16

URBAN RENEWAL, CULTURAL TOURISM, AND COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT

Sharia principles in a non-Islamic state

Bailey Ashton Adie

Introduction

There has been a noted shift in the use of heritage tourism as a development tool. For example, in 2015, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) adopted a policy focusing on World Heritage and sustainable development. This emphasises the importance of and potential for World Heritage sites as responsible and sustainable tourism destinations (UNESCO 2015). This is unsurprising given the increasing emphasis on tourism for poverty alleviation, which is one of the main motivations for the work undertaken in the Humayun’s Tomb, Hazrat Nizamuddin Basti, and Sundar Nursery Urban Renewal Initiative spearheaded by the Aga Khan Trust for Culture (AKTC) (2014). This project was developed initially to preserve a UNESCO World Heritage Site while simultaneously stimulating the local, predominantly Muslim, community, who lived in a particularly impoverished urban village of New Delhi. Since its inception, this project has expanded to encompass a myriad of socio-economic, environmental, and heritage improvements. As it focuses on the creation of a sustainable urban microcosm, which is bolstered by the surrounding heritage attributes, it can be understood as supporting Sharia principles. Most notably, it has created a system through which the local population can earn money in order to improve their quality of life. Furthermore, tourism practices, specifically in terms of the use of local guides, can be understood as a form of sadaqah, or charitable giving. This chapter, then, presents a discussion of this New Delhi project in relation to both pro-poor tourism and Sharia principles.

Pro-poor tourism and Islam

The emphasis on tourism for poverty alleviation is particularly apparent in the discussion of pro-poor tourism (Hall 2007; Scheyvens 2007; Timothy & Nyaupane 2009; Truong 2014). According to Ashley, Roe and Goodwin (2001: 2) ‘pro-poor tourism is defined as tourism that generates net benefits for the poor. Benefits may be economic, but they may also be social, environmental or cultural.’ Harrison (2008: 858) expanded on this definition by referring to it as

an orientation, covering nearly all forms of tourism, that requires commitment to assisting the poor, commercial viability of projects, and co-operation across all stakeholders—national and local authorities, public and private sectors, government, international organisations and NGOs—to achieve the aim of [pro-poor tourism], namely, to ensure that tourism brings net benefits to the poor.

Therefore, pro-poor tourism can be understood as a multifaceted approach which can be applied to any variation of tourism. Furthermore, Basu (2012: 76) states that ‘a “pro-poor approach” to slum tourism is the most critical requirement for ensuring its sustainability, wherein “pro-poor tourism” is not an end but a means.’ In other words, the goal of pro-poor tourism is the eradication, or at least the lessening, of poverty.

According to Truong, Hall and Garry (2014: 1086) ‘for tourism to make a greater contribution to poverty alleviation, local poor people need to be included in decision-making processes, development planning, and project design and implementation.’ This means that a concerted effort must be made in order to ensure a bottom-up approach to pro-poor tourism development. However, this does not preclude the input of the non-poor stakeholders.

In order to generate net benefits for the poor in the South, tourism enterprises and their various linkages have to consider how best to maximise benefits for the local poor. Strategies and processes have to be financially feasible as well as socially, culturally and environmentally beneficial. Such an approach to tourism, however, is dependent on the willingness of the non-poor to bear any attendant costs—economic, social, cultural and environmental.

(Chok, Macbeth & Warren 2007: 155)

Therefore, in order for the poor to engage in these activities, there has to be a certain amount of active participation by those who are not direct beneficiaries of the pro-poor initiatives. In addition to the support of the non-poor, Zhao and Ritchie (2007) noted that certain barriers to local participation are structural or cultural in nature and therefore require longer-term projects in order to achieve the desired results. This is emphasised by Schilcher (2007: 184) who notes that ‘if tourism development is desired, than it has to be accompanied by uncompromising transfers of assets to “the poor”, such as land rights and skills (long-terms training programmes).’

Based on this discussion, it becomes clear that pro-poor tourism needs an ethical underpinning in order to be successful. This harkens back to Hall (2007: 65) when he questioned where does ‘the ethical base of … pro-poor tourism come from?’ While not always culturally relevant, Islam can provide a suitable ethical framework for this type of tourism. In Islam, ‘the holy book Qur’an provides guidance in all aspects of human activity’ (Jafari & Scott 2014: 2). Tourism, as discussed in previous chapters in this volume (see especially Chapters 1 and 2), is a permitted activity in Islam as can be seen in multiple verses of the Qur’an (i.e. Surah Al-‘Ankabut: 20, Surah Muhammad: 10, Surah Yusuf: 109). However, there are additional practices that are based in Sharia, which are particularly relevant when discussing pro-poor tourism. In this chapter, Sharia is understood as religious law ‘which occupies an essential part of the lives of Muslims and therefore its features are agents in determining social order and community life’ (Sanad, Kassem & Scott 2010: 19). According to Sanad et al. (2010), there are four sources for Sharia: the holy Qur’an, the Sunnah, general agreement among the Muslim community, and anything derived from the first three sources. Therefore, when using an Islamic ethical framework for pro-poor tourism that is based in Sharia principles, it becomes necessary to discuss required behaviour as dictated in the Qur’an and the Sunnah.

At their core, pro-poor activities require, at minimum, a desire to better the existence of humankind. In Islam, the Qur’an has several passages that directly stress this aspect. For example, Surah An-Nahl verse 90 states ‘indeed, Allah orders justice and good conduct and giving to relatives and forbids immorality and bad conduct and oppression. He admonishes you that perhaps you will be reminded.’ This passage charges all Muslims to kindness and fair actions, a sentiment echoed in Surah Al-Ma’un. Verses 6 and 7 are particularly noteworthy as non-believers are demarcated as ‘those who make show [of their deeds] and withhold [simple] assistance.’ The importance of kindness is further stressed in Surah An-Nisa verse 36 which entreats followers to

Worship Allah and associate nothing with Him, and to parents do good, and to relatives, orphans, the needy, the near neighbour, the neighbour farther away, the companion at your side, the traveller, and those whom your right hands possess. Indeed, Allah does not like those who are self-deluding and boastful.

These verses emphasise the importance of fairness and justice as Sharia principles that lend themselves to the successful application of pro-poor tourism.

In addition to the themes of justice and kindness, special attention should be paid to the stress on the needy in Surah An-Nisa verse 36, highlighting the importance of charity. As one of the five pillars of Islam, charity is a very important theme within Islamic teaching. More specifically, this form of charity, referred to as zakat, is the third pillar and is defined as mandatory charity required of all Muslims for whom payment does not cause hardship. Zakat is stressed throughout the Qur’an, for examples see Surah Al-Mu’minun verse 4, Surah An-Naml verse 3, Surah Ar-Rum verses 38–40, and Surah Fussilat verse 7. According to Surah At-Tawbah verse 60

Zakat expenditures are only for the poor and for the needy and for those employed to collect [zakat] and for bringing hearts together [for Islam] and for freeing captives [or slaves] and for those in debt and for the cause of Allah and for the [stranded] traveller—an obligation [imposed] by Allah. And Allah is Knowing and Wise.

Therefore, there is again a specific emphasis on the charge to assist those who are suffering in poverty. This is further stressed in Surah Ad-Duhaa verses 9 and 10 wherein Muslims are admonished to not oppress orphans or reject beggars. While there are many other verses which discuss zakat in the Qur’an, based on these examples, charity can be said to be extremely important in Islam, and thus tourism and activities designed to alleviate poverty would be strongly in line with an Islamic framework.

It should be noted that the Qur’an differentiates between obligatory (zakat) and voluntary charity (sadaqah). According to Surah At-Tawbah verse 103, sadaqah is considered a method of purification. However, this charity is better when done quietly as can be seen in Surah Al-Baqarah verse 271, which states

If you disclose your charitable expenditures, they are good; but if you conceal them and give them to the poor, it is better for you, and He will remove from you some of your misdeeds [thereby]. And Allah, with what you do, is [fully] Acquainted.

The importance of humbleness in giving is further underscored in Surah An-Nisa verse 114 which is as follows

No good is there in much of their private conversation, except for those who enjoin charity or that which is right or conciliation between people. And whoever does that seeking means to the approval of Allah—then We are going to give him a great reward.

Therefore, those who give sadaqah modestly are furthering the Islamic goals of justice and kindness towards humanity. According to Sunnah Jami at-Tirmidhi, the Prophet said that

Your smiling in the face of your brother is charity, commanding good and forbidding evil is charity, your giving directions to a man lost in the land is charity for you. Your seeing for a man with bad sight is a charity for you, your removal of a rock, a thorn or a bone from the road is charity for you. Your pouring what remains from your bucket into the bucket of your brother is charity for you.

Sadaqah, then, is essential when discussing the Islamic underpinnings of a pro-poor framework particularly as sadaqah can consist of not just financial charity but also general good deeds.

While charitable acts, as defined in Islam, are essential to the motivation and establishment of pro-poor activities, the endeavour cannot be successful or sustainable without the active involvement of the local population. Surah Al-Baqarah verse 273 states

[Charity is] for the poor who have been restricted for the cause of Allah, unable to move about in the land. An ignorant [person] would think them self-sufficient because of their restraint, but you will know them by their [characteristic] sign. They do not ask people persistently [or at all]. And whatever you spend of good—indeed, Allah is Knowing of it.

Thus, while charity is designated for those suffering in poverty, there is also an admonition for the poor discouraging begging. This sentiment is echoed in the Sunnah. For example, in Sunan an-Nasa’i, the Prophet noted that

The poor man is not the one who leaves if you give him a date or two, or a morsel or two. Rather the poor man is the one who refrains from asking. Recite if you wish: “They do not beg of people at all.”

Therefore, charity may be given but should not be requested. What then is the best method by which to raise an individual out of poverty?

The Qur’an stresses the importance of hard work, as can be seen in Surah An-Najm verse 39 which states ‘and that there is not for man except that [good] for which he strives.’ Therefore, the poor are expected to work hard to raise themselves from poverty. In Sunan Ibn Majah, this sentiment is articulated by the Prophet:

If one of you were to take his rope (or ropes) and go to the mountains, and bring a bundle of firewood on his back to sell, and thus become independent of means, that would be better for him than begging from people who may either give him something or not give him anything.

This underscoring of the significance of striving for self-sufficiency in combination with the caution against begging creates a system wherein the most helpful charity would be that which assists the poor in bettering their own circumstances.

Truong, Slabbert and Nguyen (2016: 113) note that ‘[pro-poor tourism] needs to be underpinned by a philosophy that emphasises participation, representation, and equity.’ An Islamic framework, then, is ideal due to the importance of justice, self-sufficiency, and hard work within Sharia principles. Additionally, Truong et al. (2016: 113–114) indicated that ‘financial support is essential to ensuring that poor people can participate meaningfully in tourism-related activities.’ While this interpretation refers to the monetary aspect of support, Chok et al. (2007: 155) stress that ‘successful PPT [pro-poor tourism] relies, to a large extent, on the altruism of non-poor tourism stakeholders to drive the industry towards increasing benefits and reducing costs for the poor.’ This aligns with the concept of charity within Islam, notably the significance given to the assistance, monetary and otherwise, provided as a method by which to ameliorate the living standards of the poor. Therefore, based on the previous discussion, it is evident that an Islamic framework aligns well with the identified goals and requirements of pro-poor tourism, thus providing an ethical underpinning to the concept.

Nizamuddin Urban Renewal Initiative

In order to illustrate the appropriateness of fit of an Islamic ethical framework for pro-poor tourism activities, a suitable project needed to be selected which not only involved a pro-poor focus on heritage tourism but also was governed by Sharia principles. To this end, the Aga Khan Trust for Culture, a wing of the Aga Khan Development Network (AKDN), was the most logical source from which to select a project. The AKDN was formed by his highness the Aga Khan, the 49th hereditary Imam of the Shia Imami Ismaili Muslims, to ‘realise the social conscience of Islam through institutional action’ (Institute of Ismaili Studies 2000: 1). While the AKDN as a whole is centred around the improvement of humanity in general (Institute of Ismaili Studies 2000; Karim 2014), ‘the Aga Khan Trust for Culture’s programs address quality of life issues through social, economic, and cultural development primarily in Muslim societies’ (Karim 2014: 146). However, while many of the projects run by the AKDN, and by extension, the Aga Khan Trust for Culture (AKTC) are based in Muslim-majority countries, the selected project, the Nizamuddin Urban Renewal Initiative in New Delhi, India, was purposely chosen based on its location in a non-Muslim majority country. This project was selected in order to best demonstrate the functional use of an Islamic ethical framework for pro-poor tourism independent of underlying socio-cultural practices and/or the ethical base of national law.

The Nizamuddin Urban Renewal Initiative came into being in 2007 following the signing of a memorandum of understanding between the AKTC, the Aga Khan Foundation, the Archaeological Survey of India, the Central Public Works Department, and the Municipal Corporation of Delhi (National Institute of Urban Affairs 2015). The Nizamuddin Urban Renewal project was developed ‘following the successful restoration of the Humayun’s Tomb gardens in 2004’ by the AKTC (AKDN 2016d). This came about as, according to the AKTC (2014: 2),

many of the monuments within the World Heritage Site and its setting were in a poor state of preservation. The open space comprising of Sundar Nursery and neighbourhood parks were in a state of neglect and the historic neighbourhood of Nizamuddin was counted amongst many of the ‘slums’ of Delhi that had outgrown available resources; its living culture and historic past struggling for space, sanitation and opportunity.

In order to address these issues, the AKTC developed a holistic, integrated project system, which has three identified areas of focus: Humayun’s Tomb complex, Hazrat Nizamuddin Basti, and Sundar Nursery.

The Humayun’s Tomb complex is a UNESCO World Heritage Site, added to the list in 1993. According to UNESCO (2017), the tomb stands in an extremely significant archaeological setting, centred at the Shrine of the fourteenth-century Sufi Saint, Hazrat Nizamuddin Auliya. Since it is considered auspicious to be buried near a saint’s grave, seven centuries of tomb building led to the area becoming the densest ensemble of medieval Islamic buildings in India.

Both Sundar Nursery and Hazrat Nizamuddin Basti border the World Heritage Site. Sundar Nursery is a large green space that contains additional Mughal-era garden tombs, which are contemporary to Humayun’s Tomb, while the nursery itself was developed by the British during the colonial period. The existence of the garden tombs in this area led to the extension of the World Heritage Site’s boundaries in 2016 to include much of Sundar Nursery (Archaeological Survey of India 2016).

In comparison to these two areas, Hazrat Nizamuddin Basti is ‘one of the city’s densest settlements where three- to four-storey modern buildings stand alongside medieval monuments’ (Jodidio 2011: 173). It is also ‘one of Delhi’s oldest settlements with the shrine (Dargah) of the Sufi saint, Hazrat Nizamuddin Auliya, who lived [there] in the early 14th century, and after whom the settlement is named’ (National Institute of Urban Affairs 2015). According to research undertaken by the AKTC (AKDN 2009) at the start of the project, only 41 per cent of the Basti’s population was actively involved in the workforce with 54 per cent of family units being supported by a single wage earner. Women had very low levels of employment based on a 2008 survey, with a mere 9 per cent having their own income (AKDN 2015). Additionally, ‘livelihood opportunities in the Basti were found to be limited in scope and capacity with incomes mostly seasonal and dependent on tourists and pilgrims. Skill deficits were another cause for unemployment in younger residents’ (AKDN 2010: 45). This skill deficit was due to the fact that ‘less than 1 per cent of the youth had access to vocational education’ (AKDN 2015: 124). Overall, it can be seen that this segment of the project area was particularly depressed with, prior to the start of the project, little hope of improvement.

As has been noted, the project is holistic in nature spanning heritage monument conservation, community health interventions, and infrastructure improvements, to name a few. Zhao and Richie (2007: 121) noted that ‘due to the multidimensional nature of poverty, understanding any poverty-related issue is always a challenge as a wide range of interwoven factors, such as economic, sociopolitical and cultural forces, need to be taken into account.’ Therefore, the broad-reaching purview of the overall project is unsurprising. However, as the scope of this chapter is specifically on pro-poor tourism and heritage, only the elements of the project that are directly connected to these two elements will be discussed. In order to present the planning process and project-assessed impacts, the findings are derived primarily from the annual project reports beginning at the start of the project, 2008, and ending with the most recent accessible report for the year 2015.

Findings and discussion

The Nizamuddin Urban Renewal Initiative falls under the AKTC’s Historic Cities Programme whose end goal ‘is to create self-sustaining assets that improve the quality of life for the residents of historic quarters’ (AKDN 2016c: 3). The projects within this programme focus on a cultural heritage-led urban regeneration with a community focus, referred to as urban rehabilitation (Rashti 2011). According to the literature, in order for a pro-poor tourism project to be successful not only does the local community have to be heavily involved in the planning and implementation process (Truong et al. 2014) but the non-poor stakeholders must also be willing to actively engage (Chok et al. 2007). Additionally, as many pro-poor activities need structural changes (Zhao & Ritchie 2007), political will also plays a role in the planning and implementation process. In order to address the issues, the memorandum of understanding created a public–private partnership, and, to achieve their goals, the AKTC interacts with a myriad of stakeholders (AKTC 2014), including:

By engaging these various stakeholders, the project has been able to enact change, which has had a broad-reaching impact on the whole of the project area. Additionally, due to the continuous community engagement, ‘many of the facilities that have been created are effectively managed by the residents themselves’ (National Institute of Urban Affairs 2015: 53). Therefore, not only has the community been significantly involved with the whole of the project process, but they also have been made self-sufficient, aligning with the goals of Islamic charitable giving and work ethic.

As two of the three project focus areas are heritage areas, it is unsurprising that there is a strong heritage-focus within the overall project goals. However, these have not been developed externally from the rest of the programme, nor could they be ignored when focusing on heritage tourism. Restoration of Humayun’s Tomb and surrounding monuments was a major element of the initial project, with the final work on Humayun’s Tomb completed in September 2013 (AKDN 2016b). For example, according to the 2008 Project Report (AKDN 2008), the restoration of tiles on Humayun’s Tomb was identified as a necessary part of the conservation process as well as potential income-generator for the local population in Nizamuddin Basti. This resulted in the training of ten youths in traditional Mughal glazed tile making, a skill that had previously been lost in India (AKDN 2013). It has also been suggested that these skills, post-completion, may be used to create tiles specifically for the tourism market (AKDN 2009). In addition to tile making, a six-month long training programme around sandstone craftsmanship was developed for the local youth ‘to ensure the availability of high quality of craftsmanship and generate employment opportunities’ (AKDN 2008: 100). While these are only two examples, they represent one of the aspects that Schilcher (2007) identified as essential for a successful pro-poor project, namely the development of skills within the impoverished population, in this case via technical training. In relation to Islamic principles, this closely relates to the concept of charity, in this case free skill training, in concert with enabling the poor to better their own living situations.

This training was expressly directed at the male youth of the area, but there was also an emphasis placed upon the improvement of women’s lives, particularly due to their extremely low employment rate of 9 per cent, as previously noted. Two self-help groups were developed in order to address this issue, focusing specifically on the female youth population: Insha in 2008 and Noor in 2009 (AKDN 2009). Insha produces and markets mainly fabric-based products, specifically embroidery (aari and zardozi), crochet, and garment construction (AKDN 2014, 2015). The success of this initiative led to the development of an Insha Crafts Centre, which has approximately 65 regular workers with around 200 in total having been trained (AKDN 2015). Noor instead develops paper products using a traditional paper-cutting technique referred to as sanjhi. According to the 2010 Project Report (AKDN 2010), this paper-cutting technique is used as a method through which to connect the local population with the monuments around them. This is done by using patterns from the buildings as the basis for those in the paper-cutting products. While the products developed by both of these groups are sold in various outlets, they directly sell their own merchandise at a stand located on the grounds near Humayun’s Tomb. Based on the data collected in 2015, ‘the turnover of the kiosk for the year … was INR. 1,263,575’ (AKDN 2015: 142). Because of these interventions, ‘family incomes have gone up for 250 families … in an average increase of INR 11,500 per month’ (AKDN 2015: 143). This furthers the Islamic principle of the poor man, or woman in this case, raising themselves out of poverty.

Additional exposure for the products produced by Insha-e-Noor, as well as the male-specific traditional skills (i.e. tile making), was developed through the creation of an annual event, the Apni Basti Mela, first held in 2010 (AKDN 2010). According to the 2015 Annual Project Report (AKDN 2015: 79), ‘the Mela helps to instil a sense of pride in the community and generate beneficial cultural and economic opportunities. It also allows many first time visitors to the Basti to recognise the significant heritage value [there].’ In 2012, the third year in which it was held, there were an estimated 10,000 to 15,000 visitors over the three-day period (AKDN 2012). While this number includes repeat visitors, the Mela’s impact can be considered significant when considering that this event accounted for more than 15,000 visits to the Basti in 2015 (AKDN 2015). Therefore, there is a growing level of interest in the event each year. This, then, becomes a promotional tool from which to springboard additional income-generating activities, notably those that specifically focus on tourism. This is notable given the importance of guided walks during the Mela by Sair e Nizamuddin, which will be discussed in the following paragraphs.

While all of the previous income-generating interventions are aspects of heritage tourism projects, none are directly focused on tourism activities, with the noted exception of the Apni Basti Mela. However, tourism is an important aspect of AKTC projects. His Highness the Aga Khan (2011: 9) states that ‘one way that revitalised areas can become economically self-sustained is, of course, through the development of tourism.’ Furthermore, tourism is not a new income generator for residents of the Basti, as previously indicated, and, in fact, it is stressed that ‘people’s livelihoods are heavily dependent on pilgrims/visitors to the Basti’ (AKDN 2009: 23). While most of the previous tourist flows could be tied to seasonal pilgrimages, the AKTC project’s emphasis is on leveraging cultural assets for the community’s benefit (AKTC 2014). Therefore, prior to the commencement of any tourism activities, both the tangible and intangible heritage assets were mapped by youth from Nizamuddin Basti who ‘were trained to carry out the inventory based largely on interviews and archival research’ (AKDN 2008: 34). This inventory had several suggested uses apart from conservation efforts, including the creation of a guidebook for the Basti (AKDN 2010). As of 2014, there has been a proposal to create tourist markers within the Basti in order to assist visitors to the area (AKDN 2014). However, the most significant outcome of the mapping process, in terms of pro-poor tourism, was the development of an alternative income generator for Basti residents through the development of a heritage tour guide initiative.

This initiative, which would become known as Sair e Nizamuddin, was developed in 2008 when it was determined that a tourist guide training programme was necessary in order to allow local youth to benefit economically from the potential growth in tourist visitation to Humayun’s Tomb (AKDN 2008). While the heritage tours initially focused on only the Basti (AKDN 2010), they have since expanded to also include visits to Humayun’s Tomb (AKDN 2015). When the tour guide training was first offered in 2008, 25 potential candidates were shortlisted with 10 eventually selected for the training (AKDN 2008). This number grew to 15 members in 2011 who conducted walks with more than 450 visitors and over 1,000 students (AKDN 2011). Based on the most recent project report, Sair e Nizamuddin led heritage walks for 552 visitors and 2,197 students in 2015 (AKDN 2015). This self-help group has also actively engaged in partnerships with private organisations, with several tour companies placing the Basti tours within their Delhi Itineraries (AKDN 2015). Additionally, as of 2015, Sair e Nizamuddin and India City Walks have an official memorandum of understanding wherein India City Walks endorse the group’s walks in the Basti, and additional connections have been made with local hotels in order to add the walks to guest itineraries (AKDN 2015). Similar to the other livelihood generating activities, the young tour guides have not only been provided with the education necessary to sustain their activities but have also been allowed a path through which to improve their own circumstances through hard work.

Conclusion

This chapter has illustrated the appropriateness of fit of an Islamic ethical framework, based on Sharia principles, for pro-poor tourism. The AKTC has provided the financial support for the project allowing for local participation without monetary constraint, which Truong et al. (2016) and Chok et al. (2007) highlight is essential for successful pro-pour tourism endeavours. However, it is the Islamic elements that strengthen this expansive project. As has been discussed, one of the main goals of the whole programme has been the betterment of the lives of those in Hazrat Nizamuddin Basti. As Islam stresses self-sufficiency and hard work, the individual livelihood projects have striven to ensure that those involved have the skills necessary to not only continue their own work but also to self-manage it in the future. Through the inclusion of the input of multiple stakeholders and a justice-based approach to development, the Nizamuddin Urban Renewal Initiative has shown that Islam can be a suitable ethical framework for pro-poor tourism that emphasises participation, representation, and equity (Truong et al. 2016).

It should be noted that while this chapter has presented several aspects of the Nizamuddin Urban Renewal Initiative, there are many more that have not been discussed which are all integrated into the broader heritage and development initiatives. Additionally, the data have all been derived from the programme’s project reports, and primary data collection in the form of interviews, particularly with the local community, may have provided different results. Furthermore, this project is supported by the AKDN, which has an estimated annual budget of 925,000,000 USD (AKDN 2016a). Therefore, it is unclear if this would be feasible on a smaller scale with a less substantial budget. In order to better assess the suitability of an Islamic framework to pro-poor tourism as well as general development activities, smaller scale projects would need to be studied. Finally, it would be of interest to analyse other religiously motivated development projects in order to understand how their ethical frameworks underpin pro-poor tourism and development projects.

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