Agathias II, 27, 1–5: It is said that Artaxares’ (i.e. Ardashir’s) mother was married to a certain Pabak, who was quite obscure, a leather worker by trade, but very learned in astrology and easily able to discern the future. 2. It so happened that a soldier called Sasanus, who was travelling through the land of the Cadusaei,1 was given hospitality by Pabak and lodged in his house. 3. The latter recognized somehow, in his capacity as a seer, I presume, that the offspring of his guest would be splendid and famous and would reach great good fortune. He was disappointed and upset that he had no daughter or sister or any other close relative. But finally he yielded his own wife to him and gave up his marriage bed, nobly enduring the shame and preferring the future good fortune to the present disgrace and dishonour. 4. And so Artaxares was born, and was reared by Pabak. But when he grew up and boldly seized the throne, a bitter quarrel and dispute immediately broke out between Sasanus and Pabak. Each of them wanted him to be called his son. 5. Finally, and with difficulty, they agreed that he should be called the son of Pabak, though born from the seed of Sasanus. This is the genealogy of Artaxares given by the Persians, and they say it is true since it is actually recorded in the Royal Archives.2
(Cameron 1969/70: pp. 87–8.)
Syncellus pp. 440, 11–441, 2 (pp. 677, 11–678, 7 CSHB): Alexander, the son of Mamaea (i.e. Alexander Severus), was emperor when Artabanus the Parthian was the king of Persia. After Artabanus, the family of Chosroes (i.e. the Sassanians) began to rule. It began as follows: Artaxerxes (i.e. Ardashir), an unknown and undistinguished Persian, gathered a body of irregular troops, destroyed Artabanus and assumed the crown. And he once more restored the Kingship to the Persians. He was a Magian and through him the Magians have become prestigious in Persia. They say that the mother of Artaxerxes (i.e. Ardashir) lived with a man called Pambecus, who was a shoe-maker by profession, but an astrologer and in this respect versed in the dark arts or stuff and nonsense. And a soldier by the name of Sananus (sic.) was marching through the land of the Cadusaei and was entertained in the house of Pambecus, and Pambecus had ‘foreknowledge’, we suppose, through his astrology, that the offspring of Sananus would be raised to a high level of good fortune. But not having a daughter or a sister or any female relative, he shut in his own wife with Sananus, and she conceived and brought forth Artaxerxes. Chosroes’ family, therefore, was descended from this Artaxerxes, also called Artaxares.
(Dodgeon)
al-Tabari, pp. 813–15 (Nöldeke, pp. 2–5): see Appendix 1, pp. 275–6.
Dio Cassius (Reliq.) LXXX, 3, 1–2: Many uprisings were made by many persons, some of which caused serious alarm, but they were all checked. But affairs in Mesopotamia were still more terrifying, and provoked in the hearts of all, not merely the men of Rome but the rest of mankind, a fear that had a truer foundation. 2. Artaxerxes (i.e. Ardashir), a Persian, having conquered the Parthians in three battles3 and killed their king Artabanus….4
(Foster, vi, p. 108)
Herodian VI, 2, 6–7: He (i.e. Ardashir) was the first Persian to dare to launch an attack on the kingdom of the Parthians and the first to succeed to recover the kingdom for the Persians. Indeed, after Darius had been deprived of his kingdom by Alexander of Macedon, the Macedonians and Alexander’s successors divided up the territory by countries and ruled the nations of the East and all Asia for many years. 7. When these governors quarrelled and the power of the Macedonians was weakened by continual wars, they say that Arsaces, a Parthian by race, was the first to persuade the barbarians in those regions to revolt from the Macedonians. Invested with the crown with the consent of the Parthians and the neighbouring barbarians, Arsaces ruled as king. For a long time the empire remained in his own family, down to Artabanus in our time; then Artaxerxes killed Artabanus and took possession of his kingdom for the Persians. After easily subduing the neighbouring barbarian nations, the king began to plot against the Roman Empire.
(Echols, 1961: pp. 155–7, revised)
Agathangelos, History of the Armenians, 3–9 (Gk version), ed. Lafontaine, pp.:5 I shall begin at that point at which the Parthians started to collapse. Artabanus, the son of Valarses, being of Parthian origin, had experience of the teaching of the Chaldaeans. He understood how to measure the course of the stars and their turning points and was educated in divination. While he was sleeping with his wife in his tent, he looked out at the stars on view and made a discovery and he said to the queen, ‘I observed the course of a star and I have inferred today the following, that if someone wished to rebel against his own master and to make war upon him, on the present occasion he would win and his master be defeated.’ And after saying this he turned back to sleep. Following the usual custom, one of the queen’s servant girls was sleeping in the same tent and fulfilled the duties that were ordered by her mistress. She was the daughter of high officials and was a close friend of one of the magnates, who was called Artasiras and whose native country was Assyria. She was in love with him and, after hearing the king’s words, she slipped out past the king and queen; she ran to Artasiras (i.e. Ardashir), son of Sasanus, which is the origin of the Sassanian name of the Persian kings descended from him.
4. Therefore she entered his tent (for she could not be prevented by the servants; for the affection of the pair was well understood) and spoke as follows: ‘Dear Artasiras, let sleep depart from your eyelids. Start now upon the design which you have had for a long time. Be confident when you look upon the king’s prophecy. Now is the time for your suit of armour, now there is need for the advice of the wisest men, now you must gather an army for battle. For the king has seen the course of the stars and said: “Now a slave working against his master gains the victory upon the present occasion.” But here, you go upon your design and give me your assurance and upon oath give guarantee of my proposition—that when you have gained the throne of Persia you do not place me outside your bed and authorise me as the partner of your dignity. For this is what you always said to me in your professions when you began the same design.’ These were the words of Artaducta. Artasiras admitted his deep gratitude and, holding the woman’s hand in his own right hand, he stretched (their arms) up to heaven and said the following: ‘Behold, divine power, sun and fire, air and earth, how today I take counsel with the nobility of Persia and rebel from the King and that presently in my household I shall make you mistress of all.’
5. Upon hearing this, Artaducta said, ‘I shall go now to the King’s tent. For I must today continue my service of the preceding days. For though we have the status of being free, since we are born of high nobles, nevertheless we must serve the royal needs.’ Saying this she proceeded to the King’s tent and without being noticed slipped into bed and lay down. Artasiras arose and gathered the magnates of the Persians and Assyrians6 with whom he took counsel on other days too. Standing in their midst, he said, ‘Noblest of the Persians and Assyrians, we know of the boastfulness of the Parthians from a long time ago, as they snatch the produce of other peoples’ labours. They take pride in their injustice; they do not cease killing pointlessly; the Parthians loathe the Persians and Assyrians; they stole upon us from a barbarian land. So what will you say? If my words are untrue, let him remain as your unjust king. But if I have not spoken untruthfully, let us start out for battle. For it is better to die than to be slaves of an unjust master.’ These were the words of Artasiras.
6. The Persian nobles welcomed what was said; for they prayed to be freed from the Parthians and that the king of Persia should belong to their own race. And they said to Artasiras: ‘We have you as our leader in words and deeds, and hold onto the experience of your good judgment and understand that in your person the state is based upon virtue. So take the lead and do whatever you wish while we follow your words to do what is in the interest of both our parties.’ When therefore it was daytime and the Persians with their leader Artasiras looked to war, they first sent to King Artabanus the ambassadors Zecas (i.e. Zik)7 and Carinas (i.e. Karen), the most important clan leaders and generals, who departed and stood before the king of kings. The following was the introduction to their address: ‘We are the envoys of the Persians, and if you are possessed of a most calm attitude for receiving the words of the Persians, we shall speak like ambassadors to announce our lengthy message, being outside fear and danger— and the law established by the nobles of old urges this practice when they kept unharmed visiting envoys. If therefore you agree, o king, we shall speak.’ And Artabanus granted them leave to speak as they wished.
7. Then they began their speech as follows: ‘Your Majesty, among us the Persians it is customary practice to obey kings, inasmuch as the king is master of all; whereas the king himself governs the state with one observance of the law and in justice, conducts the government without barbarian arrogance, appears frightening to his adversaries and kindly to his subjects. For how can he hinder those who are unjust if he himself starts the injustice? How does he punish the perpetrators of dreadful deeds if he himself is quick to trespass? We have experience of your dread deeds and have withdrawn ourselves from your kingdom, not because we hate to obey but in avoidance of a lawless king, not becoming despots but because we do not tolerate a despotic attitude.’ These were the words of the Persians. King Artabanus inclined his head for very many hours and looked at the floor. He foresaw the coming fall of his kingdom and facing the envoys he said, ‘I am the author of this outrage, having honoured some with offices and positions of authority, and by royal gifts establishing many as owners of fields and property. But you proceed to what you have resolved upon; you will see that I am reformed to your viewpoint. I shall teach you not to stand against your king. But you envoys go forth and no longer be the authors of such words, lest somehow I make you the first examples for insulting me.’
8. When they heard this, Zecas and Carinas proceeded to the council of the Persians and on their arrival they made a full report to Artasiras and the remaining Persian nobles. They added to what was said the madness of the king since he was no longer awaiting a second embassy but was arming against the leaders of the council. Artasiras sent to Artaducta and bore her away and put her with his own property in a very strong fortress, and himself armed with the Persians and Assyrians against Artabanus the King of Kings. When he saw the preparation against him, Artabanus himself also armed with his Parthians. He had a large number of Persians who were not confederates of the council of their fellow countrymen. When the Persians and Parthians warred upon each other in their first clash, very many from each side fell. But Artasiras gained the upper hand, when very many others deserted Artabanus and joined him. When they charged at each other in the second battle, they destroyed a very large number of the Parthians and King Artabanus quickly turned to flight. He once more prepared for war. And so for twelve months they rode against each other, at one moment making war and then taking a rest; finally they looked once more to battle and came to the place of conflict.
9. (Fragmentary) But remember your words when you spoke to the queen, after you saw the course of the stars. We heard (them) on that day…We set forth on the understanding…the victory was mine and the destruction (would be) yours.
(Fragmentary) King Artabanus himself said to Artasiras ‘I cannot while still alive…be deprived of my kingdom nor serve you.
(Fragmentary) He charged at the Persians…and casting his spear at Artasiras. When he admitted this, he governed with her over the remaining Parthians, Persians and Assyrians. All his actions were reasonable and he rejoiced in respect for the law and most just government. For he was eager to earn praise since he had unexpectedly mounted the throne of Persia. These events were reported to Chosroes the Arsacid ruler of Great Armenia, that Artasiras the son of Sasanus had gained the throne of Persia and had destroyed Artabanus his brother. There was an additional report that the Parthians preferred the kingship of Artasiras to that of their own countryman.
(Dodgeon)
Agathias IV, 24, 1: But my narrative, by a natural progression, has come back to Artaxares. It is time to fulfil the promise I made earlier, to record the kings who came after him. As for Artaxares himself, I have already told in detail his origins and how he assumed the throne. I will add only this about him—that Artaxares seized the throne of Persia 538 years after Alexander the Great of Macedon, in the fourth year of the other Alexander, the son of Mamaea (i.e. 226), in the way that I have already recorded, and held it for fifteen years less two months.
(Cameron, p. 121)
George of Pisidia,8 Heraclias II, 173–7, p. , ed. Pertusi: For they say that Artaser (i.e. Ardashir), being a slave by station, with his despotic and arrogant sword removed the Parthians from their former (share of) power to the captive throne which he had seized and is now enthroning Persia again in evil.
(Lieu and C.J.Morgan)
al-Tabari, pp. 816–18 (Nöldeke, pp. 7–14): see Appendix 1, pp. .
Zonaras XII, 15, p. 572, 7–17 (iii, p. 121, 3–16, Dindorf): Artaxerxes (i.e. Ardashir) however the Persian, who was from an unknown and obscure background, transferred the kingdom of the Parthians to the Persians and ruled over them. From him Chosroes is said to trace his descent. For after the death of Alexander the Macedonian, his Macedonian successors ruled over Persians and Parthians and the other nations for a long time, but in going against one another they destroyed each other’s power. After they had thus become weakened, Arsacides the Parthian was the first to attempt rebellion from them and he gained control over the Parthians; and he left his dominion to his own descendants. Artabanus was the last of these. The afore-mentioned Artaxerxes defeated him in three battles and captured and killed him.
(Dodgeon)
Dio Cassius (Reliq.) LXXX, 3, 2: (After killing Artabanus, Artaxerxes) made a campaign against Hatra which he endeavoured to take as a base for attacking the Romans. He did make a breach in the wall but he lost a number of soldiers through an ambuscade; he transferred his position to Media.9
(Foster vi, pp. 108–9)
Dio Cassius (Reliq.) LXXX, 3, 3: Of this district (Media), as also of Parthia, he acquired no small portion, partly by force and partly by intimidation, and then marched against Armenia. Here he suffered a reverse at the hands of the natives, some Medes and the children of Medes, and the children of Artabanus, and either fled (as some say) or (as others assert) retired to prepare a larger expedition.
(Foster, vi, p. 109)
Agathangelos, History of the Armenians I, 18–23 (Thomson 1976: 35–43): see Appendix 2, pp..
Moses Khorenats’i, Hist. Arm. II, 71–3 (Thomson pp. 218–20): see Appendix 2, pp.. Zonaras XII, 15, p. 572, 18–19 (iii, p. 121, 16–19, Dindorf): Then when he marched against Armenia, he was defeated by the Armenians and Medes who were joined in an attack upon him by the sons of Artabanus.
(Dodgeon)
Dio Cassius, (Reliq.) LXXX, 4, 1–2: He accordingly became a source of fear to us; for he was encamped with a large army over against not Mesopotamia only but Syria also and boasted that he would win back everything that the ancient Persians had once held as far as the Grecian Sea. It was, he said, his rightful inheritance from his forefathers. He was of no particular account himself, but our military affairs are in such a condition that some joined his cause and others refused to defend themselves. 2. The troops are so distinguished by wantonness, and arrogance, and freedom from reproof, that those in Mesopotamia dared to kill their commander, Flavius Heracleo….
(Foster vi, p. 109)
Herodian VI, 2, 1–2: And so for thirteen years he (i.e. Alexander Severus) ruled the empire in blameless fashion as far as he personally was concerned. In the tenth (MS: fourteenth)11 year (AD 222), however, unexpected dispatches from the governors of Syria and Mesopotamia revealed that Artaxerxes (i.e. Ardashir), the King of the Persians, had conquered the Parthians and broken up their Eastern kingdom, killing Artabanus who was formerly called the Great King and wore the double diadem. Artaxerxes then subdued all the barbarians on his borders and forced them to pay tribute. He did not remain quiet, however, or stay on his side of the Tigris River, but, after crossing its banks which were the borders of the Roman empire, he overran Mesopotamia and threatened Syria. 2. The mainland facing Europe, separated from it by the Aegean Sea and the Propontic Gulf, and the region called Asia he wished to recover for the Persian empire. Believing these regions to be his by inheritance, he declared that all the countries in that area, including Ionia and Caria, had been ruled by Persian governors, from the rule of Cyrus, who first made the Median empire Persian, and ending with Darius, the last of the Persian monarchs, whose kingdom Alexander the Macedonian had destroyed. He asserted that it was therefore proper for him to recover for the Persians the kingdom which they formerly possessed.12
(Echols, p. 156, revised)
Zonaras XII, 15, p. 572, 20–2 (iii, p. 121, 19–22, Dindorf): But he (i.e. Ardashir) once more recovered (i.e. from his failure in Armenia) and, with a greater force, occupied Mesopotamia and Syria and threatened to recover all the lands that belonged to the Persians, as it were, from their ancestors.
(Dodgeon)
Herodian VI, 2, 3–4: When the Eastern governors revealed these developments in their dispatches, Alexander was greatly disturbed by these unanticipated tidings, particularly since, raised from childhood in an age of peace, he had spent his entire life in urban ease and comfort. Before doing anything else, he thought it best, after consulting his advisers, to send an embassy to the king and by his letters halt the invasion and check his expectations. 4. In these letters he told Artaxerxes that he must remain within his own borders and not initiate any action; let him not, deluded by vain hopes, stir up a great war, but rather let each of them be content with what already was his. Artaxerxes would find fighting against the Romans not the same thing as fighting with his barbarian kinsmen and neighbours. Alexander further reminded the Persian king of the victories won over them by Augustus, Trajan, Verus, and Severus. By writing letters of this kind, Alexander thought that he would persuade the barbarian to remain quiet or frighten him to the same course.
(Echols, pp. 156–7, revised)
Herodian VI, 2, 5–6: But Artaxerxes (i.e. Ardashir) ignored Alexander’s written messages; believing that the matter would be settled by arms, not by words, he took the field, pillaging and looting all the Roman provinces. He overran and plundered Mesopotamia with both infantry and cavalry. He laid siege to the Roman garrison camps on the banks of the rivers, the camps which defended the empire. Rash by nature and elated by successes beyond his expectations, Artaxerxes was convinced that he could surmount every obstacle in his path. 6. The considerations which led him to wish for an expanded empire were not small.
(Echols, p. 157, revised)
Zonaras XII, 15, pp. 572, 22–573, 2 (iii, p. 121, 22–4, Dindorf): Then this Artaxerxes and the Persians overran Cappadocia and put Nisibis under siege.
Herodian, VI, 3, 1–4, 3: When the bold actions of this Eastern barbarian were disclosed to Alexander while he was passing the time in Rome, he found these affronts unendurable. Though the undertaking distressed him and was contrary to his inclinations, since his governors there were calling for him, he made preparations for departure. He assembled for army service picked men from Italy and from all the Roman provinces, enrolling those whose age and physical condition qualified them for military service. 2. The gathering of an army equal in size to the reported strength of the attacking barbarians caused the greatest upheaval throughout the Roman world. When these troops were gathered in Rome, Alexander ordered them to assemble on the usual plain. There he mounted a platform and addressed them as follows: 3. ‘I wished, fellow soldiers, to make the customary speech to you, the speech from which I, speaking to the popular taste, receive approval, and you, when you hear it, receive encouragement.
Since you have now enjoyed many years of peace, you may be startled to hear something unusual or contrary to your anticipations. 4. Brave and intelligent men should pray for things to turn out for the best, but they should also endure whatever befalls. It is true that the enjoyment of things done for pleasure brings gratification, but good repute results from the manliness involved in setting matters straight when necessity demands. To initiate unjust actions is not the way of issuing a fair challenge, but it is a courageous deed to rid oneself of those who are troublesome if it is done with good conscience. Optimism stems not from committing injustice but from preventing injustice from being committed. 5. The Persian Artaxerxes has slain his master Artabanus, and the Parthian empire is now Persian. Despising our arms and contemptuous of the Roman reputation, Artaxerxes is attempting to overrun and destroy our imperial possessions. I first endeavoured by letters and persuasion to check his mad greed and his lust for the property of others. But the king, with barbarian arrogance, is unwilling to remain within his own boundaries, and challenges us to battle. 6. Let us not hesitate to accept his challenge. You veterans remind yourselves of the victories which you often won over the barbarians under the leadership of Severus and my father, Antoninus. You recruits, thirsting for glory and honour, make it clear that you know how to live at peace mildly and with propriety, but make it equally clear that you turn with courage to the tasks of war when necessity demands. 7. The barbarian is bold against the hesitant and the cowardly, but he does not stand up in like fashion to those who fight back; it is not in set-battles that they fight the enemy with hope of success. Rather, they believe that whatever success they win is the result of plundering after a feigned retreat and flight. Discipline and organized battle tactics favour us, together with the fact that we have always learnt to conquer the barbarian.’
4 When Alexander finished speaking, the cheering army promised its wholehearted support for the war. After a lavish distribution of money to the soldiers, the emperor ordered preparations for his departure from the city. He then went before the senate and made a speech similar to the one recorded above; following this, he publicly announced his plans to march out. 2. On the appointed day, after he had performed the sacrifices prescribed for departures, Alexander left Rome, weeping and repeatedly looking back at the city. The senate and all the people escorted him, and everyone wept, for he was held in great affection by the people of Rome, among whom he had been reared and whom he had ruled with moderation for many years.
3. Travelling rapidly, he came to Antioch, after visiting the provinces and the garrison camps in Illyricum; from that region he collected a huge force of troops. On arrival at Antioch he continued his preparations for the war, giving the soldiers military training under field conditions.
(Echols, pp. 157–60, revised)
Herodian, VI, 4, 4–6: He thought it best to send another embassy to the Persian king to discuss the possibility of peace and friendship, hoping to persuade him or to intimidate him by his presence. The barbarian, however, sent the envoys back to the emperor unsuccessful. Then Artaxerxes chose four hundred very tall Persians, outfitted them with fine clothes and gold ornaments, and equipped them with horses and bows; He sent these men to Alexander as envoys, thinking that their appearance would dazzle the Romans.
The envoys said that the great king Artaxerxes ordered the Romans and their emperor to withdraw from all Syria and from that part of Asia opposite Europe; they were to permit the Persians to rule as far as Ionia and Caria and to govern all the nations separated by the Aegean Sea and the Propontic Gulf, inasmuch as these were the Persians’ by right of inheritance. 6. When the Persian envoys delivered these demands, Alexander ordered the entire four hundred to be arrested; stripping off their finery, he sent the group to Phrygia, where villages and farm land were assigned to them, but he gave orders that they were not to be allowed to return to their native country. He treated them in this fashion because he thought it would violate their sanctity and it would be cowardly to put them to death, since they were not fighting but simply carrying out their master’s orders.
(Echols, p. 160, revised)
Zonaras XII, 15, p. 573, 2–14 (iii, pp. 121, 24–122, 7, Dindorf): However Alexander sent envoys to him and requested a peace. But the Persian did not admit the embassy, but he sent to Alexander four hundred grandees, dressing them in expensive clothing and mounting them on horses of the very best and equipping them with splendid arms. He thought that in this way he would overawe the emperor and the Romans. When they arrived and came into Alexander’s sight, they said, ‘The Great King Artaxerxes orders the Romans to retire from Syria and all of Asia opposite Europe, and to make way for the Persians to govern as far as the sea.’ Alexander seized these men and stripped them of their weapons and clothes and took away their horses. He scattered them among a large number of villages and compelled them to till the land. For he judged it impious to kill them.
(Dodgeon)
Herodian VI, 4, 7: This is the way the affair turned out. While Alexander was preparing to cross the Tigris and Euphrates rivers and lead his army into barbarian territory, several mutinies broke out among his troops, especially among the soldiers from Egypt; but revolts occurred also in Syria, where the soldiers attempted to proclaim a new emperor. These defections were quickly discovered and suppressed. At this time Alexander transferred to other stations those field armies which seemed better able to check the barbarian invasions.
(Echols, p. 160)
SHA Severus Alexander 50, 53–4: And so, after showing himself such a great and good emperor at home and abroad, he embarked upon a campaign against the Parthians; and this he conducted with such discipline and amid such respect, that you would have said that senators, not soldiers, were passing that way. 2. Wherever the legions directed their march, the tribunes were orderly, the centurions modest, and the soldiers courteous, and as for Alexander himself, because of these many great acts of consideration, the inhabitants of the provinces looked up to him as a god. 3. And the soldiers too loved their youthful emperor like a brother, or a son, or a father; for they were respectably clad, well shod, even to the point of elegance, excellently armed, and even provided with horses and suitable saddles and bridles, so that all who saw the army of Alexander immediately realized the power of Rome. 4. In short, he made every effort to appear worthy of his name and even to surpass the Macedonian king, and he used to say that there should be a great difference between a Roman and a Macedonian Alexander. 5. Finally, he provided himself with soldiers armed with silver and golden shields, and also a phalanx of thirty thousand men, whom he ordered to be called phalangarii, and with these he won many victories in Persia. This phalanx, as a matter of fact, was formed from six legions, and was armed like the other troops, but after the Persian wars received higher pay….
53 Now, in order to show his strictness, I have thought it right to insert one military harangue, which reveals his methods of dealing with the troops. 2. After his arrival in Antioch the soldiers began to use their leisure in the women’s baths and the other pleasures, but when Alexander learned of it he ordered all who did so to be arrested and thrown into chains. 3. When this was made known, a mutiny was attempted by that legion whose members were put in chains. 4. Thereupon, after bringing all those who had been thrown into chains to the tribunal, he mounted the platform, and, with the soldiers standing about him, and that too in arms, he began as follows: 5. ‘Fellow-soldiers, if, in spite of all, such acts as have been committed by your comrades are to you displeasing, the discipline of our ancestors still governs the state, and if this is weakened, we shall lose both the name and the empire of the Romans. 6. For never shall such things be done in my reign which were but recently done under that filthy monster. 7. Soldiers of Rome, your companions, my comrades and fellow-soldiers, are whoring and drinking and bathing and, indeed, conducting themselves in the manner of the Greeks. Shall I tolerate this longer? Shall I not deliver them over to capital punishment?’ 8. Thereupon an uproar arose. And again he spoke: ‘Will you not silence that shouting, needed indeed against the foe in battle but not against your emperor? 9. Of a certainty, your drill-masters have taught you to use this against Sarmatians, and Germans, and Persians, but not against him who gives you rations presented by the men of the provinces, and who gives you clothing and pay. 10. Therefore cease from this fierce shouting, needed only on the battlefield and in war, lest I discharge you all today with one speech and with a single word, calling you “Citizens”. 11. But I know not whether I should even call you Citizens; for you are not worthy to be members even of the populace of Rome, if you do not observe Rome’s laws.’
54 And when they clamoured still more loudly and even threatened him with their swords, he continued: ‘Put down your hands, which, if you are brave men, you should raise against the foe, for such things do not frighten me. 2. For if you slay me, who am but one man, the state and the senate and the Roman people will not lack someone to take vengeance for me upon you.’ 3. And when they clamoured nonetheless at this, he shouted, ‘Citizens, withdraw, and lay down your arms.’ 4. Then in a most marvellous fashion they laid down their arms and also their military coats, and all withdrew, not to the camp, but to various lodgings. 5. And on that occasion, particularly, it was seen how much could be accomplished by his strictness and discipline. 6. Finally, his attendants and those who stood about his person carried the standards back to the camp, and the populace, gathering up the arms, bore them to the Palace. 7. However, thirty days afterwards, before he set out on the campaign against the Persians, he was prevailed upon to restore the discharged legion to its former status; and it was chiefly through its prowess in the field that he won the victory. Nevertheless, he inflicted capital punishment on his tribunes because it was through their negligence that the soldiers had revelled at Daphne or else with their connivance that the troops had mutinied.
(Magie ii, pp. 279–89)
CISem. II, 3932 (=Inv. III, 22; Greek and Palmyrene): Statue of Julius Zabdilah (Gk: Zenobios who is also (named) Zabdilah), son of Malkho, son of Malkho, son of Nassum, who was strategos of the colony (i.e. Palmyra—the last word is missing in the Gk) at the time of the coming of the divine Emperor Alexander; who assisted Rutilius Crispinus, the general in chief, during his stay here, and when he brought the legions here (Gk: at the time of troubles here) on numerous occasions; who was director of the market and saved large sums of money (Gk: and did not hesitate to spend not inconsiderable sums); who conducted his career so honourably that he received a testimonial from the god Yarhibol, and also from Julius (Priscus), most eminent prefect of the holy praetorium, and who loved his city: it is why the Senate and the People have raised (this statue) to him to honour him, in the year 554 (AD 242/3).13
(Vince, revised Brock)
Wilson, Anatolian Studies 10 (1960), p. (Latin milestone found lying inside Zile castle): The Emperor, Caesar, M(arcus) Aure(lius) [S]everu[s] A[lexa]n [der], the Devout, the Fortunate, the Unconquered, Augustus, Pon(tifex) Max (imus), holder of the tribunician power, Consul, Father of the Fatherland, Proconsul through the agency of Q(uintus) Jul(ius) Proculeianus, imperial praetorian legate. One Mile (?). (The district of?) Zelit(is?).
Cumont, CRAI 1905, p. (Latin milestone found in a cemetery south of Zile): The Emperor, Caesar, M(arcus) A[ur(elius) Se]v[erus] Alexander, the Devout, the Fortunate, the Unconquered, Aug(ustus), Pont(ifex) Max(imus), holder of the tribunician power ten times, of the consulship three times, proconsul through the agency of Q(uintus) Jul(ius) Proculeianus, imperial praetorian legate of [Cap]pa[docia]. (…) seven (miles?).
Cumont, CRAI 1905, p. (Latin milestone found at Malumseyit): [The Emperor Caesar Marcus Aurelius] Severus [Alexander], the Devout, the Fortunate, the Unconquered, Augustus, Pont(ifex) Max(imus), holder of the tribunician power ten times, through the agency of Jul(ius) Proclianus (sic), imperial praetorian legate. Five miles from Sebastopolis.
(Lieu)
Herodian VI, 5, 1–6, 6: After thus setting matters in order. Alexander, considering that the huge army he had assembled was now nearly equal in power and number to the barbarians, consulted his advisers and then divided his force into three separate armies. One army he ordered to overrun the territory of the Medes and to reconnoitre the northern regions and pass through Armenia, which seemed to favour the Roman cause.14 2. He sent the second army to the eastern sector of the barbarian territory, where, it is said, the Tigris and Euphrates rivers at their confluence empty into very dense marshes; these are the only rivers whose mouths cannot be clearly determined.15 The third and most powerful army he kept himself, promising to lead it against the barbarians in the central sector.16 He thought that in this way he would attack them from different directions when they were unprepared and not anticipating such strategy, and he believed that the Persian horde, constantly split up to face their attackers on several fronts, would be weaker and less unified for battle. 3. The barbarians, it may be noted, do not have a paid army as the Romans do, nor do they maintain trained standing armies. Rather, all the available men, and sometimes the women too, mobilize at the king’s order.17 At the end of the war each man returns to his regular occupation, taking as his pay whatever falls to his lot from the general booty. 4. They use the bow and the horse in war, as the Romans do, but the barbarians are reared with these from childhood, and live by hunting; they never lay aside their quivers or dismount from their horses, but employ them constantly for war and the chase.
Alexander therefore devised what he believed to be the best possible plan for action, only to have Fortune defeat his design. 5. The army sent through Armenia had an agonizing passage over the high, steep mountains of that country.18 (As it was still summer, however, they were able to complete the crossing.) Then, plunging down into the land of the Medes, the Roman soldiers devastated the countryside, burning many villages and carrying off much loot. Informed of this, the Persian king put up as strong a resistance as he could, but met with little success in his efforts to halt the Roman advance. 6. This is rough country; while it provided firm footing and easy passage for the infantry, the rugged mountain terrain hampered the movements of the barbarian cavalry and prevented their riding down the Romans or even making contact with them. Then men came and reported to the Persian king that another Roman army had appeared in eastern Parthia and was overrunning the plains there.
7. Fearing that the Romans, after ravaging Parthia unopposed, might advance into Persia, Artaxerxes left behind a force which he thought strong enough to defend Media, and hurried with his entire army into the eastern sector. The Romans were advancing much too carelessly because they had met no opposition and, in addition, they believed that Alexander and his army, the largest and most formidable of the three, had already attacked the barbarians in the central sector. They thought, too, that their own advance would be easier and less hazardous when the barbarians were constantly being drawn off elsewhere to meet the threat of the emperor’s army. 8. All three Roman armies had been ordered to make a flanking assault on the enemy’s territory, and a final rendezvous had been selected where they would meet after the regions in between them had been brought under control. But Alexander failed them: he did not bring his army or come himself into barbarian territory, either because he was afraid to risk his life for the Roman empire or because his mother’s feminine fears or excessive mother love restrained him. 9. She blocked his efforts to behave bravely by persuading him that he should let others risk their lives for him, but that he should not personally fight in battle. It was this reluctance of his which led to the destruction of the advancing Roman army.19 The king attacked it unexpectedly with his entire force and trapped the Romans like fish in a net; firing their arrows from all sides at the encircled soldiers, the Persians massacred the whole army. 10. The outnumbered Romans were unable to stem the attack of the Persian horse; they used their shields to protect those parts of their bodies exposed to the Persian arrows. Content merely to protect themselves, they offered no resistance. As a result, all the Romans were driven into the one spot, where they made a wall of their shields and fought like an army under the siege. Hit and wounded from every side, they held out bravely as long as they could, but in the end all were killed. The Romans suffered a staggering disaster; it is not easy to recall another like it, one in which a great army was destroyed, an army inferior in strength and determination to none of the armies of old.20 The successful outcome of these important events encouraged the Persian king to anticipate better things in the future.
6. When the disaster was reported to Alexander, who was seriously ill either from despondency or from the lack of acclimatization to the unfamiliar climate, he fell into despair. The rest of the army angrily denounced the emperor because the invading army had been betrayed as a result of his failure to carry out the plans faithfully agreed upon. 2. And now Alexander refused to endure his indisposition and the stifling air any longer. The entire army was sick and the troops from Illyricum especially were seriously ill and dying, being accustomed to moist, cool air and to more food than they were being issued. 3. Eager to set out for Antioch, Alexander ordered the army in Media to proceed to that city. This army, on its return journey, was almost totally destroyed in the mountains; a great many soldiers suffered mutilation in the wintry condition of the region, and only a handful of the large number of troops who started the march managed to reach Antioch. The emperor led his own large force to that city, and many of them perished too; so the affair brought the greatest discontent to the army and the greatest dishonour to Alexander, who was betrayed by bad luck and bad judgement. Of the three armies into which he had divided his total force, the greater part was lost by various misfortunes—disease, war and cold.
4. In Antioch, Alexander was quickly revived by the cool air and good water of that city after the acrid drought in Mesopotamia, and the soldiers too recovered there. The emperor tried to console them for their sufferings by a lavish distribution of money, in the belief that this was the only way he could regain their good will. He assembled an army and prepared to march against the Persians again if they should give trouble and not remain quiet. 5. But it was reported that the Persian king had disbanded his army and sent each soldier back to his own country. Though the barbarians seemed to have conquered because of their superior strength, they were exhausted by the numerous skirmishes in Media and by the battle in Parthia, where they lost many killed and many wounded. The Romans were not defeated because they were cowards; indeed they did the enemy much damage and lost only because they were outnumbered. 6. Since the total number of troops which fell on both sides was virtually identical, the surviving barbarians appeared to have won, but by superior numbers, not by superior power. It is no little proof of how much the barbarians suffered that for three or four years after this they remained quiet and did not take up arms. All this the emperor learned while he was at Antioch. Relieved of anxiety about the war, he grew more cheerful and less apprehensive and devoted himself to enjoying the pleasures which the city offered.
(Echols, pp. 161–5, revised)
Aurelius Victor, liber de Caesaribus 24, 2: Though a young man, (Alexander Severus) exhibited talents beyond his age and immediately waged war against
Xerxes (sic), the king of the Persians, with vast resources; and after defeating him and putting him to flight, he marched with all haste to Gaul which was disturbed by the incursions of the Germans.
(Dodgeon)
Festus, breviarium 22, pp. 63, 17–64, 2: Aurelius Alexander, as if reborn by some sort of fate for the destruction of the Persian race, took up the administration of the Roman Empire while he was still a youth. He most gloriously defeated Xerxes (i.e. Ardashir) the most noble king of the Persians…. At Rome he celebrated his triumph over the Persians with a spectacular display.
(Dodgeon)
Eutropius, breviarium VIII, 23: To him (i.e. Heliogabalus) succeeded Aurelius Alexander, a very young man, who was named Caesar by the army and Augustus by the senate. Having undertaken a war with the Persians, he defeated their king Xerxes (i.e. Ardashir) with great glory. He enforced military discipline with much severity, and disbanded whole legions that raised a disturbance.
(Watson, p. 516)
Jerome, chronicon, s. a. 223, p., 3–7: Alexander (Severus) triumphed gloriously over Xerxes (sic), the king of the Persians, and he was a severe reviser of military discipline as he would discharge dishonourably entire legions which were mutinous.
(Dodgeon)
SHA Severus Alexander 55, 1–3: And so, having set out from there against the Persians with a great array, he defeated Artaxerxes, a most powerful king. In this battle he himself commanded the flanks, urged on the soldiers, exposed himself constantly to missiles, performed many brave deeds with his own hand, and by his words encouraged individual soldiers to praiseworthy actions. 2. At last he routed and put to flight this great king, who had come to the war with seven hundred elephants, eighteen hundred scythed chariots, and many thousand horsemen.21 Thereupon he immediately returned to Antioch and presented to his troops the booty taken from the Persians, commanding the tribunes and generals and even the soldiers to keep for themselves the plunder they had seized in the country. 3. Then for the first time Romans had Persian slaves, but because the kings of the Persians deem it a disgrace that any of their subjects should serve anyone as slaves, ransoms were offered, and these Alexander accepted and then returned the men, either giving the ransom-money to those who had taken the slaves captive, or depositing it in the public treasury.
(Magie, ii, pp. 289–91)
Orosius, adversus paganos VII, 18, 7: Now Alexander immediately made an expedition against the Persians and victoriously overcame Xerxes (i.e. Ardashir), their king, in a very great battle.
(Deferrari, pp. 313)
Syncellus p. 437, 15–25 (pp. 673, 17–674, 8, CSHB): After him (i.e. Elagabalus) ruled Alexander the son of Mamaea his cousin, who was born at Arcae on the sea coast of Phoenicia. He was led on by the advice of Ulpian the Jurist who was very strongly attached to good military discipline. Therefore he too was slain by the soldiers before the emperor’s gaze. A certain Uranius was named emperor at Edessa in Osrhoene and, taking power in opposition to Alexander, he was killed by him when Alexander drove out the Persians who were raiding Cappadocia and besieging Nisibis. But when he returned to Rome he was slain with his mother Mamaea in a military riot. And a certain Maximus, a Mysian by birth, a general of Celtic troops, was declared Roman emperor by the armies. He governed the Roman Empire for three years.
(Dodgeon)
Cedrenus, i, p. 450, 3–7: Alexander the son of Mamaea, nephew of Avitus, was emperor for thirteen years and eight months. In his reign there was a famine in Rome (of such severity) that the citizens would even avail themselves of human flesh. He campaigned against the Persians and was overwhelmed in defeat. And losing his prestige, he was murdered (by his soldiers) together with his mother.
(Dodgeon)
Zonaras XII, 15, p. 573, 14–22 (iii, pp. 122, 7–16, Dindorf): But he divided his own armies into three divisions and launched a three-pronged attack on the Persians. A great number of the Persians were destroyed, but the Romans also suffered heavy casualties, not so much by the enemy as in the return through the mountains of Armenia. For the feet of the marchers and also some hands got frostbitten and had to be amputated after turning black and becoming lifeless. For this reason Alexander was also blamed by the Romans and consequently he fell gravely ill either from despondency or from the change of climate.
(Dodgeon)
Maricq, Syria 34 (1957), p. (Milestone found about 5 km SE of Singara, Latin): Imp(erator) Caesar M(arcus) Aurelius Severus Alexander, Devout, Fortunate, Augustus, Pont(ifex) Maxim(us), in his eleventh year of tribunician power, consul for the third time, father of his country, proconsul. Three miles from Sing(ara).22
(Lieu)
Gilliam, TAPA 72 (1941), p.(Graffito found in the house of the Dux Ripae, Greek): May Elpidephorus, the tragic-actor from Byzantium, raised as a fosterling (?)24 by Domitius Pompeianus, the devout and just dux ripae,25 be remembered26 together with Probus his accompanying actor.27 May the one remaining here and the reader be remembered.28
(Lieu)
Herodian VI, 7, 1–6:1. Alexander thought that Persian affairs would remain quiet and peaceful for the duration of the truce which would delay and hinder the barbarian king from launching a second campaign. For the barbarian army, once disbanded, was not easily remustered, as it was not organized on a permanent basis. More a mob than a regular army, the soldiers had only those supplies which each man brought for himself when he reported for duty. Moreover, the Persians are reluctant to leave their wives, children, and homeland. 2. Now unexpected messages and dispatches upset Alexander and caused him even greater anxiety: the governors in Illyria reported that the Germans had crossed the Rhine and the Danube rivers, were plundering the Roman empire, and with a huge force were overrunning the garrison camps on the banks of these rivers, as well as the cities and villages there. They reported also that the provinces of Illyricum bordering on and close to Italy were in danger. 3. The governors informed the emperor that it was absolutely necessary that he and his entire army come to them. The revelation of these developments terrified Alexander and aroused great concern among the soldiers from Illyricum, who seemed to have suffered a double disaster; the men who had undergone many hardships in the Persian expedition now learned that their families had been slaughtered by the Germans. They were naturally enraged at this, and blamed Alexander for their misfortunes because he had betrayed affairs in the East by his cowardice and carelessness and was hesitant and dilatory about the situation in the North. 4. Alexander and his advisers, too, feared for the safety of Italy itself. They did not consider the Persian threat at all similar to the German. The fact is that those who live in the East, separated from the West by a great continent and a broad sea, scarcely ever hear of Italy, whereas the provinces of Illyricum, since they are narrow and very little of their territory is under Roman control, make the Germans actually neighbours of the Italians: the two peoples thus share common borders. 5. Although he loathed the idea, Alexander glumly announced his departure for Illyria. Necessity compelled him to go, however; and so, leaving behind a force which he considered strong enough to defend the Roman frontiers, after he had seen that the camps and outposts were given more efficient defences, and had assigned to each camp its normal complement of troops, the emperor marched out against the Germans with the rest of his army. 6. Completing the journey quickly, he encamped on the banks of the Rhine and made preparations for the German campaign. Alexander spanned the river with boats lashed together to form a bridge, thinking that this would provide an easy means of crossing for his soldiers.
(Echols, pp. 165–6, revised)
Herodian VI, 7, 8: Alexander had brought with him many Moorish javelin-men and a huge force of archers from the East and from the region of Osrhoene, together with Parthian deserters who had offered their help; with these he prepared to battle with the Germans.29
(Echols, p. 166)
SHA Sev. Alex. 61, 8: But all the military array which Maximinus afterwards led to Germany (in 235) was Alexander’s, and it was a very powerful one, too, by reason of the soldiers from Armenia, Osrhoene and Parthia, composed, as it was, of men of every race.
(Magie, ii, p. 303)
SHA Sev. Alex. 56–57, 3, 58, 1:1. After this, returning to Rome, he conducted a most splendid triumph and then first of all addressed the senate in the following speech: 2. From the transactions of the senate for the seventh day before the Kalends of October: ‘Conscript Fathers, we have conquered the Persians. There is no need of lengthy rhetoric; you should know, however, this much, namely, what their arms were, and what their array. 3. First of all, there were seven hundred elephants provided with turrets and archers and great loads of arrows. Of these we captured thirty, we have left two hundred slain upon the field, and we have led eighteen in triumph. 4. Moreover, there were scythed chariots, one thousand eight hundred in number. Of these we could have presented to your eyes two hundred, of which the horses have been slain, but since they could easily be counterfeited we have refrained from so doing. 5. One hundred and twenty thousand of their cavalry we have routed, ten thousand of their horsemen clad in full mail, whom they call cuirassiers, we have slain in battle, and with their armour we have armed our own men. We have captured many of the Persians and have sold them into slavery, 6. and we have re-conquered the lands which lie between the rivers, those of Mesopotamia I mean, abandoned by that filthy monster. 7. Artaxerxes, the most powerful of kings, in fact as well in name, we have routed and driven from the field, so that the land of the Persians saw him in full flight, and where once our ensigns were led away in triumph, there the king himself fled apace leaving his own standards. 8. These are our achievements, Conscript Fathers, and there is no need of rhetoric. Our soldiers have come back enriched, and in victory no one remembers his hardships. 9. It is now your part to decree a general thanksgiving, that we may not seem to the gods to be ungrateful.’ Then followed the acclamations of the senate: ‘Alexander Augustus, may the gods keep you! Persicus Maximus, may the gods keep you! Parthicus in truth, Persicus in truth.30 We behold your trophies, we behold your victories too. 10. Hail to the youthful Emperor, the Father of his Country, the Pontifex Maximus! Through you we foresee victory on every hand. He conquers who can rule his soldiers. Rich is the senate, rich the soldiers and rich the Roman people!’
57 Thereupon he dismissed the senate and went up to the Capitolium, and then, after offering sacrifices and dedicating the tunics of the Persians in the temple, he delivered the following address: ‘Fellow-citizens, we have conquered the Persians. We have brought back the soldiers laden with riches. To you we promise a largess, and tomorrow we will give games in the Circus in celebration of our victory over the Persians.’
2. All this we have found both in the annals and in many writers. Some assert, however, that he was betrayed by one of his slaves and did not conquer the king at all, but, on the contrary, was forced to flee in order to escape being conquered. 3. But those who have read most of the writers are sure that this assertion is contrary to the general belief. It is also stated that he lost his army through hunger, cold, and disease, and this is the version given by Herodian, but contrary to the belief of the majority.
58 Other victories were also won—in Mauretania Tingitana by Furius Celsus, in Illyricum by Varius Macrinus, Alexander’s kinsman, and in Armenia by Junius Palmatus, and from all these places laurelled letters were sent to Alexander.
(Magie, ii, pp. 291–5)
SEG 7 (1934) 743b, lines 17–19 (Greek graffito from the house of Nebuchelus in Dura Europos): On the thirtieth day of the month of Xandikus of the year 550 (20 April 239), the Persians descended upon us.
AE 1948, 124 (Greek epitaph found in a private house in the north-western part of the Agora complex in Dura Europos): Julius Terentius, tribune of the Twentieth Cohort of Palmyrenes, the brave in campaigns, mighty in wars, dead— a man worthy of memory, Aurelia Arria buried this her beloved husband, whom may the divine spirits receive and the light earth conceal.
SHA Max. et Balb. 13, 5: But when it was now arranged that Maximus (r. 235– 8) should set out against the Parthians (sic) and Balbinus (emperor in 238) against the Germans, while the young Gordian remained at Rome, the soldiers, who were seeking an opportunity of killing the Emperors, and at first could not find (them) because Maximus and Balbinus were even attended by a German guard, grew more menacing every day.
(Magie ii, pp. 473–5)
Syncellus, p. 443, 5–6 (p. 681, 5–9, CSHB): see 2.2.1.
AE 1958, 238 (Latin): (This altar was) presented on the fifth day of June in the consulship of Severus and Quintianus (i.e. 5 June, 235). (Cf. Oates, 1955:39)
AE 1958, 239 (Latin): To the Unconquered Sun God, Quintus Petronius Quintianus, military tribune of the First Parthian Legion, tribune of the Ninth Gordian Cohort of Moors, set up (this statue) which he had vowed to the cult of the place (i.e. Samas the Sun God).
(Oates, 1955:39)
AE 1958, 240 (Latin): Consecrated to Hercules for the health of our Lord the Emperor, Petronius Quintianus, a native of Nicomedia (?), (set up this statue) to the patron deity of the cohort.
(Oates, 1955:40; Maricq, 1957:289)
Codex Manichaicus Coloniensis32 18, 1–16, eds Koenen and Römer, pp.: When I was twenty[-four] years old, in the year in which Dariadaxir33 (i.e. Ardashir), the king of Persia, subjugated the city of Hatra, and in which Sapores (i.e. Shapur), his son assumed the mighty diadem in the month of Pharmuthi on the [eighth] day according to the moon (i.e. 17/18 April, 240), the most blessed Lord had compassion on me and called me to his grace and [immediately] sent to me [from there] my Syzygos (i.e. divine Twin) […].
al-Tabari, pp. 827–31 (Nöldeke, pp. 33–40): See Appendix 1, pp.. 34