives in any food intake Prohibition of use on onions, leeks, garlics, scallions, and chives Alcohol use is strongly discouraged |
Soybeans and products derived from them are major sources of protein for Buddhists. Follow a lacto-ovo-vegetarian diet (meaning milk, milk products, and eggs are permitted). Fasting is up to individuals. |
| Christianity | The Methodist Church recommends limiting the use of alcohol. Christian Scientists and members of the United Church of Christ are strongly discouraged from using it. Jehovah’s Witnesses do not condone excessive drinking of alcohol. Meat must have the blood completely drained from the carcass before it may be consumed. Kosher meats are acceptable. There is no ritual fasting. Seventh-day Adventists strongly discourage alcohol consumption and strongly encourage a lacto-ovo-vegetarian diet. Meat must be kosher. Caffeine, aged cheeses, and ‘hot’ spices (peppers) are also discouraged. There is no ritual fasting. Eastern Orthodox Church members prohibit red meat intake on Wednesdays or Fridays during the liturgical year, and the very observant also refrain from eating fish, poultry, and dairy products on these days. During Lent (this church follows the Jewish calendar), red meat, poultry, dairy, and fish are not allowed at any time. From Good Friday until Easter Sunday only small meals and water are allowed. Roman Catholics prohibit red meat or poultry products or their derivatives on Fridays during Lent; however, fish, eggs, and dairy products are allowed. On the two mandatory fast days, Ash Wednesday and Good Friday, only small snacks are allowed, no meat is allowed, but drinks are permitted throughout the day. Mormons do not allow alcohol; so-called ‘hot’ drinks such as coffee and tea; cold caffeinated drinks such as colas; and any chocolate and other food products that contain caffeine. The first Sunday of each month is a voluntary fast day. |
African Methodist Episcopalians, Episcopalians (Anglicans), Disciples of Christ, Lutherans, and Presbyterians have no food prohibitions, no fasting period, and no restrictions on alcohol. Alcohol is permitted to all Baptists. |
| Hinduism | Meat, fish, eggs, garlic, onions, mushrooms, and root vegetables that resemble a head are not allowed. Alcohol use is strongly discouraged. |
The Hindu religion recognizes five castes of people. People are born into their caste; they cannot change castes over their lifetime. They only eat food prepared by members of the same caste. Mixed-caste dining is not allowed. A person of the highest caste (a Brahmin) cannot dine with a person of the opposite sex or with a non-Hindu. Before eating, Hindus ritually clean themselves by taking a bath; hands, feet, and mouth are washed before and after eating. Fasting is associated with special events, such as marriages. |
| Islam | Prohibition of pork and pork-derived foods, including lard and bacon, and flesh and other products from carnivorous animals or from those that eat carrion. Alcohol in all forms is forbidden. No contamination of halal (permitted) and haram (prohibited) utensils for kitchen use. |
During Ramadan, which lasts about a month, Muslims fast from before sunrise until after sunset. During the fast all drinking water and smoking are forbidden. |
| Judaism | The dietary rules consist of two parts: forbidden foods and the process of cooking foods. Kosher foods (allowed to eat) must follow both parts. Meat products must be from animals that have cloven hoofs and chew their cud. For example, beef can be kosher (if butchered properly), while pork can never be kosher. By-products (lard or animal gelatin, for example) from non-kosher animals are forbidden. Only the four quarter cuts from kosher animals are permitted. Animals must be slaughtered in a humane manner and according to a set process with specific equipment by a butcher (approved by Jewish community). The blood is drained, and the cuts are salted to remove all traces of blood. Only fish with fins and scales are permitted, shellfish is forbidden as well as by-products of non-kosher fish. Only domesticated birds are permitted and must come from a certified kosher farm. Meat and dairy products cannot be consumed or served together, for example, beef stroganoff, a turkey and swiss cheese sandwich, or a cheeseburger. Kosher kitchens have two sets of cooking utensils to avoid contamination of meat and dairy items. |
The mashgiach monitor the whole process, including the kosher ingredients that are used; cleaning products used on machines; meat and dairy products are not mixed; and the cleanliness of the kitchen operations. Once it meets all requirements, a kosher symbol can be used on the products. Judaism has six fasting days: Yom Kippur, Tisha, Fast of Esther, Tzom Gedaliah, the Tenth of Teves, and the Seventeenth of Tammuz. Given the complexities of Jewish dietary rules there is strong interest in veganism. In 2018 it was reported that Israeli vegans make up 5% of the country’s population, a higher percentage than anywhere else in the world. Growing religious zeal for veganism has been fostered by rabbis who question whether the Jewish faithful should eat animals at all, especially under modern farming methods considered inhumane. Animal abuse is explicitly forbidden in the Bible. In September 2017, more than 70 rabbis from around the world signed a declaration urging Jews to choose veganism. |
| Shinto | No specific food taboos, however, eating meat is considered to render a person unclean for several days and thus ineligible to enter the shrine. | None. |
Source: Adapted from Dugan, 1994; Regenstein, Chaudry, & Regenstein, 2003; Holmes, 2018.
Religious-based food restrictions may affect not only what you eat but how and where one eats, and who with. For example, in Hinduism, members of the Brahman caste do not eat with subordinate castes. Some Muslim customers also appreciate eating-places that are separately reserved for women and men as well as for family members only (Shechter 2011; Sobh, Belk, & Wilson 2013). Issues related to segregation between sexes in a hospitality and tourism setting remain substantially under-researched and, in addition to food, include religious-inspired rules involving spas, swimming pools, and recreational treatments (Oktadiana, Pearce, & Chon 2016). These are significant issues as they may pose very different management and design issues from those set by secular markets, and providers’ awareness of these issues may also be lacking, leading to potential issues in managing accommodation and hospitality services for religious customers.
Of course, not only are the religious perspectives of consumers important to understanding the place of religion in the host–guest relationship but also those of providers and suppliers. Through the analysis of relevant texts and in-depth interviews with 30 respondents, including Buddhists, Christians, and Muslims, Kirillova et al. (2014) indicate that irrespective of religious beliefs, hosts have prioritised their own communities first with respect to hospitality, then outsiders. Their study suggests there are differences in the interpretation of hospitality and hospitable behaviour in line with religious values (Table 1.2). Interestingly, the role of religious hospitality in a commercial context was well understood as part of the needs of business ventures. For example, Buddhists saw that friendly behaviour in commercial hospitality can help to retain business and the Christian and Muslim respondents in Kirillova et al.’s (2014) study viewed their behaviour as consistent with financial and business expectations. Moreover, the providers also pointed out that as their relationship with customers of different religions involved financial transactions, the guests were entitled to claim hospitality instead of only accepting it. This business venture relationship is also consistent with Aramberri’s (2001) perspectives on the transformation of the host–guest paradigm in contemporary hospitality, in which it is framed more towards a relationship between a provider and a customer in a business situation rather than a more personal host and guest relationship.
Table 1.2 Perspectives on commercial hospitality behaviour by Buddhists, Christians, and Muslims
| Buddhists | Christians | Muslims |
|---|---|---|
|
|
|
Source: Derived from Kirillova et al., 2014.
The study of hospitality in a religious context has opened up discussions about and the need for greater understanding of halal and Islamic hospitality (Yusof & Muhammad 2013). Although halal has become another segment in hospitality and tourism offerings, and is gaining popularity in Muslim and non-Muslim countries alike, there are many areas of debate and contention such as the application of Islamic principles in Islamic hospitality (Laila, Kholidah, & Abdurrahman 2012), halal certification (Marzuki, Hall, & Ballantine 2012b), halal food standards (Razalli, Yusoff, & Roslan 2013), and halal accommodation (Samori & Sabtu 2012). Confusion and lack of understanding of the concept and its requirements affect both the provision of halal hospitality and consumer acceptance (Yusof & Muhammad 2013), as well as making it difficult for destination marketing organisations to appropriately position themselves in the halal tourism market.
Islamic tourism may be simply defined as tourism by Muslims (Zamani-farahani & Henderson 2010). The terms ‘halal hospitality’, ‘sharia tourism’, ‘Islamic tourism’ or ‘Muslim tourism’ are often used interchangeably with that of ‘halal tourism’ although, as will be noted, these terms should be treated slightly differently. In reflecting on the social and relational nature of tourism and religion, halal or Islamic tourism is defined by Razzaq, Hall, and Prayag (2016) as tourism and hospitality that is co-created by consumer and producer in accordance with the teachings of Islam.
Many nations in the Islamic world are capitalising on the rise in demand for Muslim-friendly tourist services. Henderson (2010) argues that the concept of Islamic tourism is a recent one, and one that has been gathering pace in some countries in South East Asia such as Malaysia and Singapore. Although, in some ways, such a perspective is surprising given the significance attached to travel in Islam, both relating to the duties of a Muslim with respect to pilgrimage as well as the importance that the Quran attaches to travel and knowledge of the world. Nevertheless, countries such as Malaysia have been trying to brand themselves as a global halal hub (Bon & Hussain 2010; Syed Marzuki et al. 2012a, 2012b), and are capitalising on catering to Muslim tourists’ needs especially the ones from Middle Eastern countries by offering halal tourism products. Similarly, Singapore has also begun to promote itself as a Muslim-friendly country to the Muslim world. Both these countries have seen a significant rise in Muslim tourists arriving at their shores (Henderson 2010).
Industry reports often emphasise the financial significance of the halal market (Euromonitor 2015), and halal travel in particular, for example the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC 2017) expect halal tourism to be worth $243 billion by 2021. Such promotion of the halal travel market reflects that the Muslim market represents approximately just over 20 per cent of the world population (Isfahani, Pourezzat, Abdolmanafi, & Shahnazari 2013), but, despite the size of the market with its particular characteristics, Islamic tourism has been a relatively minor area of academic interest (Alserhan 2010; Alserhan & Alserhan 2012; Carboni, Perelli, & Sistu 2014; Razalli et al. 2013; Stephenson 2014). Nevertheless, given the growing levels of disposable incomes in some Muslim populations and increased international mobility, Islamic tourism is attracting attention from governments, institutions, and researchers that recognise its potential economic and employment benefits (Haq & Wong 2010; OIC 2017). For example, the Islamic Development Bank (ISDB) sees potential in Islamic tourism stimulating economic and social growth of Muslim countries (Okhovat 2010) and emphasises the socio-economic development and poverty reduction dimensions by encouraging the integration of Islamic values in tourism activities. Similarly, the OIC is actively engaged in tourism capacity building among its members.
considering the modest share of the OIC region in the world tourism market and the concentration of the tourism activity in only a few OIC countries, it seems that a large part of the tourism potential of the OIC region remains unutilised.
The problems facing tourism and the development of a sustainable international tourism sector in the OIC countries are less trained human resources, poor governance as well as low quality services.
(OIC 2018)
The Statistical, Economic and Social Research and Training Centre for Islamic Countries (SESRIC) reported that in 2011 international tourist arrivals in the OIC countries reached 151.6 million, representing a 15.2 per cent share in the total international tourist arrivals worldwide and generating US$135.5 billion of international tourism receipts with a 13.0 per cent share in the world’s total tourism receipts (OIC Secretariat 2014). The number of international tourist arrivals in the OIC region fell from 179.4 million in 2014 to 173.4 million in 2015. As a result, international tourism receipts in OIC countries decreased from $167 billion in 2014 to $139 billion in 2015. Overall, the OIC countries’ share of total international tourist arrivals was 14.9 per cent in 2015 and the share of total tourism receipts was 10.1 per cent (OIC 2017). Nevertheless, these figures highlight the potential for tourism growth among OIC members. Indeed, the OIC countries are behind the global average with respect to both employment generation from international tourism, estimated at 6.4 per cent of total employment in OIC members in 2018 compared to 9.8 per cent globally, as well as the total contribution of tourism to gross domestic product (GDP), 8.7 per cent in the OIC states compared to 10.3 per cent globally (OIC 2017). Nevertheless, the total contribution of tourism to GDP in the OIC countries has gradually been increasing. Of the 36 OIC countries for which data is available, 22 countries had a surplus in which their international tourism receipts exceeded tourism expenditures with Turkey, Malaysia, and Morocco having the highest surplus. Of the 14 OIC countries with an international tourism trade deficit, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, and Nigeria had the largest deficits (OIC 2017).
Most of the receipts from international tourism in OIC countries are concentrated in ten destinations: Turkey, Malaysia, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Morocco, Indonesia, Kuwait, Tunisia, Jordan, and Iran. However, it should be noted that these statistics include travel by non-Muslims to these countries as well as Muslim travellers. Indeed, many predominantly Muslim countries and countries for which Islam is the official state religion also have significant non-Muslim minorities. Middle East countries generated US$83.2 billion in exports by visitors in 2016 and this is forecast to reach US$148.3 billion in 2027 in tourism revenue (World Travel & Tourism Council [WTTC] 2017).
Growth in travel for leisure and business by Muslims has created increased interest in their travel needs, and especially the various products and services they use, including accommodation, food services, transportation, attractions, and other related sectors to the hospitality service (Sahida, Rahman, Awang, & Man 2011). According to the OIC (2017) in a global survey jointly conducted by Dinar Standard and Crescent Rating, ‘halal food’, ‘overall price’, and a ‘Muslim-friendly experience’ were ranked among the top three Muslim tourist market needs. Similarly, a survey reported by the Standing Committee for Economic and Commercial Cooperation of the Organization of the Islamic Cooperation (COMCEC 2016) examined the factors that influence the choice of Muslim tourists regarding destinations and found that the existence of ‘Muslim-Friendly Tourism’ (MFT) services, the total cost of these services, and the friendliness of locals, were the top three factors affecting the decision of where Muslims travel for leisure (OIC 2017). Nevertheless, COMCEC have also noted a low level of awareness of MFT standards by Muslim tourists in Turkey (OIC 2017).
The need to respond to Islamic values in a commercial tourism and hospitality setting has also generated awareness of the need to ensure that business products and services that cater to, or seek to target, the Islamic market, satisfy requirements of being halal, and avoid that which is haram (forbidden in Arabic). The commercial satisfaction of halal requirements for Muslim travellers is often referred to as halal hospitality, while the demand for halal hospitality services when customers are on a leisure holiday is referred to as halal tourism. Importantly, the concept is not recognised in Islamic majority countries alone and, as a result of changing patterns of international migration and travel, the concept has been introduced to non-Muslim countries such as Canada, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Australia (Kamali 2011). The commercialisation and commodification of halal as a product and as a brand has also led to increased efforts to regulate and certify halal products in both Muslim and non-Muslim countries given increased international trade in halal products, recognition of consumer rights, and a desire to give confidence in halal brands (Friese 2009; McMillan, O’Gorman, & MacLaren 2011; Zizek 1997).
Interest in the Muslim market is undoubtedly part of the reason why many accommodation and other tourism and hospitality providers offer halal products and services (Wilson et al. 2013; Stephenson 2014). Yet, much of the focus in the existing halal literature has been on halal food certification (Fernando, Zailani, & Mohamed 2010; Zailani et al. 2010; Razalli et al. 2013; Samori et al. 2014), rather than on the larger picture of what constitutes halal in a hospitality and tourism setting (Alserhan et al. 2018). This means that much of the existing work on halal in a hospitality context has been focused on the restaurant sector (Gayatri, Hume, & Mort 2011; Marzuki, Hall, & Ballantine 2014; Prabowo, Abd, & Ab 2012). While the technical aspects of halal are important, as with many religions, hospitality in the Islamic context is more than just a technical or commercial service and is understood as being part of a particular set of social relationships that are imbued with a broader spiritual significance and which potentially affect the broader orientation towards, and relationships with, customers. For example, hospitality is noted in the Quran (Adz-Dzaariyat 24–27), where it is about manners in entertaining guests even though they are strangers.
Has the story reached you, of the honoured guests of Abraham (PBUH)? When they came in to him and said: “Peace be upon you!” He [Abraham] replied: “Peace be upon you,” and said: “You are a people unknown to me.” Then he turned to his household secretly and brought out a fattened [roasted] calf. Then placed it before them [noticing that they refrained from eating, he said]: “Will you not eat?”
(Adz-Dzaariyat 24–27)
These verses indicate the way guests should be provided hospitality. The manners and obligations of entertaining guests are further elaborated and the ways in which Muslims are required to understand and implement halal hospitality in their daily lives are discussed.
As noted above, the concept of hospitality has a number of different dimensions. For example, Lashley and Morrison (2000) suggest that it involves social, private, and commercial dimensions. Hospitality in a social dimension represents the obligation to entertain guests genuinely according to culture and religion. The private dimension of hospitality refers to the hospitality offered to guests at home, and a commercial dimension revolves around the relationship of host and guests in a business context in which hospitality services are sold. To these dimensions we can also add a technical dimension of hospitality, which refers to the products and services that are provided by hospitality businesses in order to meet religious and other requirements and which are often subject to regulation and governance by religious and/or governmental authorities. The technical dimension in this book refers primarily to halal certification and other requirements, including the provision of a prayer room, prayer mat, direction to Kiblah, Quran, and prayer timetable (Battour, Ismail, & Battor 2011). Even though the social and commercial dimensions of hospitality in general are discussed in previous research (Marci 2013; McMillan et al. 2011; Mukherjee 2014), there is relatively limited knowledge of these two dimensions in the context of halal hospitality, compared with the interest shown by tourism and hospitality agencies and researchers in the technical dimension.
Nevertheless, there are significant tensions in the provision of halal hospitality and tourism services. From a social perspective, halal hospitality is concerned with the hospitable conduct of the relationship between host and guest (generous and genuine), religious aspects (spiritual and ritual), and trust (commitment) (Ismaeel & Blaim 2012). However, from a technical perspective, halal hospitality is concerned with the material aspects of hospitality provision that meet halal status. This comes not only from the interpreted authority of the Quran and the Sunnah that prescribe the way of life for Muslims, but also from government and religious institutions that can regulate products and services which is sometimes referred to as shariah tourism or hospitality in Islamic societies, meaning that which is lawful in Islam. Yet there is no single global halal standard, whether for food, hospitality, or tourism. Instead, there are a multitude of certifying bodies internationally, with many countries having established a halal authority to address halal issues or recognising different bodies within the country. Examples of these halal authorities include the Department of Islamic Development of Malaysia/Jabatan Kemajuan Islam Malaysia (JAKIM), the Indonesian Council of Ulama/Majelis Ulama Indonesia (MUI), the Japan Islamic Trust (JIT), the Federation of Islamic Associations of New Zealand (FIANZ), the Islamic Religious Council of Singapore/Majlis Ugama Islam Singapore (MUIS), and the Islamic Food and Nutrition Council of America (IFANCA).
From a commercial perspective, hospitality providers treat guests according to their religious needs because of the financial gains that can be made (Kirillova et al. 2014). The use of halal certificates (often provided by third parties and/or government organisations) is part of how providers give assurance to customers with respect to the religious appropriateness of the food that is provided (Hanzaee & Ramezani 2011; Tieman 2011, 2012; Tieman & Ghazali 2014), but a certificate by itself does not necessarily indicate the totality of the religious and/or social basis of hospitality. Muslim-friendly hospitality, for example, is regarded as an ‘alternative’ service that caters to the need of Islamic religious oriented customers offered by Muslim and non-Muslim providers in order to fulfil market demand (Sahida et al. 2014), including potentially the increased number of Muslims travelling to some non-Islamic countries (Kamali 2011; Razzaq et al. 2016). Nevertheless, there are real tensions and issues with the formalisation and commodification of halal requirements.
As the halal dimension is important for Muslim customers (Abdullah, Zainoren, Abdurrahman, & Hamali 2012), hospitality and tourism providers have to consider the importance of going halal to gain a competitive advantage in the industry (Mohsin, Ramli, & Alkhulayfi 2016). Abdullah et al. (2012) suggest that commitment to implementing halal compliance is evidenced by having halal certification at the premise provided by the authorised authority. Such actions can be important for positive perception and reputation of businesses by Muslim consumers. Yet, the authentic provision of halal hospitality arguably requires the providers’ full understanding of the concept beyond a narrow technical appreciation. In reality halal hospitality and tourism providers can be categorised as either being certified, i.e. formally recognised by relevant authorities, or claimant, i.e. providers that claim they provide halal hospitality, for example via their advertising or in response to customer queries, but who do not have any certification. However, in some cases claimant businesses may serve both halal and non-halal foods and drinks, or other combined elements of entertainment, and accommodation, in what may be referred to as mixed hospitality. For example, a restaurant that serves both halal and non-halal dishes.
It is clearly of interest to the present work as to why businesses are claiming to provide halal hospitality without the authorised halal certificate. There are many reasons given by accommodation providers for not obtaining an official halal certificate. These include: limited knowledge of halal, the concept, cost, problems with the supply chain, consumer demand for non-halal foods, bureaucracy, and that it might not be compulsory (Nur, Rahman, Saleh, Rahman, & Hashim 2011). However, there is little understanding of the implications that this has for service provision and Muslim consumer response (Syazwan, Talib, Remie, & Johan 2012). Indeed, research conducted on halal restaurants in New Zealand noted that in some cases businesses would not display certification for halal foods, even though they may have had it, because they felt that as ‘good Muslims’ their word should be sufficiently trusted (Wan Hassan, & Hall 2003).
Other significant dimensions of halal provision include whether an Islamic religious affiliation is necessary for businesses or individuals to provide halal hospitality, and the implementation of halal regulations. For example, in Malaysia, both Muslim and non-Muslim providers can be halal hospitality claimants. Under the Malaysian Trade Description Act 2011 a halal certificate is compulsory for those serving Muslim customers regardless of whether the providers are Muslim or not. This halal certificate covers products and services such as food and beverage, cosmetic, chemical, shipping, entertainment, fashion, and banking. “The 2011 Act aims to promote good trade practices by prohibiting false trade descriptions and false or misleading statements, conducts and practices in relation to the supply of goods and services, thereby protecting the interest of consumers” (DagangHalal 2017). Yet, despite the regulatory context, significant problems have been recognised with respect to certification because of the level of understanding of the halal concept. Food safety and the violation of halal processes and supply chains in restaurants (Marzuki et al. 2012a; Said, Hassan, Musa, & Rahman 2014; Hasri, Taib, & Ahmad 2016) can create a problem for the credibility of food providers, while comments from JAKIM suggest that many accommodation providers do not understand the halal procedure (Noordin, Noor, & Samicho 2014). As stated by Nur et al. (2011: 88), “Reports of fraudulent practices by food operators in mass media and the majority of food premises displaying various types of private Halal logo nowadays has confused the consumers and created doubt over the Malaysia’s Halal logo validity.” The credibility of relevant authorisation authorities, such as the Department of Islamic Development (JAKIM), is also jeopardised (Kamaruddin, Iberahim, & Shabudin 2012) as consumers may blame the authority for not enforcing legislation (Badruldin et al. 2012).
Lack of knowledge of halal procedures may also affect the level of customer trust of hospitality services (Abdullah et al. 2012; Marzuki et al. 2012a). The time and cost involved in solving such trust issues may, of course, be “a valuable asset in a relationship” to sustain the halal market (Rahim & Voon 2012: 176). However, although formal certification and regulation is significant, it does not necessarily provide the larger picture by explaining the perceptions and attitudes of consumers and providers with respect to halal, and their understanding of what constitutes halal hospitality and tourism. Furthermore, in many non-Islamic majority countries it is important to recognise that halal certification and promotion has unfortunately become politically symbolic of identity politics, and anti-migrant and Islam sentiment, even though such countries are often simultaneously seeking to export halal products and attract Islamic tourists. Therefore, in seeking to help develop a better understanding of halal hospitality and Islamic tourism this book aims to engage with the concept of halal not just as a religious term, but also as a commercial, social, cultural, regulatory, technical, and political concept.
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