Gallus, a cousin of Constantius, was made Caesar and placed in charge of the defence of the East in 351. Cf. Philostorgius, III, 25. His alleged success in keeping the Persians at bay: idem,1 III, 28 and Artemii Passio2 12. See also Zosimus III, 1, 1. Inroads of Saracens:3 Amm. XIV, 4, 1–7. Shapur meanwhile was preoccupied with campaigns against nomadic invaders from Central Asia: Amm. XIV, 3, 1 and XVI, 9, 3; general reduction in the scale of fighting (353 ff.): Amm. XVI, 9, 1. (354) Abortive Persian raid on Batna4 in Osrhoene by a Nohodares. Cf. Amm. XIV, 3, 1–4. Ursicinus5 was summoned from Nisibis by Gallus to investigate treason charges. Cf. Amm. XIV, 9, 1. Marriage between Olympias, daughter of the late Caesar Ablabius, to Arsaces, king of Armenia (c. 354): Athanasius, hist. Arian. 69, Amm. XX, 11, 3, see also XIV, 11, 4 and Faustus Buzandats‘i, Hist. Arm. IV, 15 and Moses Khorenats‘i, Hist. Arm. III, 21. (356) Sporadic Persian raids into Mesopotamia: Amm. XV, 13, 4 and Zos. III, 1, 1.
(357) Negotiations for a localized cease-fire between Musonianus and Tamsapor: Amm. XVI, 9, 2–3 (see also XVI, 10, 21 and XVII, 10, 12). Shapur II wintered in the land of the Chionitae6 (357). Cf. Amm. XVI, 9, 4. Meanwhile Ursicinus resumed his command in the East: Amm. XVI, 10, 21.
(357/8) A Persian embassy to Constantius at Antioch. Cf. Themistius, or. IV, ed. Schenkel and Downey, pp. , 20–82, 12 (=Harduin 57B), Petrus Patricius, frag. 17, FHG IV, p. and Zos. III, 27, 4. Shapur demanded the return of territory ceded by Narses:7 Amm. XVII, 5, 3–8 and Zonaras XII, 9, 25–7. The demands of Shapur were rejected by Constantius. Cf. Amm. XVII, 5, 9–14 and Zonaras, XIII, 9, 28–9.
(357/8) The defection of the protector Antoninus8 to the Persians: Libanius, or. XII, 74 and Amm. XVIII, 5, 1–3.
(358) An embassy was sent by Constantius to Shapur to avert war. Cf. Libanius, ep. 331, Basil, ep. 1, Eunapius, vit. soph. VI, 5, 1–10 and Amm. XVII, 14, 1–2. Another embassy, led by Procopius and Lucillianus,9 was sent to Shapur: Amm. XVII, 14, 3 and XVIII, 6, 17–18.
(c. 359) Description of the frontier regions (especially of the prosperity of the Mesopotamian cities) by an anonymous author: Expositio totius mundi et gentium10 19–20 and 22.
Ursicinus was summoned away from the Eastern Frontier to replace Barbatio. Cf. Amm. XVIII, 5, 5. Antoninus’ advice to Shapur to avoid repeating his past errors in the choice of invasion routes: Amm. XVIII, 5, 6–8 and XVIII, 6, 3–4. Ursicinus was recalled to the East as second-in-command under Sabinianus: Amm. XVIII, 6, 5. Domitius Modestus,11 an experienced commander, was sent to Euphratensis and Mesopotamia to take measures against the Persian invasion. Cf. Libanius, epp. 46, 367, 383 and 388.
Ursicinus and his staff narrowly escaped capture by advance elements of the Persian army at Nisibis.12 Cf. Amm. XVIII, 6, 8–16. Ursicinus established his command at Amida and received a secret message13 from Procopius of Persian troop movements. Cf. Amm. XVIII, 6, 17–19. Ammianus was sent on a secret mission to Jovinianus, the satrap of Cordyene:14 Amm. XVIII, 6, 20–3 and 7, 1– 2.
Military preparations for the Persian invasion (esp. along the Euphrates): Amm. XVIII, 7, 3–6. The ‘inaction’ of Sabinianus, the Magister Equitum (East):15 Amm. XVIII, 7, 7. The Persian army by-passed Nisibis but, finding its way into Syria blocked by the Euphrates which was then in flood, it headed north.16 Cf. Amm. XVIII, 7, 8–11 and Zonaras, XIII, 9, 30–1. Roman fear of Persian attempts to cross the Euphrates: Libanius, ep. 49. Ambushed en route to Samosata and separated from Ursicinus, Ammianus escaped to Amida: Amm. XVIII, 8, 1–14.
Description of Amida and its defences:17 Amm. XVIII, 9. Surrender of two Roman forts (Reman and Busan) to Shapur and the capture of the wife of Craugasius, an important citizen of Nisibis: Amm. XVIII, 10.
The citizens of Amida refused Shapur’s terms for surrender: Amm. XIX, 1, 1– 6. Death of the son of Grumbates, the king of the Chionitae: ibid., 1, 7-II.18 The Persians made two major assaults against the defences within two days but were repelled. Cf. ibid. XIX, 2. Ursicinus’ plan to relieve the siege by a diversionary attack was overruled by Sabinianus. Cf. ibid. XIX, 3. Plague broke out in Amida because of the insanitary conditions and lasted for ten days. Cf. ibid., XIX, 4, 1 and 8. The Persians installed siege-engines and artillery against one side of the city while gaining entry through a passage on the side facing the Tigris; but were repelled after heavy fighting. Cf. ibid. XIX, 5. Capture of Ziata by the Persians and the parade of Roman prisoners before Amida: ibid. XIX, 6, 1. Incensed by the suffering of the captives, elements of Gallic legions in Amida made a night attack on the Persian camp and were stopped just short of the royal tent. They withdrew after inflicting heavy casualties on the Persians. Cf. ibid. XIX, 6, 3–13. Towers and other siege engines were brought up to the walls of the city but were set on fire by the Romans. Cf. ibid., XIX, 7. The city was stormed by the Persians who erected high mounds against the walls. Cf. ibid. XIX, 8, 1–4. Escape of Ammianus from Amida: ibid. XIX, 8, 5–12.
Execution of captured Roman commanders at Amida: Amm. XIX, 9, 1–2. Defection of Craugasius of Nisibis: ibid. XIX, 9, 3–8.
Shapur’s concern over the extent of Persian casualties: Amm. XIX, 9, 9. (360) Constantius demanded the transfer of certain units under Julian’s command in Gaul to the East. Cf. Julian, ep. ad Ath. 282D (10.12–17, Bidez), Libanius, or. XII, 58 and XVIII, 90–1 Eutropius, X, 15, 1 and Amm. XX, 4, 1–2. Relief of Ursicinus from his command: Amm. XX, 2. Constantius hastened to reinforce the East: Amm. XX, 4, 1.
Singara was taken and destroyed by Shapur. Cf. Amm. XX, 6. Bezabde19 was stormed and garrisoned by Shapur. Cf. Amm. XX, 7, 1–16 and Theophanes, chron., A.M. 5852, p. , 9–10. On the fate of the Roman captives taken at Bezabde, see Acts of the Martyrs of Bezabde (The Martyrdom of the Prisoners of War), ed. Bedjan, AMS II, pp. (Syriac). Shapur failed, however, to capture Virtha, a well-defended city on the frontier of Mesopotamia which was an Alexandrian foundation.20 Cf. Amm. XX, 7, 17.
Constantius sent for Arsaces, the king of Armenia, and did his utmost to retain his loyalty. Cf. Amm. XX, 11, 1–3. See also CT XI, 1, 1 (Law granting exemption from taxes in kind to the royal family of Armenia). (23 April) Constantius set off for Mesopotamia via Melitene, Lacotena and Samosata and arrived at Edessa on 21 Sept. Cf. Amm. XX, 11, 4. He inspected the ruins of Amida (ibid. XX, 11, 4–5) and laid siege to Bezabde (XX, 11, 6–25). On failing to recapture the city, he withdrew to Antioch via Hierapolis (17 Dec., cf. CT VII, 4, 6): Amm., XX, 11, 31–2 and Theophanes, chron., A.M. 5852, p. , 10–14. (After 29 May) Constantius crossed the Euphrates at Capersana and headed for Edessa where he planned for a second assault on Bezabde and reorganized the defences in Mesopotamia. Cf, Amm. XXI, 7, 7 and 13, 1–5. Shapur withdrew from the Tigris because of unfavourable omens and Constantius returned to Hierapolis (some mss. give Nikopolis). Cf. ibid. XXI, 13, 8. On receiving news of the refusal of Julian to renounce the title of Augustus, Constantius departed from Antioch amidst general panic in the city. Cf. Libanius, or. XII, 71 and Zonaras, XIII, 11, 10. (3 Nov.) Death of Constantius at Mopsucrenae: Amm. XXI, 15. 2 and Soc., II, 47, 4 and III, 1, 1.
For later views of Constantius’ conduct of the Persian Wars, see esp. Libanius, or. XVIII, 205–11.
Ammianus Marcellinus, see Introduction, supra, p. .
Artemii Passio 12 (12.16–22, p. 208, ed. Kotter) And Gallus having then been sent by Constantius kept a tight rein on the affairs of the East. The Persians, once they learnt of him, took fright when they ascertained that he was a young man and hot-blooded for action. They no longer made their expedition against the Romans. And while Gallus was in Antioch in Syria, Constantius settled affairs in the West. And then especially the Roman Empire enjoyed a genuine peace. [See also Zosimus III, 1, 1, cited below.]
Athanasius, hist. Arian. 69, ed. Bright, p. : So likewise he (i.e. Constantius) treated his brother (i.e. Constans) in an unholy manner; and now he pretends to build his sepulchre, although he delivered up to the barbarians his betrothed wife Olympias, whom his brother had protected till his death, and had brought up as his intended consort.
(Atkinson ap. Robertson, p. 296)
Basil, ep. 1 (To Eustathius): Nay, so love-sick was I that I was compelled either to take the road to Persia and go with you as you advanced to the uttermost limits of the land of the barbarians—for indeed you went even thither, so obstinate was the demon who kept us apart—or else take up my abode here at Alexandria.
(Deferrari, i, p. 5)
Bezabde, The Acts of the Martyrs of, (The Martyrdom of the Prisoners of War), ed. Bedjan, AMS II, pp. (Syriac): Shapur, king of the Persians, advanced in his fifty-third year of rule against the borders and citadels of the Romans, besieged the fort (castra) of Bet Zabdai, captured it, destroyed its walls, delivered many of its warriors to the mouth of the sword and took prisoners roughly nine thousand souls, men and women, among them the Bishop Heliodorus, the old priests Dausa and Maryahb who were with him, (other) priests, deacons and the community (qyama) of (holy) men and women. And, as they were led to Bet Huzaje, the king and his army marched along the road with them.
2 At one stop called Daskarta, Bishop Heliodorus fell ill; he consecrated Dausa as bishop and made him the head of them all. He also handed over to him the altar he had taken with him, that he might serve conscientiously at it. He fell to sleep and was buried there with honours.
3 As they made their way from there, they began to come together as one congregation and to recite psalms in choirs. And, as they gave praise to God daily thus, the evil Magi felt themselves to be pierced to their hearts; their conscience was upset and they accused them before Adarfarr, the Chief Mobed, on whose advice much blood of the martyrs of God was spilt in the Orient.21 This accursed one went before the king and said: ‘Good King, among these prisoners is a head of the Christians, called Dausa, who gathers around him many prisoners of like mind, men and women, who rise up and with one voice curse and vilify your majesty; and they do this daily. I sent and scolded them once and then twice, but they cursed you even more and vilified the gods of the Persians.’
4 The king had made a halt at Dursak, in the area of Daraye, and he ordered this Mobed and a high ranking official, called Hazaraft (=Chiliarch): ‘Go, and bring together by cunning the head of these Christians and of all those of like mind, and say to them: ‘It pleases the king to do good things for you, and he commanded that you settle here on this mountain; the land is fat, its villages are beautiful, the ground is well watered; that will give you constant peace all the days of your lives.’ Watch for when all those collect together, who gather every day, vilify our majesty and scorn our gods; take them up on to this mountain and question them on some spot. Those who do my will, who worship the sun and the moon and who deny the god whom the Caesar (i.e. the Roman emperor) prays to, may settle according to their wish in these villages. But whoever disobeys this order shall be delivered to the sword.’
5 At this, these two important officials went with one hundred horsemen and two hundred foot soldiers, called before them the Bishop Dausa, Maryahb, the Chorepiscopos, the priests, deacons, the community (qyama) and the lay believers who were attached to them, and they talked treacherously to them. Together there were about three hundred people. They took them up on to the mountain, called Masabadan, to a village called Gefta and arranged them outside the village. There, all of a sudden that bitter man, the Mobed Adarfarr, that spiller of blood, revealed his treachery, showed his deceit and said: ‘You must know that the king commanded that you should all be killed here, because every day you scorn him and vilify the gods of the Persians. But if you now listen to our advice, you can live and be saved. Henceforth, do the will of the king, worship the sun and the moon, abandon the religion of the Caesar, accept the religion of Shapur, the King of Kings. For you are his servants, and he has authority over you. If you obey in this, I am empowered by him to leave you in these rich and fertile villages and in this region which, as your eyes can see, is planted with vines, olives and palms. He will also give you all the gifts and presents which you ask of me. But if you do not obey the command of the king, then you must know that you will die today by the sword and that, in accordance with the decree we have received from him, none of you shall remain alive.’
6 The courageous Dausa said out loud: ‘O people, which swims in the blood of its own land and which revels in blood of other lands, see, your own people and foreigners are being killed; natives and immigrants are being slain. What advantage have you, and how can you defend yourselves? See, your punishment has been written by justice; judgement has been made on you and will not be forgotten. Since you have been covered with blood of the martyrs of the East, are you going to sprinkle yourselves with the blood of the martyrs of the West, with the holy blood sealing in martyrdom your written document; to join the victorious blood of the holy martyrs which you have (already) slain? The secret of the treachery which you reveal to us is a covert joy for us, and the command of the evil one, which you showed us, is for us an open rejoicing. With this, we are no longer taken captive and made aliens to our homeland, nor have we died in foreign parts, nor do we die as prisoners. Who will kill us? Let him neither stand still nor hesitate. Who will murder us? Let him not delay or dally. The God of us all is one, who, for our sins, has put us in your hands. Now he has taken pity on us and is reconciled with us; so that for his sake we die today by your hand. Far be it from us to worship the sun and the moon, the work of His hands, and to do the will of your king; who devours human flesh. We will be strong in our faith; we worship our true God, whom the Emperor (i.e Constantius) worships as well, and believe in Him. We shall go to the place destined for us, singing his praises. But woe to you, you impure and depraved people, who have misled the Orient by your godless teaching. God will quickly destroy it in you, He will ruin you in it, destroy your deception and cull your lie from the whole land of the Orient. You must know that we will all persist in this firm view which I have given you. Do now what you have been commanded, without delay.’ So he (i.e. Mobed Adarfarr) ordered his soldiers and they began to lead away and kill fifty men and women at a time, until the number rose to two hundred and seventy-five. Now twenty-five men and women became weak to the shame of their souls and worshipped the Sun. They settled them there until this day.
7 A deacon called Abdisho remained alive, because the sword did not strike him squarely. After the sun had gone down, he rose, went into the village and met a poor man, who led him into his house and washed and dressed his wounds. When day came, Abdisho led that man and his two sons to the dead and showed them the corpse of Dausa, of Maryahb and of the other old priests. The three of them took them, climbed a little higher, found a small cave, laid them down in it and closed them in with huge stones. Then they went back to Abdisho and found him kneeling and crying in prayer at the place of execution.
8 Pagan Karmanian shepherds, who had led their sheep to grass, saw there over three nights hosts of angels, who were hovering up and down over the execution place of the saints and praising God. They were frightened and announced it in the whole region, and because of this vision they were converted to the faith.
9 Abdisho, who despite the stroke of the sword remained alive, began to lead to life the souls which had died through sin. He had decided, because of the bones of the just people who had fallen there, to remain there all his days. For thirty days he did not stop teaching piety through actions and good works. But when an evil man, the lord of the village, saw that he was converting people from error to a knowledge of the truth, Satan enviously entered him and the Evil one taught him murderous jealousy. He seized Abdisho, hit him, held him in chains for four days and said: ‘If you go forth from here and no longer teach in this village, then I will set you free: go where you will.’ The blessed Abdisho said: ‘I have decided to remain here and not to stop giving this teaching to the ears of all who hear, obey and turn to life.’ At this the evil man flared up, led him out of the village to the place where his friends had been killed and gave a Karmanian fifty silver pieces. The latter struck him with a sword and so he died. Then the poor man came out again with his sons; they took the body of that hero Abdisho, hid it and erected over it a large mound of stones, which until today is called the Grave of Abdisho. But heaven’s anger struck the godless murderer and his house. His four sons were handed over to a demon, who quickly killed them. He himself became dropsical; he sat for thirty days on the dungheap in unspeakable torment and when he died there, he was eaten by his dogs. He lost his fortune suddenly; his servants fled and dispersed; his wife begged for her bread and died with a mental breakdown. As the river of that village had been dug by man, God let mice breed in it, and they filled it with earth by their burrowing. And when the inhabitants of the village came together and took out the earth, the mice dug again and filled it up. This happened repeatedly, and as the village suffered drought and its plantation withered, it remained desert for twenty-two years and became as though accursed in the whole region.
10 After this came a son of the man who had taken in Abdisho and buried him and had hidden the martyrs of God, and he prayed at the mouth of the cave and made a vow to come every year to commemorate the martyrdom. After this, he dug out the village’s river, built houses and settled in peace. God blessed him, he came to own it, and it was called after him. Each time he celebrated the memory, miracles of healing occurred through the bones of the saints.
11 A head of a monastery, zealous with the wonderful zeal of God, built a martyrium there, took their bones from the cave, laid them to rest in the house he had built, and until today gatherings (for worship) are held there.
(Jordan, revised Brock)
Codex Theodosianus, XI, 1, 1: Emperor Constantine (sic) Augustus to Proclianus. With the exception of the property of Our private domain and the Catholic churches and the household of Eusebius, of Most Noble memory, Ex- Consul and Ex-Master of the Horse and Foot, and the household of Arsaces, King of Armenia, no person in accordance with Our order shall be assisted by special advantages for his family property. ...Given on the fifteenth day before the kalends of July at Constantinople in the year of the fourth consulship of Constantine and of Licinius. June 17, 315 (sic). (January 18, 360, Mommsen).
(Pharr, p. 291)
Eunapius, vitae sophistarum VI, 5, 1–10: With regard to Eustathius, it would be sacrilegious to leave out what would convey the truth. All men were agreed that he was not only observed to be a most noble character, but also most gifted with eloquence when put to the test, while the charm that sat on his tongue and lips seemed to be nothing less than witchcraft. His mildness and amiability so blossomed out in what he said and gushed forth with his words, that those who heard his voice and speeches surrendered themselves like men who had tasted the lotus, and they hung on that voice and those speeches. 2. So closely did he resemble the musical Sirens, that the emperor, for all that he was wrapped up in the books of the Christians, sent for him at the time when he was alarmed by the state of affairs, and was hard pressed by impending danger from the king of the Persians, who had once already laid siege to Antioch and raided it with his bowmen. For unexpectedly and on a sudden he seized the height that commanded the theatre, and with his arrows shot and massacred that great crowd of spectators. 3. In this similar crisis all men were so held captive and enchanted by Eustathius, that they did not hesitate to commend a man of the Hellenic faith to the ears of the emperor; although the earlier emperors had been accustomed to elect for embassies men who had won distinction in the army, or military prefects, or men who were next in rank to these and had been selected for office. 4. But at that time, at the imperious call of necessity, Eustathius was sought out and admitted by general consent to be the most prudent of all men. Accordingly he was summoned by the emperor, and came forthwith, and so potent was the charm on his lips that those who had advised that the embassy should be dispatched in the charge of Eustathius won greater consideration than before from the emperor, and he inclined more favourably towards them. 5. Moreover, some of these men set out of their own accord to accompany the embassy, because they wished to employ a still greater test, whether in his encounter with the barbarians Eustathius should prove to possess the same power to enchant and persuade. 6. When they arrived in Persia, Sapor was reported to be and actually was tyrannical and savage towards those who approached him; nevertheless, when Eustathius, for the embassy in general, was allowed access to the king, the latter could not but admire the expression of his eyes which was at once amiable and proudly indifferent, in spite of the many preparations that the king had devised in order to dazzle and overawe the man. 7. And when he heard his voice conversing so equably and with no effort, when he heard him run over his arguments so modestly and good-naturedly, he bade him withdraw; and Eustathius went out, leaving the tyrant a captive to his eloquence. Presently he sent a message by his household officials to invite him to his table, and when he obeyed the summons, since the king seemed to him to have a natural bent for virtue, Sapor joined him at the banquet. 8. Thus Eustathius became his companion at table, and by his eloquence won such influence over him that the king of Persia came within an ace of renouncing his upright tiara, laying aside his purple and bejewelled attire, and putting on instead the philosopher’s cloak of Eustathius; so successfully did the latter run down the life of luxury and the pomps and vanities of the flesh, to such depths of misery did he seem to bring down those who loved their bodies. 9. But this was prevented by certain Magi who happened to be at the court, and kept asserting that the man was nothing but a mere conjuror, and they persuaded the king to reply to the Roman emperor (10.) by asking him why, when Fortune had bestowed on them so many distinguished men, they sent persons no better than slaves who had enriched themselves. And the whole result of the embassy was contrary to men’s expectations.
(Wright, pp. 393–9)
Eutropius, breviarium X, 15. 1: Not long after, when the German armies were being transferred from the defence of Gaul, Julian was made emperor by the unanimous consent of the army, and after the lapse of a year, went to take the government of Illyricum, while Constantius was engaged in war with Parthia (sic).
(Watson, p. 533, revised)
Expositio totius mundi et gentium 19–20 and 22, ed. Rougé, pp.: After them (sc. Indians) are the Persians, the neighbours of the Romans, who are recorded to be exceedingly […] in all evils and brave in wars. It is said that great impieties are committed by them, who are ignorant of the dignity of nature; acting like dumb animals, they sleep with their mothers and sisters. They behave impiously towards the God who created them. On the other hand, they are said to abound in all things. For since the permission to trade is given (by them) to all the neighbouring peoples, they appear to be well in all things.
20 Not far from them dwells the race of the Saracens who intend to spend their lives in archery and pillage. They resemble the Persians in being impious and deceitful, incapable of keeping their promises either in war or in any other business. Women are said to rule among them….
22 After them are our lands, for Mesopotamia and Osrhoene are next. Mesopotamia has many different cities, two of which, as I shall describe, are outstanding. They are Nisibis and Edessa which have the most remarkable people of all: astute in business and skilled in the chase. In particular they are rich and adorned with all good things. For what they receive from Persia, they sell to all Roman territory, and purchase (goods) for exporting to them in return, besides iron and bronze, because it is not permitted to give iron and bronze to the enemy. They have famous walls which always break down the courage of the Persians in time of war. Buoyant with trade, they enjoy a high standard of living together with the rest of the province. Edessa is a specially splendid city.
(J.C.Morgan)
Faustus Buzandats`i, Hist, Arm. IV, 15 (Armenian): When the king (i.e. Arsak) was persuaded that it would be impossible for him to be loved by this princess (Pharandzem), he sent messengers to Greece, from where a certain Olympia, of imperial blood, was brought to him as a wife.
(Considine)
Julian, ep. ad Ath. 282D (10.12–17, Bidez): For he (Constantius) gave orders for the withdrawal from Gaul of, I might almost say, the whole of the most efficient troops without exception, and assigned this commission to Lupicinus and Gintonius, while to me he wrote that I (Julian) must oppose them in nothing.
(Wright, ii, p. 279)
Libanius, ep. 46: (To Modestus) I rejoice at such chicanery, and I shall rejoice all the more if you once again say that you have nothing, even though you have more letters. For it is the deceit of a lover who through his desire to receive letters denies that they have come. 2. So just as, if you received one letter and commended a wealth of correspondence, you would be making it clear that there was no need of letters, so now in inveighing against the many that have arrived on the grounds that none had come, you make it plain that no weight of letters would have ended this thirst of yours. I can say therefore that our swallows are more numerous than yours unless you make this point, that the man who has sent three in the midst of his activities has surpassed the five of the correspondent whose only occupation is writing. 3. Even formerly I hated the Persians for trying to cause damage and loving evil deeds after they had themselves suffered; now all the more I consider them hostile for encircling you with difficulties and depriving us for such a long time of your most pleasant society. But even though you are absent, you gladden us to whom you give hope by frightening the enemy with your simple preparations. 4. And even if you are somewhat delayed, yet I shall see you more honoured in winning a reward of acclamation for these many marches. Then indeed, then you will remember with pleasure the present disagreeable position.
(Dodgeon)
Libanius, ep. 49: (To Modestus) I hear that the fears have reached crisis point, that bridges have been completed by the Persians and that the crossing is open to them. But may this ensure that your foresight is greater, but let there be absent disturbance to your foresight. For this very fact will ensure the possibility of foreknowledge, since reasoning is necessarily clouded in confusion. But firstly let it encourage you that this is not the first invasion that the Persians have dared, but they are always trying to cross over since the war began; but in always suffering heavy casualties they have condemned themselves for their expectations. Then the victory does not altogether follow the greater numbers but generally it happens that the multitude is defeated by prudence. But if the larger host were stronger, I suppose that this king’s ancestor should have gained possession of Greece. But you know now that he campaigned from desire for her, but during his flight from there his desire was to return alive. For the same men were not able to dig through mountains and overcome courageous warriors. And indeed this king will meet with the strategy of generals who will teach him that it would have been better for him to fight with deer. Should he in fact cross the Tigris, he will be defeated by the city walls and will be able neither to ravage the land nor harvest it; for it has been ravaged. He will be seeking all along to capture the cities by the Euphrates, but will not appear to have been successful. For the emperor’s fortune fortifies them. You must expect such a turn of events; I have not neglected your affairs which stood in need of a letter of Hermogenes, but we the mice are trying to help you the lions, rather than you the lions helping us.
(Dodgeon)
Libanius, ep. 331: (To Aristaenetus) Spectatus,22 on his return from the embassy, seemed fortunate in the eyes of many, to some because he had seen so much of the land and the mountains and the rivers (of that country); to others because he had observed the Persian way of life and the customs and laws by which they live. Yet others made much of his seeing the king himself and the precious stones which he wore; while others considered it a fine thing to have exchanged gifts and departed. 2. This gave me also a certain measure of delight, but it seemed to me that the fairest thing was that he returned having shown in Susa the power of his oratory. Indeed I thought he had lost this power, transferred elsewhere, after so long now away from his books. But his personality had retained the skill. 3. For when the Persian (king) was giving audience and the talk centred on their differences, there was much pressure in his demand for the restoration of the borders held by his grandfather Narses. There were frequent questions whether it was unjust that the misfortunes of ancestors descended to their children, and thereupon Spectatus intended to answer the tricks of the other side, if he should be able to defeat their laughter. He employed some arguments which were very noble, and indeed confounded the specious talk of the Persian. 4. For he said, ‘Your Majesty, if Constantius appropriates your land, remain in arms while he maintains an imperialistic policy. But if you accuse the dead of a long time ago with whom Narses went to war, and now Constantius, retaining the advantage, wishes to end the fighting, take care lest, in making your charge of imperialism, you be accused of similar behaviour.’
5. In such a way they say he put on a brave show, so that the king examined his youth and scrutinized his argument and shook his head not a few times. Because of your friend’s questioning, the king, he who sought to catch us in verbal traps was reduced to silence. So he spoke clearly to another, ‘Whatever would a legate from us to you state more clearly on his own behalf, or one to us from Persia?’
(Dodgeon)
Libanius, ep, 367: (To Modestus) Were you yourself also held back by what I too suffered? When evening approaches, a time when I am accustomed to visit you, I demand of my feet the journey, but am pained when I cannot see you. 2. Perhaps the same thing happens to you also at sunset. I am instructed in this both by your different temper and by the charges through which you censured me when I accompanied you. 3. You said, then, that you had been ill-treated for two days when I abandoned your company, and the accusations were sweeter than honey to me. Since I blamed the sickness which troubled my head and stated that I had stayed at home on account of that necessity, you discovered a second charge of not informing you of this. 4. This indeed is the converse of private citizens among themselves—the governor to the governed. But that a man who is loved should know how to love (in return) is no less a demonstration of virtue than passing judgment in the way that you do. You act well in imitating Heracles in your labour and the Persians in your swiftness. But we need your wings not only to bring you quickly over the Euphrates but to restore you speedily also to our river, the Orontes.
(Dodgeon)
Libanius, ep. 383: (To the same) I did both things in fair degree; I both wrote and abstained from writing. For, on the one hand, I desired to receive a letter from you, on the other, through not receiving one, I was hesitant to set my hand to it once again. Now therefore since it has come to pass that I am in receipt of a letter, you will clearly see me as an archer dispatching a rain of letters. 2. But in wishing to learn of my present circumstances, you seem likely to be yearning for sorrow. For from those times until this day my heart has not been able to be at peace. 3. There was in addition to this a greater evil, the fact that I could not even visit you, which for one so distressed would have been a better medicine than anything. As you well know, even if I should be healthier than Croton, yet being parted from you I place myself among the unwell. 4. Daphne, beloved of Apollo —I do not now mean the nymph, but the place into which the maiden was transformed—I considered even before was beautiful, and I consider it all the more beautiful now since it seems so to you. Yet I do not share in the place when I have become a prisoner of my art. For what governing is to you, teaching is to me.
(Dodgeon)
Libanius, ep. 388: (To the same) There are many who announce that you will come, but I do not yet see it put into effect. Therefore turn the shadow of our joy into a true gladness. For if there was need for reflection on affairs pertaining to the Euphrates, sufficient provision has been made; if men needed to know what kind of man you are beneath the blazing sun, you seem not to have fallen short of Heracles’ endurance. 2. Therefore why do you deprive of hope a great and fair city that loves you, to which you owe a debt of gratitude for its affection, and cannot find fault with? 3. But, excellent friend, compose your defence and come and visit those you have wronged. For should you appear immediately, yet the interval of time demands an orator’s skill. But you must by no means hire another to speak for you when you have already in person saved many by your voice.
(Dodgeon) Libanius, or. XII, 58: Then he (Constantius) stripped him of a large part of his forces, to weaken him (i.e. Julian); but he remained no less strong. Then he called for his whole force, putting forward the pretext of operations against Persia and under these most specious terms betraying both the emperor and the cities.
(Norman, i, p. 71.)
Libanius, or. XII, 71: Constantius had stripped the eastern empire of its picked troops when he began his march. He entrusted the cities to the weakest of his forces who, protectors to all appearances, themselves needed protection. Thus both flock and watch-dog alike were in fear and trembling. We thus felt that we had before our eyes the sack of our cities, though it had not yet occurred, and that our safety lay in flight.
(Norman, i, pp. 79–81)
Libanius, or. XII, 74: That doubly damned rogue (i.e. Antoninus), that second Demaratus who filled the ears of the Persian king with the tale of our wealth and who promised to betray to him during the winter our city in thrall…
(Norman, i, p. 81)
Libanius, or. XVIII, 90–1:…As a consequence, he (Julian) became the victim of the envy of the man who owed him his crowns of victory, for he began to recall the pick of the army and those ready for any emergency, allowing only those past their prime, whose contribution was numbers instead of deeds, to stay with him. 91. The ostensible reason was the Persian war, and the fact that a now peaceful Gaul required no troops, as though it were not a simple matter for the treacherous barbarians to ride roughshod over their agreements and as if it were unnecessary for military backing to support the articles of peace. He clearly had no need of an army bigger than the one he had already to deal with Persia, for a section of that was enough for the job, and however many times he raised a force like it, he would never have gone into battle, for he was bent on procrastination.
(Norman, i, pp. 338–9)
Libanius, or. XVIII, 205–11 (composed in 365): What makes you so eager for the story (of Julian’s expedition) is the thought of the might of the Persians, and how great was the power of Constantius whom they used to vanquish, and against what pride and audacity the hero of my speech did so fearlessly advance. The fact is that Constantius, besides the possession of the islands and the regions lying upon the Atlantic, was master of the land from the very shores up to the streams of the Euphrates—a region producing other things of all sorts, and tall men and courageous souls, wherewith to form an army invincible. 206. Nevertheless this prince, so abounding in resources, the possessor of innumerable and splendid cities, in receipt of those vast tributes, he that was drawing that immense amount of gold from his mines, he who clad the bodies of his cavalry in steel with greater care than the Persians themselves, who protected from wounds the very horses by means of armour—this prince, having inherited a war from his father that called for courage befitting an emperor, and a soul knowing how to employ his forces to the best advantage, he, just as though he had determined to assist his adversaries, never took thought how he might wrest anything from them, or defend his own from falling into their hands, but leading an army, year by year, at the beginning of summer, whilst they were laying siege to places with the opening of spring, crossing the Euphrates and halting his mighty armament in its vicinity, with the intention of beating a retreat if the enemy should show themselves, almost within hearing of the lamentations of his besieged subjects, he thought it better generalship to avoid fighting and not to succour his own people! 207. What, therefore, was the result of his camping there? The one monarch battered down walls, demolished towns, and returned home carrying away goods and captives; the other sent out persons to view the desolation, and was grateful to Fortune that no greater mischief had been done, and made his return through the middle of the cities in broad daylight, welcomed by the population and with the cries that are appropriate to victory! And this was the programme of each successive year. The Persian king crossed the frontier, the other intended so doing; he attacked the fortifications, the other began to move; he was on the point of taking them, the other made inquiries about the matter; he took them, the other was well satisfied at not having come to blows; the one exulted in the multitudes of his captives, the other in his horse-races; the one received crowns from the cities, the other was giving them to charioteers. Is not such a man rightly to be styled an ally of the Persians? For when it is in one’s power to hinder mischief, to permit it is next door to assisting in it with your own hands. 208. And let not anyone suppose me ignorant of that nocturnal battle (of Singara), in which both sides with mutual gall and loss separated; nor yet that sea-fight upon dry land (at Nisibis), in which they with difficulty saved the town that had endured so much; for this is the very hardship of the case, that he who had received by inheritance spirits knowing how to strike fear into the enemy, trained them into feeling fear, and by a bad education unnerved courageous dispositions. 209. What the force of training is in all matters philosophers point out, and the fable too declares; for it can change the better and the worse into the opposite of their former selves, if given to the former of a worse kind than his natural disposition, and to the latter, superior to the same. It (practice) has made women ride on horseback and rendered them more than a match for men in arms; and if it has forced the man endued by nature with virtue to live in the midst of revelling and drunkenness, his virtue forsakes him, and when he has learned this way of living instead of an honourable one, his former course grows hateful to him, and habit has distorted his natural character. 210. Something of this sort do I say that prince’s soldiers experienced through his fault, when they took up arms but were forbidden to come to blows, and were taught to slumber under their tents whilst their countrymen were taken captive, and not to dread disgrace, but to fear death; at which lessons they were at first impatient, as was natural for courageous men; then, less so; next they assented to, and finally they approved of them. 211. Consequently, a cloud of dust rising in the distance, such as would be made by cavalry, did not stir them up to the conflict, but made them turn to flee. But when a squadron, and that only a small one, showed itself, they prayed earth to swallow them up, preferring to suffer any fate rather than look a Persian in the face. And when their manhood had been thus extirpated, their confidence was equally destroyed, to such a degree that in the houses where they were billeted, whenever they demanded to be served by their hosts, the word ‘Persian’ put a stop to their being troublesome; and everyone used to say, jeering at them, ‘Here comes a Persian soldier!’ and they forthwith turned red in the face and jumped away. Nevertheless, when led against their own countrymen, they knew how to strike and to suffer blows, but the Persian terror, growing in the course of long years, had become so fixed in them that somebody said they even would have trembled at the Persians in a picture.
(King, pp. 186–9, altered)
Petrus Patricius, fragmenta 17, FHG IV, p. : When envoys of the Persians came to Constantius, Narses, the leader of the embassy, blending the harshness of the letter he was bearing with the gentleness of his own manner, handed it over to be read.
(Dodgeon)
Philostorgius, hist, eccl. III, 25, GCS: While Constantius was preparing his expedition against the tyrant Magnentius, intelligence was brought to him that the Persians had already set their forces in motion against the provinces of the East. On this account he deemed it necessary to nominate Gallus as Caesar, and to send him into the East against the Persians….
28. Gallus having shown considerable valour in the war against the Persians, certain calumniators endeavoured to stir up against him.
(Walford, pp. 459–60)
Themistius, or. IV, ed. Schenkel and Downey, pp. , 20–82, 12 (= Harduin 57B): And thus I (i.e. Themistius) am asserting the truth, and he is not only emperor there when he is seen, but indeed, when he is in camp among the Gauls, he compels the Persians to desire peace. And just recently in the city of Antioch I saw in person men who had arrived from Susa and Ecbatana with heralds’ wands and an ancient letter wrapped in white linen. And the letter earnestly entreated the prefect to make a truce with the Achaemenids (sic) and give friendly assurances from the emperor. I, therefore, am of the view that this victory is more powerful than if they had just been overwhelmed in battle and their land had been divided and we had taken garrisons and prisoners. For then they blamed fortune and threatened to fight back, but now they have willingly cowered and show by their very attitude that they are vanquished. And Darius reluctantly at a late date made his request of Alexander, having been smashed at the Granicus and afterwards at Issus in Cilicia; but when our emperor has turned his arms from the stream of the Tigris to the Western Ocean, those in Babylon did not withstand his threat from so far away.
(Dodgeon)
Theophanes, chronographia, A.M. 5852, p. , 9–14: In this year the Persians captured the stronghold called Bezabde, and Constantius, hearing that Julian in Gaul had won a reputation in war and had been declared emperor by the army, as he was residing in Antioch because of the Persian war, set out against the usurper Julian. Coming to Mopsucrena at the first stopping place from Tarsus, he died on the third day of the month of Dius, having made many charges against his own folly.
(Dodgeon)
Zonaras, XIII, 9, 25–31 and XIII, 11, 10 (iii, pp. 202, 19–203, 5 and 207, 14– 16, Dindorf): When, however, Constantius was marching from the West and returned to Byzantium, envoys from the Persians met him around Sirmium. They were sent by Shapur, who demanded that Mesopotamia and Armenia should be returned to Persia, that they might put an end to the war with Rome; 26. for these territories had been a source of problems to them since the time of their ancestors; 27 but if he (i.e. Constantius) did not comply, he made it clear to the emperor that he would appeal to Ares to judge the outcome of the matter.
On this matter, Constantius sent back the reply that he was amazed that Shapur seemed to have forgotten that the Persians were once enslaved to the Macedonians. When the Macedonians became subject to Rome, those who were in servitude to them became subject to the Romans. Shapur, angered by this, decided upon war.
Again (Shapur) laid siege to Nisibis.23 When his attempt on it failed, he left and tried other cities. 31. However, when he was also beaten off from them, he came to Amida and captured it.
(XIII, 11), 10. …at the time of his death Constantius was returning from the war against the Persians (and the king of Persia returned at the same time to his country) to march against the usurper (i.e. Julian).
(Dodgeon)
Zosimus, III, 1, 1 and 27, 4:…besides which (i.e. the invasion of the Franks, the Alamanni, etc.), the Persians were perpetually harassing the eastern provinces, though they had till then been peaceful, fearing an attack from Gallus Caesar;…
(27) (A.D. 363) 4. For in this battle a satrap of distinction called Daces was killed. In former time he happened to have been sent on an embassy to Constantius, to discuss peace and the cessation of war.
(Anon., revised Lieu)