4
The Rise and Fall of Palmyra

4.1.1.
Dedication to Septimius Odaenathus (date uncertain)

Cantineau, Syria 12 (1931), p. , no. 17 (Palmyrene only): In honour of Odainath¹ (i.e. Odaenathus) son of Hairan (, son of?) Vaballath, the chief of Tadmor ([rs ] ‘dy tdmwr), ‘Ogeilu son [of Maq]qai Haddudan Hadda, made this [thr]one and brought as offering [the hearth and the bra]zier and the holo[caust…]. (Lieu, revised Brock)

4.1.2.
Sepulchral inscription of Septimius Odaenathus (date uncertain)²

CISem. II, 4202 (=Inv. VII B, 55, Greek and Palmyrene): (Greek:) This monument of burial has been built, at his own expense, by Septimius Odaenathus, the most illustrious senator, son of Haeranes, (son of) Vaballathus, son of Nasor, for himself, his sons and the sons of his sons, forever, eternal honour. (Palmyrene:) This sepulchre has been built by Odainath, senator, son of Hairan (‘dynt br hyrn), (son of) Vaballath, (son of Nasor), for himself, his sons and the sons of his sons forever.

(Lieu, revised Brock)

4.1.3.
Unsuccessful attempt by Septimius Odaenathus to make a treaty with Shapur I

Petrus Patricius, frag. 10, FHG IV, p. : Odaenathus paid [much] court to Shapur as one who had greatly surpassed the Romans. Wanting to lead him on, he sent magnificent gifts and other goods which Persia was not rich in, conveying them by camels. He also sent letters expressing entreaty and saying that he had done nothing against the Persians.³ Shapur, however, instructed the slaves who received the gifts to throw them into the river and tore up and crushed the letters. ‘Who is he’, he declared, ‘and how has he dared to write to his master? If then he wants to obtain a lighter punishment, let him prostrate himself again with his hands in chains. Otherwise, let him know that I shall destroy him and his people and his land.’

(Lieu)

4.1.4.
Dedication to Septimius Haeranes, son of Septimius Odaenathus (251)

CISem. II, 3944 (=Inv. III, 16, Palmyrene and Greek): This statue is that of Septimius Hairan (sptmyws hyrn), son of Odainath (br ‘dynt), the illustrious senator and chief of Palmyra (rs ’ tdmwr), which has been set up to him by Aurelius Philinus, son of Marius Philinus (Gk: Heliodorus), (son of) Ra‘ai (’wrlys plynws br mry’ plyn’ r‘y), the soldier who was in the (Gk only: Cyrenean) legion of Bostra (Palmyrene: Bosra): to his honour. In the month Tishri of the year 563 (Oct. 251). (Cooke, no. 125, pp.)

(Cooke, revised Brock)

4.1.5.
Dedication to Septimius Odaenathus (April, 252)

Gawlikowski, Syria 57 (1985), p. , no. 13 (Palmyrene and Greek, found on a column in the Great Colonnade): To (Palmyrene: The statue of) Septimius Odaenathus, son of Haeranes, son of Vaballathus Nasor, the most illustrious exarch⁴ of the Palmyrenes (Palmyrene: rs ’ dy tdmwr=‘Chief of Palmyra’), Julius Aurelius Ate‘aqab (Palmyrene: was made by t‘qb) son of ‘Ogeilu, son of Zabdibol, son of Moqimu, whose surname is Qora, to his friend, with affection (Palmyrene: to his friend, in his honour, under his presidency). In the month of Nisan, the year 563 (April, 252).⁵

(Lieu, revised Brock)

4.2.1.
Dedication to Julius Aurelius Oge, strategos of Palmyra (254)

CISem. II, 3934 (=Inv. III, 14, Palmyrene and Greek): The Senate and People to Julius Aurelius Oge, who is called Seleucus, son of ‘Azizu, (son of) ‘Azizu, (son of) She’ila (ywlys ’wrlys ‘g’ dy mtqr‘ slwqws br ‘zyzw ‘zyzw s ’ yl’), who served and was well-pleasing to them in his office of strategos; and he presented ten thousand drachmae: to his honour. In the month of Tishri, the year 566 (Oct., 254).

(Cooke, no. 123, pp. 282–3)

4.2.2.
Dedication to Septimius Haeranes (257/8)

Seyrig, AAS 13 (1963), pp. (Greek only, found in the southern portico of the Colonnade near the theatre): (Statue) of Septimius Haeranes, the illustrious son of the illustrious consul (Gk: hypatikos) Odaenathus (erected by) the guild of tanners and makers of leather rafts, for its patron, year 569 (257/8).

(Ingholt, 1976:131)

4.2.3.
Statue of Septimius Odaenathus (junior?) raised by the guild of gold and silver workers at Palmyra (258)

CISem. II, 3945 (=Inv. III, 17, Greek and Palmyrene): Statue of Septimius Odainath (sptmyws ‘dynt), illustrious consul, our lord, which the corporation of gold and silver-smiths have raised in his honour. In the month of Nisan in the year of 569 (April, 258).

(Lieu, revised Brock)

4.2.4.
Dedication to Aurelius Vorodes, Knight and senator of Palmyra (258/9)

Ibid., 3937 (=Inv. III, 12, Greek and Palmyrene): To Aurelius Vorodes, equestrian (Gk and Palmyrene: hippikos=Lat.: vir egregius) and senator (Gk: bouleutes) of Palmyra, made by (Gk only: his friend) Bel‘aqab, son of Harsa, to his honour. The year 570 (258/9).

(Cooke, no. 124, p. 284)

4.2.5.
Dedication to Septimius Haeranes by (Septimius?) Vorodes, senator (date unknown)

Seyrig, op. cit., p. , n. 134 (Greek only, found in the portico of theatre): (This statue is dedicated) to Septimius Haeranes, the illustrious (son) of Odaenathus, by Vorodes the senator […]

(Lieu, revised Brock)

4.3.1.
Sack of Nehardea by Odaenathus (?) (between 259 and 263)

Iggereth Rav Sherira Gaon⁶ p. , ed. Lewin (Hebrew): And in the year 570 (Sel.=AD 259)⁷ Papa ben Natzer (=Odaenathus?)⁸ came and destroyed Nehardea⁹ and Rabba b. Avuha, our ancestor, went to Sechansiv¹⁰ and to Silhe (and) to Mahoza.¹¹ And Rav Joseph b. Hama, Rava’s father, was there. (And the rest of) our sages (went) to Pumbedita,¹² which from the day of the Second Temple was the Chief Exile, as we learned from Rosh ha-Shanah, ‘until he sees the Exile before him like a bonfire’ (Midrash Rosh ha-Shanah II, 4) and Abbaye said the Exile in Pumbedita.

(Oppenheimer, 1983:290)

4.3.2.
The victories of Septimius Odaenathus over the Persians and Roman pretenders (c. 262±c. 266)

Oracula Sibyllina XIII, 155–71:

155 At which time will reign over the mighty Romans
two men, swift lords of war. One will have
the number seventy (i.e. Valerian) and the other three (i.e.
Gallienus).
And then a haughty bull, digging the earth
with its hoofs and lifting the dust with its two horns,
160 will do much harm to a dark-skinned reptile,
dragging its coil by its horny scales. But he will perish with it.
Another well-horned stag (i.e. Macrianus?) will again come
after him,
hungering in the mountains, desiring in its belly to feed upon
the venomous beasts. Then shall come one who was sent by
the sun (i.e. Odaenathus)
165 a mighty and fearful lion, breathing much flame.
Then he with much shameless daring will destroy
the well-horned swift-moving stag (i.e. Quietus, son of
Macrianus)
and the greatest beast—
venomous, fearful and emitting a great deal of hisses (i.e. the
Persians)
and the sideways walking goat (i.e. Callistus?) and fame will
attend him,
170 He himself, entire, unhurt and great,
will rule over the Romans, but the Persians will be weakened.

(Lieu)

Festus, breviarium 23, p. , 13–18: Under Gallienus the Persians invaded Mesopotamia and would even have begun to lay claim to Syria, except that (it is shameful to relate) Odaenathus, the Palmyrene decurion, collected a band of Syrian country folk and put up a spirited resistance. On a number of occasions he routed the Persians and not only defended our border but even as the avenger of the Roman empire, marvellous to say, forced his way to Ctesiphon.

(Dodgeon)

Eutropius, IX, 10: But while these events were taking place in Gaul (i.e. the usurpation of Tetricus), the Persians in the East were overthrown by Odaenathus, who, having defended Syria and recovered Mesopotamia, penetrated into (enemy) territory as far as Ctesiphon.

(Watson, p. 520, revised)

Jerome, Chronicon, s. a. 266, p. , 10–12: Odaenathus, a decurion of Palmyra, with a band of rustics defeated the Persians so heavily that he established camp at Ctesiphon.

(Dodgeon)

SHA Valer. IV, 2–4: Meanwhile, however, while Valerian was growing old in Persia, Odaenathus the Palmyrene gathered together an army and restored the Roman power almost to its pristine condition. 3. He captured the king’s treasures and he captured, too, what the Parthian monarchs hold dearer than treasures, namely his concubines. 4. For this reason Sapor was now in greater dread of the Roman generals, and out of fear of Ballista and Odaenathus he withdrew more speedily to his kingdom. And this, for the time being, was the end of the war with the Persians.

(Magie, iii, p. 7)

SHA Gall. 1, 1: When Valerian was captured…when the commonwealth was tottering, when Odaenathus had seized the rule of the East, and when Gallienus was rejoicing in the news of his father’s captivity, the armies began to range about on all sides, the generals in all the provinces to murmur, and great was the grief of all men that Valerian, a Roman emperor, was held as a slave in Persia.

(Magie, iii, p. 17)

SHA Gall 3, 1–5: Meanwhile, the commonwealth had been thrown into confusion throughout the entire world. Odaenathus, learning that Macrianus and his son had been slain, that Aureolus was ruling, and that Gallienus was administering the state with still greater slackness, hastened forward to seize the other son of Macrianus, together with his army, should Fortune so permit. 2. But those who were with Macrianus’ son—whose name was Quietus¹³—taking sides with Odaenathus, by the instigation of Ballista, Macrianus’ prefect, killed the young man,¹⁴ and, casting his body over the wall, they all in large numbers surrendered to Odaenathus. 3. And so Odaenathus was made emperor¹⁵ over almost the whole East, while Aureolus held Illyricum and Gallienus Rome. 4. This same Ballista murdered, in addition to Quietus and the guardian of his treasures, many of the people of Emesa, to whom Macrianus’ soldiers had fled, with the result that this city was nearly destroyed. 5. Odaenathus, meanwhile, as if taking the side of Gallienus, caused all that had happened to be announced to him truthfully.

(Magie, iii, pp. 21–3)

SHA Gall. 10, 1–8: In the consulship of Gallienus and Saturninus, Odaenathus, king of the Palmyrenes, held the rule over the entire East—chiefly for the reason that by his brave deeds he had shown himself worthy of the insignia of such great majesty, whereas Gallienus was doing nothing at all or else only what was extravagant, or foolish and deserving of ridicule. 2. Now at once he proclaimed a war on the Persians to exact for Valerian the vengeance neglected by Valerian’s son. 3. He immediately occupied Nisibis and Carrhae, the people of which surrendered, reviling Gallienus. 4. Nevertheless, Odaenathus showed no lack of respect toward Gallienus, for he sent him the satraps he captured—though, as it seemed, merely for the purpose of insulting him and displaying his own prowess. 5. After these had been brought to Rome, Gallienus held a triumph because of Odaenathus’ victory; but he still made no mention of his father and did not even place him among the gods, when he heard he was dead, until compelled to do so—although in fact Valerian was still alive, for the news of his death was untrue. 6. Odaenathus, besides, besieged an army of Parthians at Ctesiphon and devastated all the country round about, killing men without number. 7. But when all the satraps from all the outlying regions flocked together to Ctesiphon for the purpose of common defence, there were long-lasting battles with varying results, but more long-lasting still was the success of the Romans. 8. Moreover, since Odaenathus’ sole purpose was to set Valerian free, he daily pressed onward, but this best of commanders, now on foreign soil, suffered greatly because of the difficult ground.

(Magie, iii, p. 37)

SHA Gall. 12: One excellent deed of his, to be sure, is mentioned with praise. For in the consulship of his brother Valerian and his kinsman Lucillus, when he (Gallienus) learned that Odaenathus had ravaged the Persians, brought Nisibis and Carrhae under the sway of Rome, made all of Mesopotamia ours, and finally arrived at Ctesiphon, put the king to flight, captured the satraps and killed large numbers of Persians, he gave him a share in the imperial power, conferred on him the name Augustus, and ordered coins to be struck in his honour, which showed him hauling the Persians into captivity. This measure the senate, the city, and men of every age received with approval.

(Magie, iii, p. 41)

SHA trig. tyr. 15, 1–5: Had not Odaenathus, prince of the Palmyrenes, seized the imperial power after the capture of Valerian, when the strength of the Roman state was exhausted, all would have been lost in the East. 2. He assumed, therefore, as the first of his line, the title of King, and after gathering together an army he set out against the Persians, having with him his wife Zenobia, his elder son, whose name was Herodes, and his younger sons, Herennianus and Timolaus. 3. First of all, he brought under his power Nisibis and most of the East together with the whole of Mesopotamia, next, he defeated the king himself and compelled him to flee. 4. Finally, he pursued Sapor and his children even as far as Ctesiphon, and captured his concubines and also a great amount of booty; then he turned to the oriental provinces, hoping to be able to crush Macrianus, who had begun to rule in opposition to Gallienus, but he had already set out against Aureolus and Gallienus. After Macrianus was slain, Odaenathus killed his son Quietus also, while Ballista, many assert, usurped the imperial power in order that he, too, might not be slain.

(Magie, iii, p. 105)

SHA trig. tyr. 18, 1–3: As to whether this man (i.e. Ballista) held the imperial power or not, historians do not agree. For many assert that when Quietus was killed by Odaenathus, Ballista was pardoned, but nevertheless took the imperial power, putting no trust in either Gallienus or Aureolus or Odaenathus. 2. Others, again, declare that while still a commoner he was killed on the lands which he had bought for himself near Daphne. 3. Many, indeed, have said that he assumed the purple in order to rule in the Roman fashion, and that he took command of the army and made many promises on his own account, but was killed by those dispatched by Aureolus for the purpose of seizing Quietus, Macrianus’ son, who, Aureolus averred, was his own due prey.

(Magie, iii, pp. 109–11)

Libanius, epistulae 1006, 2 (c. 391): see below 4.11.4.

Orosius, adversus paganos VII, 22, 12: But in the east, Odaenathus gathered a band of peasants and overcame and repulsed the Persians, defended Syria, recovered Mesopotamia, and the Syrian peasants with their leader, Odaenathus, went as far as Ctesiphon.

(Deferrari, p. 318)

Zosimus I, 39, 1–2: The Scythians had laid waste to Greece and had even taken Athens by siege, when Gallienus advanced against those who were already in possession of Thrace, and ordered Odaenathus of Palmyra, a person whose ancestors had always been highly respected by the emperors, to assist in the east which was then in a very desperate condition. Accordingly, having joined to the remnants of the legions in the east the maximum number of his own troops, he attacked Shapur with great vigour; and having taken several cities belonging to the Persians, he also retook Nisibis, which Shapur had formerly taken and which favoured the Persian cause, by a first assault and ravaged it. 2. Then advancing not once merely, but a second time, as far as Ctesiphon, he shut the Persians up in their fortifications, and rendered them content to save their wives, their children and themselves, while he restored order as best as he could to the pillaged territory.

(Anon., revised Lieu)

Jordanes, Historia Romana 290, p. , 29–30: Before him (i.e. Aurelian), Odaenathus the Palmyrene with a band of rustics had expelled the Persians from Mesopotamia and had occupied it.

(Dodgeon)

Agathias IV, 24, 4: When he came home again, far from showing restraint in his use of his ill-won gains, he was puffed up with pride. But it was not long before Odenathus of Palmyra put a stop to his arrogance. Odenathus was at first unknown and obscure, but won great fame as a result of the disasters he inflicted on Shapur, and many earlier historians wrote about him.

(Cameron, p. 121)

Anonymous Continuator of Dio Cassius, ed. Boissevain, iii, p. 744 (=FHG IV, p. 197): As soon as Quietus, the son of Macrinus, had established imperial rule at Emesa, Odaenathus came upon him with a barbarian horde and made clear to them that they should either surrender themselves or prepare for battle. However, they replied that they were prepared to endure anything rather than to hand themselves over.

(Lieu)

Anonymous Continuator of Dio Cassius 8, 2 (=FHG IV, p. 195): Kyrinus (Quirinus?)¹⁶ was greatly displeased when Odaenathus took over the war of the Romans (against the Persians). When Odaenathus got wind of this, he ordered him to be executed but he lavished upon him many gifts from his own belongings for his funeral and showed them to him while he was still alive. Kyrinus laughed and said that the man was suffused with ignorance and silliness —ignorance, because we normally destroy our enemies and benefit our friends, but he did not know whether to class him as friend or foe; silliness, because he wished to afflict and kill him while he was alive and feeling, but to honour him with gifts once he was dead and unfeeling. Such good fortune (as had befallen him) underwent a rapid change.

(Lieu)

Syncellus, pp. 466, 23–467, 7 (p. 716, 12–22 CSHB): But Odaenathus the Palmyrene, who was a fine general, allied with the Romans, and he destroyed many of the Persians when he attacked them on their retreat across the land of the Euphrates. For this service he was honoured with the title of commander-in-chief (strategos) of the East by Gallienus, and also he destroyed some of the Romans who rose in insurrection against him in Phoenicia. Then again the Scyths, also called the Goths in their own language, came through the Black Sea to Bithynia and overran all Asia and Syria. They captured Nicomedia, a great city of Bithynia, and they destroyed the Ionian cities. Some of the cities they captured were unfortified, others were fortified in part. In addition they also set upon Phrygia and laid waste Troy, Cappadocia and Galatia.

(Dodgeon)

Zonaras, XII, 24, pp. 598, 19–600, 9 (iii, pp. 144, 32–145, 9 and 146, 4–15): Another war was undertaken by Gallienus against Macrinus who had two sons, Macrianus and Quintus, and made an attempt for the emperorship. Because he himself was disabled in one leg, he did not assume the purple but endowed it upon his sons. They happily welcomed him in Asia. After spending some time facing the Persians, he began preparations against Gallienus. He appointed Ballista in his place against the Persians, and he himself selected him as his Master of Cavalry. With him he left his son Quintus…(p. 599, 23) Quintus, indeed, the younger son of Macrinus, was in the Orient with Ballista, having made practically all of it subject to his authority. Gallienus sent Odaenathus, commander of the Palmyrenes, against them. When the news was announced to Quintus and Ballista of the defeat that had occurred to the Macrini in Pannonia, many of the cities subject to them defected. But they delayed in Emesa. Odaenathus came there and joined battle and defeated them. He himself killed Ballista, while Quintus was slain by the people of the city. The emperor rewarded Odaenathus for his courage and appointed him as Commander-in- Chief (strategos) of the entire East.

(Dodgeon)

4.3.3.
Dedication to Septimius Odaenathus from the Tyrians (date unknown).

Mouterde, MUSJ 38 (1962), pp. (Greek only, found on a marble base at Tyre): To Septimius Odaenathus, the most illustrious (senator?). The Septimian colony of Tyre.

(Lieu)

4.3.4.
Dedication to Septimius Herodianus for victory over the Persians in Syria (date unknown).

IGR III, 1032 (Greek only, found on a block, once the base of a statue which stood on top of the easternmost of the two lateral arches north of the Great Colonnade): (This statue is dedicated) to the King of Kings, [having received?] the royalty near the Orontes, crowned for victory over the Persians, Septimius Herodianus,¹⁷ by Julius Aurelius Septimius Vorodes and [Julius Aurelius procurator] of the Queen, centenarius, both strategoi of the illustrious colony.

(Lieu)

4.3.5.
Peace between Odaenathus and Gallienus (c. 264)

SHA trig. tyr. 21, 5:…on the other hand, it is generally known that he (i.e. Gallienus) celebrated a decennial festival at Rome, and that after this festival he defeated the Goths, made peace with Odaenathus, entered into friendly relations with Aureolus, warred against Postumus and against Lollianus, and did many things that make a virtuous life, but more that tend to dishonour.

(Magie, iii, p. 63)

4.4.1.
Dedications to Septimius Vorodes,¹⁸ Procurator Augusti ducenarius

CISem. II, 3938 (=Inv. III, 11, Greek and Palmyrene): This statue is that of Septimius Vorodes, (Gk only: the eminent) procurator ducenarius (i.e. procurator second class, of Caesar (qsr), our lord, which has been set up to him by the Senate and People: to his honour. In the month of Nisan of the year 573 (April, 262).

(Cooke, no. 128, p. 288, with different dating)

CISem. II, 3939 (=Inv. III, 10, Greek and Palmyrene): Septimius Vorodes, the most excellent procurator ducenarius (this statue) has been set up to his honour by Julius Au[r]elius Nebuzabad, son of So’adu, son of Haire, strategos of the colony, his friend. The year 574 in the month of Kislul (Dec., 262).

(Cooke, no. 127, pp. 287–8)

CISem. II, 3940 (=Inv. III, 9, Greek and Palmyrene): Septimius Vorodes, the most excellent procurator ducenarius and commandant, (Gk: argapetes=Pers. hargbed, commander of a fort, see below Ch. 5, n. 46), (this statue) has been set up to him by Julius Aurelius Septimius Iade, equestrian (=vir egregius), son of Alexander, son of Hairan, (son) of Soraiku, to the honour of his friend and patron. In the month of Sivan of the year 575 (May–June 575, Gk gives April).

(Cooke, no. 128, pp. 288–9)

CISem. II, 3941 (=Inv. III, 8, Greek and Palmyrene, both very fragmentary, text reconstructed from Ibid. 3940): Septimius Vorodes, the eminent procurator ducenarius and commandant, (this statue) has been set up to him by [Julius Aurelius Septimi]us Malku, son of Mal[oka, son of Nassum] ([ywlys ’wrlys sptmy]ws ml[kw br mlwk’ ns wm), to the honour of his friend and patron. In the month of Nisan, 576 (April, 265).

(Lieu, revised Brock)

CISem. II, 3942 (=Inv. III, 7, Greek and Palmyrene, the latter is badly preserved): The Senate and the People have erected this statue to Septimius Vorodes, the eminent imperial procurator ducenarius, administrator of justice of the metro-colonia (i.e. Palmyra), who has brought up the caravans at his own expense, and has (worthy) testimony borne to him by the chiefs of the merchants, who has exercised brilliantly his function as strategos, who has been public notary (Gk: ‘being agoranomos’)¹⁹ of the metro-colonia; who has spent large sums from his own coffers, who has been pleasing to the Senate and the People and who is now the symposiarch, with brilliance, of the priests of the god Zeus-Bel; on account of his integrity and his honour, in the year [577], in the month of Xandikos (April, 266).

(Lieu, revised Brock)

CISem. II, 3943 (=Inv. III, 6, Greek and Palmyrene): Septimius Vorodes, the eminent (Gk adds: imperial) procurator ducenarius and commandant, (this statue) has been set up to him by Julius Aurelius Shalme, son of Cassianus, son of Ma‘nai, knight (Gk adds: of the Romans), to the honour of his friend and patron. In the month of Nisan, 578 (April, 267).

(Lieu, revised Brock)

4.4.2.
The Persian war of Gallienus as told by Malalas

Malalas, XII, p. , 3–16: After the reign of Valerian, Gallienus also called Licinianus ruled for fourteen years…. He had only just become emperor, when he marched against the Persians and came to avenge the Romans. He was also very generous to those who had survived the Persian raids, and he rebuilt what had been burnt and alleviated taxation for four years and he also founded a large temple in Emesa. When he joined war against the Persians, many fell on both sides and he made a treaty of peace. And he turned back from there into Arabia and made war on Enathus (Odaenathus), King of the barbarian Saracens, and he slew him and took over Arabia. He returned to Rome and died of illness at the age of fifty.

(Dodgeon)

4.4.3.
Odaenathus' devotion to his son Herodes

SHA trig, tyr. 16: Herodes, who was the son, not of Zenobia, but of a former wife of Odaenathus, received the imperial power along with his father, though he was the most effeminate of men, wholly oriental and given over to Grecian luxury, for he had embroidered tents and pavilions made out of cloth of gold and everything in the manner of the Persians. 2. In fact Odaenathus, complying with his ways and moved by the promptings of a father’s indulgence, gave him all the king’s concubines and the riches and jewels that he captured. 3. Zenobia, indeed, treated him in a step-mother’s way, and this made him all the more dear to his father. Nothing more remains to be said concerning Herodes.

(Magie, iii, pp. 107–9)

4.4.4.
His other two sons, Herrenianus and Timolaus

SHA trig. tyr. 27: Odaenathus, when he died, left two little sons, Herennianus and his brother Timolaus, in whose name Zenobia seized the imperial power, holding the government longer than was meet for a woman. These boys she displayed clad in the purple robe of a Roman emperor and she brought them to public gatherings which she attended in the fashion of a man, holding up, among other examples, Dido and Semiramis, and Cleopatra, the founder of her family.²⁰ 2. The manner of their death, however, is uncertain; for many maintain that they were killed by Aurelian, and many that they died a natural death, since Zenobia’s descendants still remain among the nobles of Rome.

(Magie, iii, p. 131)

SHA trig. tyr. 28: With regard to him (i.e. Timolaus) we consider only those things to be worth knowing which have been told concerning his brother (i.e. Herrenianus). 2. One thing there is, however, which distinguishes him from his brother, that is, that such was his eagerness for Roman studies that in a short time, it is said, he made good the statement of his teacher of letters, who had said that he was in truth able to make him the greatest of Latin rhetoricians.

(Magie, iii, pp. 131–3)

4.5.1.
Death of Odaenathus (c 266/7)

SHA Gall. 13, 1: About this same time (i.e. as the invasion of the Scythians), Odaenathus was treacherously slain by his cousin, and with him his son Herodes, whom also he had hailed as emperor.

(Magie, iii, p. 43)

SHA trig. tyr. 15, 5–6: Then, after he had for the most part put in order the affairs of the East, he was killed by his cousin Maeonius (who also had seized the imperial power), together with his son Herodes,²¹ who, also, after returning from Persia along with his father, had received the title of emperor. 6. Some god, I believe, was angry with the commonwealth, who, after Valerian’s death, was unwilling to preserve Odaenathus alive.

(Magie, iii, pp. 105–7)

SHA trig. tyr. 17, 1–3: This man (i.e. Maeonius), the cousin of Odaenathus, murdered that excellent emperor, being moved thereto by nothing else than contemptible envy, for he could bring no charge against him save that Herodes was his son. 2. It is said, however, that previously he had entered into a conspiracy with Zenobia, who could not bear that her stepson Herodes should be called a prince in a higher rank than her own two sons, Herennianus and Timolaus. 3. But Maeonius, too, was a filthy fellow, and so, after being saluted as emperor through some blunder, he was shortly thereafter killed by the soldiers, as his excesses deserved.

(Magie, iii, p. 109)

Zosimus I, 39, (2): Shortly afterwards (i.e. his victory over Shapur), whilst residing at Emesa, he (i.e. Odaenathus) was killed in a conspiracy as he was celebrating the birthday of a friend. Zenobia then took over the reins of government. She was the wife of Odaenathus, but had the courage of a man, and with the assistance of her husband’s friends, governed with the same circumspection.

(Anon., revised Lieu)

Anonymous Continuator of Dio Cassius 7, ed. Boissevain, iii, p. 744 (=FHG IV, p. 194): As Rufinus had executed the elder Odaenathus for fomenting revolt, the younger Odaenathus²² accused him of having murdered his father. The Emperor (sc. Gallienus) asked Rufinus why he did this. He replied that he was justified in so doing. ‘Would that you had entrusted me to kill this Odaenathus, his son, and that I did it immediately.’ Rufinus was suffering from gout in his hands and feet and was unable to move at all. The Emperor said to him, ‘By what strength and by what person do you have confidence in what you are saying?’ But he replied, ‘Not even if I was healthy, more so than in my youth, was I able to do anything against him. But by giving orders and making dispositions by your authority, I managed all the affairs well. And you, your Majesty, do not personally carry out what you undertake but give orders to your soldiers.’ Gallienus praised him for this reply.

(Lieu)

John of Antioch, frag. 152, 2, FHG IV, p. 599: Odaenathus was killed in a conspiracy of Gallienus; and Zenobia, who was his wife, took over the affairs there. She had a man’s courage and avenged her husband’s death with his friends.

(Lieu) Syncellus, p. 467, 4–14 (pp. 716, 22–717, 8 CSHB): But once more Odaenathus, who had gained distinction over the Persians and had subdued Ctesiphon by siege, heard of the disasters of Asia and hurriedly came with his forces through Cappadocia to Heraclea in Pontus. When he was about to fulfil his intention of falling upon the Goths, he was treacherously slain by an individual called Odaenathus like himself. Before his arrival, the Goths returned to their homeland through the same Pontus and the bodyguard killed Odaenathus, the murderer of (their king) Odaenathus; they entrusted the government of the Orient to his wife Zenobia.

(Dodgeon)

Zonaras XII, 24, p. 600, 10–23 (iii, pp. 146, 16–147, 3, Dindorf): This Odaenathus became a great man and loyal to the Romans, and was victorious in many wars against different nations and against the Persians themselves. But in the end he was killed by his own nephew. For that man joined this uncle in a hunt, and when the animal leapt out, he made the first attack and threw and killed the beast. Odaenathus was angry and threatened his relative. But the nephew did not desist, but did this two or three times. Odaenathus flew into a rage and took away his horse. This is considered a great insult among the barbarians. So the young man angrily threatened his uncle. For this reason, he put him in chains. Later the elder of Odaenathus’ sons requested his father that the prisoner be freed. And when the young man was released, while Odaenathus was drinking, he came at him with a sword and killed him and his son by whom the release had been obtained. But the young man was slain when some of them attacked him.

(Dodgeon)

4.5.2. The character and achievements of Odaenathus

SHA trig. tyr. 15, 7–8: For of a surety he, with his wife Zenobia, would have restored not only the East, which he had already brought back to its ancient condition, but also all parts of the whole world everywhere, since he was fierce in warfare and, as most writers relate, ever famous for his memorable hunts; for from his earliest years he expended his sweat, as is the duty of a man, in taking lions and panthers and bears and other beasts of the forest, and always lived in the woods and the mountains, enduring heat and rain and all other hardships which pleasures of hunting entail.

8. Hardened by these, he was able to bear the sun and the dust in the wars with the Persians; and his wife, too, was inured to hardship and in the opinion of many was held to be more brave than her husband, being, indeed, the noblest of all the women of the East, and, as Cornelius Capitolinus declares, the most beautiful.

(Magie, iii, p. 107)

4.5.3.
The character and ambition of Zenobia

SHA trig. tyr. 30, 1–3 and 12–22: Now all the shame is exhausted, for in the weakened state of the commonwealth things came to such a pass that, while Gallienus conducted himself in the most evil fashion, even women ruled most excellently. 2. For, in fact, even a foreigner, Zenobia by name, about whom much has already been said, boasting herself to be of the family of the Cleopatras and the Ptolemies, proceeded upon the death of her husband Odaenathus to cast about her shoulders the imperial mantle; and arrayed in the robes of Dido and even assuming the diadem, she held the imperial power in the name of her sons Herennianus and Timolaus, ruling longer than could be endured from one of the female sex. 3. For this proud woman performed the functions of a monarch, both while Gallienus was ruling and afterwards when Claudius was busied with the war against the Goths, and in the end could scarcely be conquered by Aurelian himself, under whom she was led in triumph and submitted to the sway of Rome….

12. Such was her continence, it is said, that she would not know even her own husband, save for the purpose of conception. For when once she had lain with him, she would refrain until the time of menstruation to see if she were pregnant; if not, she would again grant him an opportunity of begetting children. 13. She lived in regal pomp. It was rather in the manner of the Persians that she received worship and in the manner of the Persian kings that she banqueted; 14. but it was in the manner of a Roman emperor that she came forth to public assemblies, wearing a helmet and girt with a purple fillet, which had gems hanging from the lower edge, while its centre was fastened with the jewel called cochlis, used instead of the brooch worn by women, and her arms were frequently bare. 15. Her face was dark and of a swarthy hue, her eyes were black and powerful beyond the usual wont, her spirit divinely great, and her beauty incredible. So white were her teeth that many thought that she had pearls in place of teeth. 16. Her voice was clear and like that of a man. Her sternness, when necessity demanded, was that of a tyrant, her clemency, when her sense of right called for it, that of a good emperor. Generous with prudence, she conserved her treasures beyond the wont of women. 17. She made use of a carriage, and rarely of a woman’s coach, but more often she rode a horse; it is said, moreover, that frequently she walked with her foot-soldiers for three or four miles. 18. She hunted with the eagerness of a Spaniard. She often drank with her generals, though at other times she refrained, and she drank, too, with the Persians and the Armenians, but only for the purpose of getting the better of them. 19. At her banquets she used vessels of gold and jewels, and she even used those that had been Cleopatra’s. As servants she had eunuchs of advanced age but very few maidens. 20. She ordered her sons to talk Latin, so that, in fact, they spoke Greek but rarely and with difficulty. 21. She herself was not wholly conversant with the Latin tongue, but nevertheless, mastering her timidity, she would speak it; Egyptian, on the other hand, she spoke very well. 22. In the history of Alexandria and the Orient she was so well versed that she even composed an epitome, so it is said; Roman history, however, she read in Greek.

(Magie, iii, pp. 135–41)

4.5.4.
Zenobia held power in the name of her sons after the death of Odaenathus

SHA Gall. 13, 2–3: Then Zenobia, his wife, since the sons who remained, Herennianus and Timolaus, were still very young assumed the power herself and ruled for a long time, not in feminine fashion or with the ways of a woman, 3. but surpassing in courage and skill not merely Gallienus, than whom any girl could have ruled more successfully, but also many an emperor.

(Magie, iii, p. 43)

SHA Aurel. 38, 1:…it was in the name of her son Vaballathus and not in that of Timolaus or Herennianus, that Zenobia held the imperial power, which she did really hold.

(Magie, iii, p. 269)

4.5.5.
Dedication to Zenobia and her son Vaballathus Athenodorus (c 268/70)

CISem. II, 3971 (Milestone found west of Palmyra, Greek and Palmyrene): (Gk): …and [for the sa]fety of Septimia Zenobia, the most illustrious queen, the mother of the Emperor Septi[mius] Athen[odorus]…(Palmyrene): For the life and [victory] of Septimius Vaballathus Athenodo[rus] (sptymyws whblt ’tndr [ws], the most illustrious King of Kings and Corrector (w’ pnrtt’=Gk ) of the entire Orient, son of Septimius [Odainath, King] of Kings; and for the life of Septimia Bathzabbai (sptymy’ btzby, i.e. Zenobia), the most illustrious queen, mother of the King of Kings, daughter of Antiochus (’ntywkws). Fourteen miles.

(Vince, revised Brock)

4.6.1.
Predominance of Palmyrene power in the EastÐdefeat of Heraclianus (c. 268)

Aurelius Victor, liber de Caesaribus 33, 3: He (Gallienus), together with his son Saloninus on whom he had conferred the rank of Caesar, had left the Roman commonwealth to sink to such a point that the Goths, traversing Thrace without hindrance, had occupied Macedonia, Achaea and the confines of Asia, that the Parthians (sic) had had possession of Mesopotamia and that the East had fallen under the dominations of brigands and a woman (i.e. Zenobia);…

(Dodgeon)

SHA Gall. 13, 4–5: As for Gallienus, indeed, when he learned that Odaenathus was murdered, he made ready for war with the Persians—an over tardy vengeance for his father—and, gathering an army with the help of Heraclianus, he played the part of a skilful prince. 5. This Heraclianus, however, on setting out against the Persians, was defeated by the Palmyrenes and lost all the troops he had gathered, for Zenobia was ruling Palmyra and most of the East with the vigour of a man.

(Magie, iii, pp. 43–5)

4.6.2. Zenobia founded a city/fortress on the Euphrates (date uncertain)

Procopius, de bello Persico II, 5, 4–6: (AD 540) Chosroes, therefore, not wishing to make trial of so strong a fortress (i.e. Circesium) and not having in mind to cross the River Euphrates, but rather to go against the Syrians and Cilicians, without any hesitation led his army forward, and after advancing for what, to an unencumbered traveller, is about a three days’ journey along the bank of the Euphrates, he came upon the city of Zenobia; this place Zenobia had built in former times, and, as was natural, she gave her name to the city. 5. Now Zenobia was the wife of Odaenathus, the ruler of the Saracens of that region, who had been on terms of peace with the Romans from of old. 6. This Odaenathus rescued for the Romans the Eastern Empire when it had come under the power of the Medes (i.e. Persians); but this took place in former times.

(Dewing, i, pp. 295–7)

4.6.3.
Alleged support for Paul of Samosata, heretical bishop of Antioch (c. 260±89), by Zenobia

Athanasius, historia Arianorum 71, ed. Bright, p. : Zenobia was a Jewess,²³ and a supporter of Paul of Samosata; but she did not give up the churches to the Jews for synagogues.

(Atkinson ap. Robertson, p. 296)

4.6.4.
The invasion of Arabia by Zenobia

IGLS 9107 (=AE 1947, 165, inscription of the lintel over the entrance to the temple of Iuppiter Hammon at Bostra in Arabia, Latin):…the temple of Iuppiter Hammon, destroyed by the Palmyrene enemies, which…rebuilt, with a silver statue and iron doors (?).²⁴

(Speidel, 1977:723)

Malalas, XII, p. , 3–10: At the same time Zenobia the Saracen, the wife of Enathus (i.e. Odaenathus), exacting revenge for the death of her own husband, gathered his kinsmen and took over Arabia, then held by the Romans. She also slew the Dux Trassus of the Romans and all the force with him during the reign of Apollianus himself (also called Claudius) (268–270). The same Claudius was in Sirmium, waging war, and there he died at the age of fifty-six.

(Dodgeon)

4.6.5.
Expansion of Palmyrene power into Egypt (c. 270)²⁵

SHA Divus Claudius 11, 1–2: While these things were being done by the Deified Claudius, the Palmyrenes, under the generals Saba and Timagenes, made war against the Egyptians, who defeated them with true Egyptian pertinacity and unwearied continuance in fighting. 2. Probatus, nevertheless, the leader (dux) of the Egyptians, was killed by a trick of Timagenes’. All the Egyptians, however, submitted to the Roman emperor, swearing allegiance to Claudius, although he was absent.

(Magie, iii, p. 173)

SHA Probus 9, 5: He (i.e. Probus) fought also against the Palmyrenes, who held Egypt for the party of Odaenathus and Cleopatra (i.e. Zenobia), fighting at first with success, but later so recklessly that he nearly was captured; later, however, when his forces were strengthened, he brought Egypt and the greater part of the Orient under the sway of Aurelian.

(Magie, iii, p. 353)

Zosimus I, 44, 1–2: The Scythians were thus dispersed, with the loss of a great part of their troops. Zenobia now began to conceive of more ambitious projects and sent Zabdas into Egypt, because Timagenes, an Egyptian, attempted to place Egypt under the government of the Palmyrenes.²⁶ He had for this purpose raised an army of Palmyrenes, Syrians and barbarians, to the number of seventy thousand, which was opposed by fifty thousand Egyptians. A sharp engagement ensued between them, in which the Palmyrenes had the greater advantage. He then departed, leaving them a garrison of five thousand men. 2. Probus, who had been appointed by the emperor to clear the sea of pirates, when hearing of the subjugation of Egypt by the Palmyrenes, marched against them with his own forces, and with as many of the Egyptians as were opposed to the Palmyrenes, and drove out their garrison. The Palmyrenes rallied with fresh forces but Probus, who also levied a body of Egyptians and Africans, gained another victory, and drove the Palmyrenes out of Egypt. When Probus was encamped on a mountain near Babylon,²⁷ thereby cutting off the passage of the enemy into Syria, Timagenes, who was well acquainted with the country, gained the summit of the mountain with two thousand men and attacked the Egyptians by surprise. Probus was among those taken prisoner but he killed himself.²⁸

(Anon., revised Lieu)

Syncellus, p. 470, 1–2 (p. 721, 4–9, CSHB): Aurelian subjugated the Palmyrenes and brought Gaul under subjection. It is said that Philostratus, the Athenian historian (FGrH 99T), and Longinus flourished in his reign.

Then Zenobia revolted against the Romans, and assembling a large army, took control of Egypt and defeated Probus the Roman general there.

(Dodgeon)

4.7.1. Epitaph of a soldier who fell in the Egyptian campaign

Seyrig, Syria 31 (1954) p. (Greek funerary epitaph of uncertain provenance, probably from the Hauran in Arabia): Odious Egypt snatched away the souls of many, including that of yours. While your uncle and your illustrious mother have buried you with the appropriate rites, the others had become food for birds of prey. Courage…

(Speidel 1977:724)

4.7.2.
Statues to Septimius Odaenathus and Zenobia raised on adjacent columns at Palmyra (271)

CISem. II, 3946 (=Inv. III, 19, Palmyrene only, the Greek text has disappeared, probably erased): Statue of Septimius Odainath (sptmyws ‘dy[nt]), King of Kings and Restitutor of all the Orient (mtqnn’ dy mdnh’ klh);²⁹ Septimius Zabda, commander in chief, and Septimius Zabbai, commander of Palmyra, (both) eminent men raised it to their Lord, in the month of Ab in the year 582 (Aug., 271).

(Lieu, revised Brock)

CISem. II, 3947 (=Inv. III, 20, Greek and Palmyrene): Statue of Septimia Zenobia (Gk; Palmyrene gives her name as sptymy ’btzby: Septimia Bathzabbai), most illustrious and pious queen; Septimius Zabda, commander in chief and Septimius Zabbai, commander of Palmyra, (both) eminent (men) raised it to their sovereign lady, in the month of Ab in the year 582 (Aug., 271).

(Brock)

4.7.3.
Dedications to Vaballathus Athenodorus found on milestones near Bostra

AE 1904, 60 (=Dessau, 8924, Latin): To the Imperator Caesar L. Julius Aurelius Septimius Vaballathus Athenodorus, Persicus Maximus, Arabicus Maximus, Adiabenicus Maximus, the Devout, the Fortunate, the Unconquered, Augustus, […]

Bauzou, 1986:2 (Latin milestones found at the 15th and 20th mile stations on the Via Nova from Bostra): [Lu(cius) Juli]us Aurelius Septimius Vaballathus Athenodorus, King, Consul, Imperator, dux of the Romans. Fifteen miles.

Ibid. p. (Latin): L(ucius) Julius Aurel[ius Septimius] Baballa[thus Athenodorus], King, Co(n)[s(ul) Imperator, dux of the Ro]mans…

(Lieu)

4.7.4.
Aurelian marched against Zenobia, the recovery of Tyana (271/2)

SHA Aurel. 22, 1–24, 9: And so, having arranged for all that had to do with the fortifications and the general state of the city and with city affairs as a whole, he directed his march against the Palmyrenes, or rather against Zenobia, who, in the name of her sons, was wielding the imperial power in the East. 2. On this march he ended many great wars of various kinds. For in Thrace and Illyricum he defeated the barbarians who came against him, and on the other side of the Danube he even slew the leader of the Goths, Cannabas, or Cannabaudes as he is also called, and with him five thousand men. 3. From there he crossed over by way of Byzantium into Bithynia, and took possession of it without a struggle. 4. Many were the great and famous things that he said and did, but we cannot include them all in our book without causing a surfeit, nor, indeed, do we wish to do so, but for the better understanding of his character and valour a few of them must be selected. 5. For instance, when he came to Tyana and found its gates closed against him, he became enraged and exclaimed, it is said: ‘In this town I will not leave even a dog alive.’

6. Then, indeed, the soldiers, in the hope of plunder, pressed on with greater vigour, but a certain Heraclammon, fearing that he would be killed along with the rest, betrayed his native-place, and so the city was captured.

23 Aurelian, however, with the true spirit of an emperor, at once performed two notable deeds, one of which showed his severity, the other his leniency. 2. For, like a wise victor, he put to death Heraclammon, the betrayer of his native-place, and when the soldiers clamoured for the destruction of the city in accordance with the words in which he had declared that he would not leave a dog alive in Tyana, he answered them, saying: ‘I did, indeed, declare that I would not leave a dog alive in this city; well, then, kill all the dogs.’ 3. Notable, indeed, were the prince’s words, but more notable still was the deed of the soldiers; for the entire army, just as though it were gaining riches thereby, took up the prince’s jest, by which both booty was denied them and the city preserved intact.

4. The letter concerning Heraclammon: ‘From Aurelian Augustus to Mallius Chilo. I have suffered the man to be put to death by whose kindness, as it were, I recovered Tyana. But never have I been able to love a traitor and I was pleased that the soldiers killed him; for he who spared not his native city would not have been able to keep faith with me. 5. He, indeed, is the only one of all who opposed me that the earth now holds. The fellow was rich, I cannot deny it, but the property I have restored to the children to whom it belonged, that no one may charge me with having permitted a man who was rich to be slain, for the sake of his money.’

24 The city, moreover, was captured in a wonderful way. For after Heraclammon had shown Aurelian a place where the ground sloped upward by nature in the form of a siege-mound, up which he could climb in full attire, the emperor ascended there, and, holding aloft his purple cloak he showed himself to the townsfolk within and the soldiers without, and so the city was captured, just as though Aurelian’s entire army had been within the walls.

2. We must not omit one event which enhances the fame of a venerated man. 3. For, it is said, Aurelian did indeed truly speak and truly think of destroying the city of Tyana; but Apollonius of Tyana, a sage of the greatest renown and authority, a philosopher of former days, the true friend of the gods, and himself even to be regarded as a supernatural being, as Aurelian was withdrawing to his tent, suddenly appeared to him in the form in which he is usually portrayed, and spoke to him as follows, using Latin in order that he might be understood by a man from Pannonia: 4. ‘Aurelian, if you wish to conquer, there is no reason why you should plan the death of my fellow-citizens. Aurelian, if you wish to rule, abstain from the blood of the innocent. Aurelian, act with mercy, if you wish to live long.’ 5. Aurelian recognized the countenance of the venerated philosopher, and, in fact, he had seen his portrait in many a temple. 6. And so, at once stricken with terror, he promised him a portrait and statues and a temple, and returned to his better self. 7. This incident I have learned from trustworthy men and read over again in the books in the Ulpian Library, and I have been the more ready to believe it because of the reverence in which Apollonius is held. 8. For who among men has ever been more venerated, more revered, more renowned, or more holy than that very man? He brought back the dead to life, he said and did many things beyond the power of man. If any one should wish to learn these, let him read the Greek books which have been composed concerning his life. 9. I myself, moreover, if the length of my life shall permit and the plan shall continue to meet with his favour, will put into writing the deeds of this great man, even though it be briefly, not because his achievements need the tribute of my discourse, but in order that these wondrous things may be proclaimed by the voice of every man.

(Magie, iii, pp. 237–43)

Zosimus I, 50, 1: After the problems in Italy and Pannonia had been solved, the emperor prepared to march against the Palmyrenes, who had already become master of all Egypt and the East, as far as Ancyra in Galatia, and would have acquired Bithynia even as far as Chalcedon, if the Bithynians had not learned that Aurelian had been made emperor, and so shook off the Palmyrene yoke.

(Anon., revised Lieu)

Anonymous Continuator of Dio Cassius, 10, 4, ed. Boissevain, iii, p. 746 (=FHG, IV, p. 197): In the course of the siege of Tyana, Aurelian said to his troops: ‘If we should enter the city, no dog should be left alive.’ However, after the city had been captured, he forbade the soldiers to kill or plunder. The enraged soldiers said to him: ‘You should now permit us to do what you have promised.’ But he replied to them saying: ‘You have correctly repeated what I have said. Go now, therefore, and kill all the dogs, so that none of them may be found alive in the city.’ Thereupon he dispatched the tribunes and the soldiers and exterminated the dogs, so that the anger of the army dissolved into jest. Afterwards he called the soldiers together and addressed them as follows: ‘We are fighting to liberate the cities and if we prefer to pillage them, they will have no more faith in us. Let us rather seek plunder from the barbarians and we will spare those whom (we regard) as our own.’

(Lieu)

4.7.5.
Egyptian documents (in Greek) dated by the joint regnal year of Aurelian and Vaballathus Athenodorus (272)

P.Oxy. 1264, 20–27:³⁰ …The second year of the Emperor Caesar Lucius Domitius Aurelianus Pius Felix Augustus and the fifth year of Julius Aurelius Septimius Vaballathus Athenodorus, most illustrious king, consul, Emperor, general of the Romans, Phamenoth 8 (14 March, 272).

(Grenfell and Hunt)

BGU 946: (The main text is lost.) The second year of our Lord Lucius Domitius Aurelianus Augustus and the fifth year of our Lord Septimius Vabalathus (sic) Athenodorus, the most illustrious king, consul, Emperor, general of the Romans, Phamenoth 15 (21 March, 272)…

(Lieu)

4.8.1.
Accession of Hormizd as Shahanshah of Persia (272). His succession by Bahram I (273±276).

Agathias IV, 24, 5: On Shapur’s death, his son Hormizd took over the throne, but held it only for a very short time. He enjoyed his good fortune for a year and ten days, without doing anything that has ever been recorded. The next king, Varanes (i.e. Bahram), who reigned for three years, was the same.

(Cameron, p. 123)

4.8.2.
Aurelian defeated the Palmyrenes at Immae and recovered Antioch (272).

Festus, brev. 24, p. , 1–6: Zenobia, the wife of Odaenathus, was an addition to the glory of the emperor Aurelian. For after her husband’s death she held the Eastern empire within her female control. Although she relied on many thousands of heavy cavalry and archers, Aurelian defeated her at Immae not far from Antioch and captured her…

(Dodgeon)

Eutropius IX, 13, 2: He (i.e. Aurelian) also took prisoner Zenobia, who, having killed her husband Odaenathus, was mistress of the east, in a battle of no great importance not far from Antioch,…

(Watson)

Jerome, Chronicon, s. a. 273, p. , 15–22: Zenobia was defeated in battle at Immae, not far from Antioch. She had ruled over the East after the death of her husband Odaenathus. In that battle, the dux Pompeianus, surnamed Francus, fought most bravely against her. His family is still surviving today in Antioch and from his line, Evagrius the presbyter, dearest to me, is descended.

(Dodgeon)

SHA Aurel. 25, 1–6: After thus recovering Tyana, Aurelian, by means of a brief engagement near Daphne, gained possession of Antioch, having promised forgiveness to all; and thereupon, obeying, as far as is known, the injunctions of that venerated man, Apollonius, he acted with greater kindness and mercy. After this, the whole issue of the war was decided near Emesa in a mighty battle fought against Zenobia and Zaba, her ally. 3. When Aurelian’s horsemen, now exhausted, were on the point of breaking their ranks and turning their backs, suddenly by the power of a supernatural agency, as was afterwards made known, a divine form spread encouragement throughout the foot-soldiers and rallied even the horsemen. Zenobia and Zaba were put to flight, and a victory was won in full. 4. And so, having reduced the East to its former state, Aurelian entered Emesa as a conqueror, and at once made his way to the Temple of Elagabalus, to pay his vows as if by a duty common to all. 5. But there he beheld that same divine form which he had seen supporting his cause in the battle. 6. Wherefore he not only established temples there, dedicating gifts of great value, but he also built a temple to the Sun at Rome, which he consecrated with still greater pomp, as we shall relate in the proper place.

(Magie, iii, pp. 243–5)

Zosimus I, 50, 2–54, 2: Ancyra submitted to the Romans as soon as the emperor arrived there, and afterwards Tyana, and all the cities between that and Antioch. There finding Zenobia with a large army ready to engage, as he himself also was, he marched into battle as honour obliged him. 3. But observing that the Palmyrene cavalry placed great confidence in their armour, which was very strong and heavy, and that they were very much better horsemen than his soldiers, he placed his infantry by themselves somewhere on the other side of the Orontes. He ordered his cavalry not to engage immediately with the fresh cavalry of the Palmyrenes, but to wait for their attack, and then pretend to flee and to continue so doing until excessive heat and the weight of their armour had so wearied both the men and their horses that they had to give up the chase. 4. This stratagem worked as the cavalry adhered to the order of the emperor. When they saw their enemy tired, and that their horses were scarcely able to stand under them, or themselves to move, they drew up the reins of their horses, and, wheeling round, charged them, trampling them as they fell from their horses. A confused slaughter ensued, some falling by the sword, and others by their own and the enemies’ horses.

51 After this defeat, the survivors fled into Antioch, and Zabdas, the general of Zenobia, fearing that the Antiochenes, on hearing of the defeat, should rebel, chose a bearded man who bore some resemblance to the emperor in silhouette, and clothing him in a dress such as Aurelian was accustomed to wear, led him through the city as if he had taken the emperor prisoner. 2. After deceiving the Antiochenes by this ploy, he stole out of the city by night, and took with him Zenobia together with the remainder of the army to Emesa. As soon as it was day, the emperor called together the infantry, intending to attack the defeated enemy on both sides; but, hearing of the escape of Zenobia, he entered Antioch, where he was joyfully received by the citizens. 3. Finding that many had left the city, under apprehensions that they should suffer for having espoused the party of Zenobia; he published edicts in every place to recall them and told them that such events had happened more through necessity than of his own inclination.

52 When this was known to the exiles, they flocked back to share in the emperor’s magnanimity; who having settled the affairs of that city proceeded to Emesa. There he found a contingent of Palmyrenes had got possession of a hill above the suburbs of Daphne, thinking that its steepness would enable them to obstruct the enemy’s passage. He therefore commanded his soldiers to march with their shields close to each other, and in compact formation, to keep off any missiles and stones that might be thrown at them. 2. The soldiers followed the order with vigour and as soon as they had ascended the hill, and could engage their adversaries on equal terms, they put them to flight in such disorder, that some of them were dashed in pieces from the precipices, and others slaughtered in the pursuit by those who were on the hill, and those who were still making their ascent. Having gained the victory, they made the crossing, marched on unopposed […], the emperor making his way through these regions. 3. He was liberally entertained at Apamea, Larissa, and Arethusa. Finding the Palmyrene army drawn up before Emesa, numbering seventy thousand men, consisting of Palmyrenes and their allies, he arrayed against them the Dalmatian cavalry, the Moesians and Pannonians, and the Gothic legions of Noricum and Rhaetia, 4. and besides these the praetorians, chosen by merit from all and the most distinguished, the Mauritanian horse, and from Asia came contingents of Tyaneans, as well as Mesopotamians, Syrians, Phoenicians, and Palestinians, all known for their bravery. The Palestinians wielded clubs and staves, besides other weapons.

53 At the commencement of the engagement, the Roman cavalry made a partial withdrawal, in case the Palmyrenes, who outnumbered them, and were better horsemen, should surround the Roman army unawares. But the Palmyrene cavalry pursued them so fiercely, though their ranks were broken, that the outcome was quite contrary to the expectation of the Roman cavalry. For they were pursued by an enemy much their superior in strength, 2. and therefore most of them fell. The infantry had to bear the brunt of the action. Observing that the Palmyrenes had broken their ranks when the cavalry commenced their pursuit, they wheeled about, and attacked them while they were scattered and in disarray. An immense slaughter ensued, because while some fought with the usual weapons, those of Palestine brought clubs and staves against coats of mail made of iron and brass. 3. This was perhaps a contributory factor to the victory, as the enemies were paralysed by the unexpectedness of being attacked by staves. The Palmyrenes therefore ran away with the utmost haste and in their flight trod each other to pieces and were slaughtered by the enemy. The field was filled with dead men and horses, whilst those who could escape took refuge in the city.

54 Zenobia was naturally much disturbed by this defeat, and therefore deliberated on what measures to adopt. It was the common opinion that it would be prudent to relinquish all pretensions to Emesa, because the Emesenes were ill-disposed towards her and friendly to the Romans. They advised her to remain within Palmyra, and when they were safe in that strong city, they would deliberate at leisure on their important affairs. This was no sooner proposed than done, as there was no disagreement. 2. Aurelian, upon hearing of the flight of Zenobia, entered Emesa, where he was enthusiastically welcomed by the citizens, and found the treasure which Zenobia could not carry along with her.

(Anon., revised Lieu)

Jordanes, Historia Romana 291, p. 37, 30–2: After his (i.e. Odaenathus’) murder, Zenobia had control of the East: Aurelian undertook an expedition against her and defeated her at Immae in the vicinity of Antioch…

(Dodgeon)

Syncellus, p. 470, 3–5 (p. 721, 9–12, CSHB): Aurelian, unable to bear what he had heard (about the Palmyrene occupation of Egypt), departed with an army and near Antioch in Syria, at a place called Immae, he destroyed the Palmyrene forces, … (Dodgeon)

4.8.3.
Aurelian marched on Palmyra, attempts at negotiation (Spring, 272)

SHA Aurel. 26, 1–27, 6: After this, he directed his march toward Palmyra, in order that, by storming it, he might put an end to his labours. But frequently on the march his army met with a hostile reception from the brigands of Syria, and after suffering many mishaps he incurred great danger during the siege, being even wounded by an arrow.

2. A letter of his is still in existence, addressed to Mucapor, in which, without the wonted reserve of an emperor, he confesses the difficulty of this war: 3. ‘The Romans are saying that I am merely waging a war with a woman, just as if Zenobia alone and with her own forces only were fighting against me, and yet, as a matter of fact, there is as great a force of the enemy as if I had to make war against a man, while she, because of her fear and her sense of guilt, is a much baser foe. 4. It cannot be told what a store of arrows is here, what great preparations for war, what a store of spears and of stones; there is no section of the wall that is not held by two or three engines of war, and their machines can even hurl fire. Why say more? 5. She fears like a woman, and fights as one who fears punishment. I believe, however, that the gods will truly bring aid to the Roman commonwealth, for they have never failed our endeavours.’

6. Finally, exhausted and worn out by reason of ill-success, he dispatched a letter to Zenobia, asking her to surrender and promising to spare her life; of this letter I have inserted a copy:

7. ‘From Aurelian, Emperor of the Roman world and recoverer of the East, to Zenobia and all others who are bound to her by alliance in war. 8. You should have done of your own free will what 1 now command in my letter. For I bid you surrender, promising that your lives shall be spared, and with the condition that you, Zenobia, together with your children, shall dwell wherever I, acting in accordance with the wish of the most noble senate, shall appoint a place. 9. Your jewels, your gold, your silver, your silks, your horses, your camels, you shall all hand over to the Roman treasury. As for the people of Palmyra, their rights shall be preserved.’

27 On receiving this letter, Zenobia responded with more pride and insolence than befitted her fortunes, I suppose with a view to inspiring fear; for a copy of her letter, too, I have inserted:

2. ‘From Zenobia, Queen of the East, to Aurelian Augustus. None save yourself has ever demanded by letter what you now demand. Whatever must be accomplished in matters of war must be done by valour alone. 3. You demand my surrender as though you were not aware that Cleopatra preferred to die a Queen rather than remain alive, however high her rank. 4. We shall not lack reinforcements from Persia, which we are even now expecting. On our side are the Saracens,³¹ on our side, too, the Armenians. 5. The brigands of Syria have defeated your army, Aurelian. What more need be said? If those forces, then, which we are expecting from every side, shall arrive, you will, of a surety, lay aside that arrogance with which you now command my surrender, as though victorious on every side.’³² 6. This letter, Nicomachus says (FGrH 215F), was dictated by Zenobia herself and translated by him into Greek from the Syrian tongue. For that earlier letter of Aurelian’s was written in Greek.

(Magie, iii, pp. 245–9)

Anonymous Continuator of Dio Cassius 10, 5, ed. Boissevain, iii, pp. 746–7 (=FHG IV, p. 197): Aurelian sent envoys to Zenobia, urging her finally to surrender to him. She replied, saying: ‘I have hardly sustained any serious losses. For of those who had fallen, the majority were Romans.’

(Lieu)

4.8.4.
The siege of Palmyra, the escape and capture of Zenobia

SHA Aurel 28, 1–5: On receiving this letter, Aurelian felt no shame, but rather was angered, and at once he gathered together from every side his soldiers and leaders and laid siege to Palmyra; and that brave man gave his attention to everything that seemed incomplete or neglected. 2. For he cut off the reinforcements which the Persians had sent, and he tampered with the squadrons of Saracens and Armenians, bringing them over to his own side, some by forcible means and some by cunning. 3. Finally, by a mighty effort he conquered that most powerful woman. Zenobia, then, conquered, fled away on camels (which they call dromedaries), but while seeking to reach the Persians she was captured by the horsemen sent after her, and thus she was brought into the power of Aurelian.

4. And so Aurelian, victorious and in possession of the entire East, more proud and insolent now that he held Zenobia in chains, dealt with the Persians, Armenians, and Saracens as the needs of the occasion demanded. 5. Then were brought in those garments, encrusted with jewels, which we now see in the Temple of the Sun, then, too, the Persian dragon-flags and head-dresses, and a species of purple such as no nation ever afterward offered or the Roman world beheld.

29 Concerning this, I desire to say at least a few words. For you remember that there was in the Temple of Jupiter Best and Greatest on the Capitolium a short woollen cloak of a purple hue, by the side of which all other purple garments, brought by the matrons and by Aurelian himself, seemed to fade to the colour of ashes in comparison with its divine brilliance. 2. This cloak, brought from the farthest Indies, the King of the Persians is said to have presented as a gift to Aurelian, writing as follows: ‘Accept a purple robe, such as we ourselves use.’ 3. But this was untrue. For later both Aurelian and Probus and, most recently, Diocletian made most diligent search for this species of purple, sending out their most diligent agents, but even so it could not be found. But indeed it is said that the Indian sandyx yields this kind of purple if properly prepared.

(Magie, iii, pp. 249–53)

Orosius, adversus paganos VII, 23, 4: Then turning to the East, he (i.e. Aurelian) reduced Zenobia, who, when her husband, Odaenathus, was slain, was taking the recovered province of Syria to herself, under his power by fear of battle rather than by battle.

(Deferrari, p. 319)

Zosimus I, 54, (2)-56, 2: He (i.e. Aurelian) then immediately set off with his army to Palmyra, which on arrival he invested on every side, while every kind of provision was levied for his troops from the neighbouring countryside. Meanwhile, the Palmyrenes derided the Romans, as if they thought it impossible for them to take the city; and one man in particular made obscene remarks about the emperor’s own person. At this, a Persian who stood by the emperor said, ‘If you will allow me, sir, you shall see that insolent fellow dead.’ 3. The emperor consented to this, and the Persian, concealing himself behind some other men, shot at the man while he was looking over the battlements, and hit him whilst still uttering his insulting language, so that he fell down from the wall before the emperor and the army.

55 The besieged, however, held out in the hope that the enemy would withdraw for want of provisions. When they saw the Romans persisting in their resolution, and that they were themselves without essentials, they made the decision to flee to the Euphrates and from there request aid of the Persians and to cause new difficulties for the Romans. 2. Having made the plan, they set Zenobia on a female camel,…which is the swiftest of that kind of animal, and much more swift than horses, and conveyed her out of the city. 3. Aurelian was annoyed by the escape of Zenobia; but naturally did not give way to the audacious deed and immediately sent out horsemen in pursuit. They succeeded in capturing her, as she was about to cross the Euphrates and took her off the boat to Aurelian. Though much pleased at this unexpected sight, yet being ambitious for honour, he became uneasy at the thought that the conquest of a woman would not stand to his credit among future generations. 56 Meanwhile, opinions came to be divided among Palmyrenes, who were shut up in the city, some resolved to risk themselves in defence of their city and to take on the full strength of the Roman army. While others, on the contrary, employed humble and submissive gestures from the walls, and begged pardon for what they had done. The emperor accepted their supplication, and beseeched them to take courage. They poured out of the city, bearing gifts and sacrifices. 2. Aurelian paid due respect to the victims, received the gifts, and sent the bearers away unpunished.

(Anon., revised by Lieu)

Zonaras XII, 27, p. 607, 1–6 (iii, pp. 152, 19–25, Dindorf): But we have not yet completed the story of his (i.e. Aurelian’s) end, but must narrate what he accomplished in his period of supreme command. Being an excellent general, he defeated many enemies. For he overwhelmed the Palmyrenes; their queen Zenobia had gained control of Egypt and captured Probus, the military commander there at that time. He himself campaigned against her, wearing her down in war and bringing her under his authority.

(Dodgeon)

4.8.5.
Dialogue between Aurelian and Zenobia after her capture

SHA trig. tyr. 30, 23: When Aurelian had taken her prisoner, he caused her to be led into his presence and then addressed her thus: ‘Why is it, Zenobia, that you dared to show insolence to the emperors of Rome?’ To this she replied, it is said: ‘You, I know, are an emperor indeed, for you win victories, but Gallienus and Aureolus and the others I never regarded as emperors. Believing Victoria to be a woman like me, I desired to become a partner in the royal power, should the supply of lands permit.’

(Magie, iii, p. 141)

4.9.1.
Execution of the supporters of Zenobia

SHA Aurel 30, 1–3: But to return to my undertaking: despite all this, there arose a terrible uproar among all the soldiers, who demanded Zenobia for punishment. 2. Aurelian, however, deeming it improper that a woman should be put to death, killed many who had advised her to begin and prepare and wage the war, but the woman he saved for his triumph, wishing to show her to the eyes of the Roman people. 3. It was regarded as a cruel thing that Longinus the philosopher should have been among those who were killed. He, it is said, was employed by Zenobia as her teacher in Greek letters, and Aurelian is said to have slain him because he was told that the over-proud letter of hers had been dictated in accord with his counsel, although, in fact, it was composed in the Syrian tongue.

(Magie, iii, p. 253)

Zosimus I, 56, (2)–3: Having made himself master of this city (i.e. Palmyra), with all the wealth it contained, as well as other provisions and offerings, he returned to Emesa, where he brought Zenobia and her accomplices to trial. Zenobia claimed to be innocent and openly implicated many persons, who had led her astray as she was a simple woman. Among them was Longinus, whose writings are highly beneficial to all those interested in learning. 3. Upon finding him guilty of the crimes of which he was accused, the emperor immediately sentenced him to death. He bore the sentence with such fortitude that he was a comfort to those who were indignant at his suffering. Others besides Longinus suffered punishment on being denounced by Zenobia.

(Anon., revised Lieu)

John of Antioch, frag. 155, FHG IV, p. 599: The Emperor Aurelian was extremely proficient in matters of war, but undisciplined in mind and was much inclined towards cruelty. He inflicted the death penalty on many distinguished men in each city who were accused by Zenobia. He was a brutal sort of person and bloodthirsty—more of a general necessary for the time than an amiable emperor. Always ill-tempered and inaccessible, he did not remain free from the blood of his own household for he put to death the innocent wife of his son. However he was to a large extent a genuine restorer of military discipline and a rejuvenator of faded custom and reformer of dissolute morals.

(Lieu)

4.9.2.
The defeat and capture of Zenobia as told by Malalas

Malalas, XII, p. 300, 3–23: Immediately after he had received a dispatch, the same Aurelian mounted an expedition against Zenobia, the queen of the Saracens, and departed for the East. For concerning her he was informed (by the dispatch) that she had plundered and burnt the regions of the Orient as far as the borders of Antioch the Great and that she had encamped near the river Orontes. No sooner had the same emperor Aurelian arrived in Antioch than he immediately set out, just as he was, and went against her. When the battle was joined, he annihilated her forces. He seized Zenobia herself and sat her on a dromedary, and he put her on parade and led her through all the lands of the Orient and into Antioch the Great. After he had watched the chariot-races there, he brought her into the ring on a dromedary. He also set up a stage in Antioch itself, and chained her up and placed her on top of it for three days. He called the stage he set up a ‘Triumph’. Taking her away from there, he led her to Rome as ‘Queen of the barbarian Saracens’. After he had paraded her in Rome in triumph in the accustomed fashion, he beheaded her. The same emperor Aurelian also made Arabia subject to the Romans by killing all the Saracens, relatives of Enathus, who were holding it.

(Dodgeon)

4.9.3.
The victory salutations of Aurelian

SHA Aurel 30, 4–5: And so, having subdued the East, Aurelian returned as a victor to Europe, and there he defeated the forces of the Carpi; and when the senate gave him in his absence the surname Carpicus, he sent them this message, it is said, as a jest: ‘It now only remains for you, Conscript Fathers, to call me Carpisculus also’— 5. for it is well known that carpisculum is a kind of boot. This surname appeared to him as ignoble, since he was already called both Gothicus and Sarmaticus and Armeniacus and Parthicus and Adiabenicus.³³

(Magie, iii, pp. 253–5)

4.9.4.
The revolt of Palmyra under Septimius Apsaeus and its final destruction by Aurelian (c. 272)

SHA Aurel. 31, 1–10: It is a rare thing, or rather, a difficult thing, for the Syrians to keep faith. For the Palmyrenes, who had once been defeated and crushed, now that Aurelian was busied with matters in Europe, began a rebellion of no small size. 2. For they killed Sandario, whom Aurelian had put in command of the garrison there, and with him six hundred bowmen, thus getting the rule for a certain Achilleus, a kinsman of Zenobia’s. 3. But Aurelian, indeed, prepared as he always was, came back from Rhodope and, because it deserved it, destroyed the city. 4. In fact, Aurelian’s cruelty, or, as some say, his sternness, is so widely known that they even quote a letter of his, revealing a confession of most savage fury; of this the following is a copy:

5. ‘From Aurelian Augustus to Cerronius Bassus. The swords of the soldiers should not proceed further. Already enough Palmyrenes have been killed and slaughtered. We have not spared the women, we have slain the children, we have butchered the old men, we have destroyed the peasants. 6. To whom, at this rate, shall we leave the land or the city? Those who still remain must be spared. For it is our belief that the few have been chastened by the punishment of the many. 7. Now as to the Temple of the Sun at Palmyra, which has been pillaged by the eagle-bearers of the Third Legion,³⁴ along with the standard-bearers, the dragon-bearer, and the buglers and trumpeters, I wish it restored to the condition in which it formerly was. 8. You have three hundred pounds of gold from Zenobia’s coffers, you have eighteen hundred pounds of silver from the property of the Palmyrenes, and you have the royal jewels. 9. Use all these to embellish the temple; thus both to me and to the immortal gods you will do a most pleasing service. I will write to the senate and request it to send one of the pontiffs to dedicate the temple.’ 10. This letter, as we can see, shows that the savagery of the hard-hearted prince had been glutted.

(Magie, iii, pp. 255–7)

Zosimus I, 59, 1–61, 1:…Aurelian marched towards Europe, taking with him Zenobia, her son, and those who were accomplices in the rebellion. Zenobia is said to have died, either of disease, or of her refusal of food, and all the rest, except for the son of Zenobia, were drowned in the strait between Chalcedon and Byzantium.

60 As Aurelian continued his journey into Europe, he received the news that some of those he had left at Palmyra, having won over Apsaeus, who was responsible for the earlier events, were tempting Marcellinus, whom the emperor had appointed prefect of Mesopotamia and Rector of the East, to assume the purple. 2. Under pretence of taking time to decide on the right course of action, he delayed them so long, that they had to pester him repeatedly. He therefore framed ambiguous answers to their demands, while he notified Aurelian of their design. In the meantime, the Palmyrenes, having clothed Antiochus in purple, shut themselves in at Palmyra.

61 On hearing this news, Aurelian immediately set off for the east with only the troops at his disposal. On reaching Antioch, he surprised the people, who were then attending a horse-race, by his sudden appearance and carried on to Palmyra, which he took and razed without a contest, but, not thinking Antiochus worthy of being punished on account of his obscure origins, he dismissed him.

(Anon., revised Lieu)

4.9.5.
Dedication to Septimius Apsaeus (date uncertain)

Inv. III, 18 (=IGR III, 1049, Greek): The City (i.e. Palmyra) to Septimius Apsaios, citizen and protector.

4.10.1.
Support given to Aurelian by the priests of Bel (273±4)

Gawlikowski, Syria 47 (1971), p. 420 (Inv. IX, 40, commemorative inscription in Palmyrene found in situ outside the main entrance of the Temple of Bel): During the presidency of the cofraternity of the priesthood (mrzhwt=Gk: ) of Se [p]tim[ius] Haddudan, illustrious [senator,] son of Septimius ‘Ogeilu Maqqai, who had aided [the army of Au]relian Caesar ([’w]rlynws qsr), [our master], and who had custody together with the progeniture of the [cofraternity and who had been] with those in [the temple in the month] of Ab of the year 5[83 (=AD 273) in the month] of Adar of [the year 584 (=AD 274), are commemorated and blessed]: W[ahbai] son of [Sa.‘a] son of Ate’aqab [in charge of…; and So-and-so son of So-and-So] in charge of […; and So-and-So, son of Ate‘]aqab Yar[hai] in charge of the chamber; and ‘Og[eilu son of So-and-So, in charge of the porticos; and So-and-so son of ‘Ogeilu, in charge of the pages…; and] Yarhib[ola son of ‘O]gei[lu], in [charge of the ho]use [of guardians. Well] remembered.³⁵

(Brock)

4.10.2.
Firmus, friend and ally of Zenobia, seized Egypt after her defeat (c. 272)

SHA Aurel. 32, 1–3: At length, now more secure, he returned again to Europe, and there, with his well-known valour, he crushed all the enemies who were roving about. 2. Meanwhile, when Aurelian was performing great deeds in the provinces of Thrace as well as in all Europe, there rose up a certain Firmus, who laid claim to Egypt, but without the imperial insignia and as though he purposed to make it into a free state. 3. Without delay Aurelian turned back against him, and there also his wonted good-fortune did not abandon him. For he recovered Egypt at once and took vengeance on the enterprise—violent in temper, as he always was;…

(Magie, iii, p. 257)

SHA Firmus 3, 1–6 and 5, 1–6: Now Firmus was a native of Seleucia, though many of the Greeks write otherwise, not knowing that at that same time there were three men called Firmus, one of them prefect of Egypt, another commander of the African frontier and also proconsul, and the third this friend and ally of Zenobia’s, who, incited by the madness of the Egyptians, seized Alexandria and was crushed by Aurelian with the good fortune that was wont to attend his valour.

2. Concerning the wealth of this last-named Firmus, much is related. For example, it is said that he fitted his house with square panes of glass set in with pitch and other such substances and that he owned so many books that he often used to say in public that he could support an army on the paper and glue. 3. He kept up, moreover, the closest relations with the Blemmyae and Saracens, and he often sent merchant-vessels to the Indians also. 4. He even owned, it is said, two elephant-tusks, ten feet in length, to which Aurelian planned to add two more and make of them a throne on which he would place a statue of Jupiter, made of gold and decked with jewels and clad in a sort of bordered toga, to be set up in the Temple of the Sun; and after asking advice of the oracle in the Apennines, he purposed to call him Jupiter the Consul or the Consulting. 5. These tusks, however, were later presented by Carinus to a certain woman, who is said to have made them into a couch; her name, both because it is known now and because future generations will have no profit from knowing it, I will leave unmentioned. 6. So under a most evil prince the gift of the Indians, consecrated to Jupiter Best and Greatest, seems to have become both the instrument and the reward of lust…

5 He, then, seized the imperial power in opposition to Aurelian with the purpose of defending the remainder of Zenobia’s party. Aurelian, however, returning from Thrace, defeated him. 2. Many relate that he put an end to his life by strangling, but Aurelian himself in his proclamations says otherwise; for when he had conquered him he gave orders to issue the following proclamation in Rome: 3. ‘From Aurelian Augustus to his most devoted Roman people, greeting. We have established peace everywhere throughout the whole world in its widest extent, and also Firmus, that brigand in Egypt, who rose in revolt with barbarians and gathered together the remaining adherents of a shameless woman—not to speak at too great length—we have routed and seized and tortured and slain. 4. There is nothing now, fellow-citizens, sons of Romulus, which you need fear. The grain-supply from Egypt, which has been interrupted by that evil brigand, will now arrive undiminished. 5. Do you only maintain harmony with the senate, friendship with the equestrian order, and good will toward the praetorian guard. I will see to it that there is no anxiety in Rome. 6. Do you devote your leisure to games and to races in the circus. Let me be concerned with the needs of the state, and do not busy yourselves with your pleasures. Wherefore, most revered fellow-citizens,’ and so forth.

(Magie, iii, pp. 391–5)

Zosimus I, 61, 1: After this action (i.e. the final subjection of Palmyra), he quickly won over the Alexandrians who were on the point of revolt, being already divided among themselves.

(Anon., revised Lieu)

4.10.3.
Zenobia was paraded in Aurelian's triumph in Rome (274)

Festus, brev. 24, p. , 5–6:…and (Aurelian) led her (i.e. Zenobia) in triumph before his chariot in Rome.

(Lieu)

Eutropius IX, 13, 2:…and entering Rome, (Aurelian) celebrated a magnificent triumph as restorer of the East and West, Tetricus (a usurper) and Zenobia going before his chariot.

(Watson, altered)

Jerome, chron., s. a. 274, p. , 25–6: Tetricus and Zenobia were paraded before a triumphant Aurelian in Rome.

(Lieu)

SHA trig. tyr. 30, 24–6: And so she was led in triumph with such magnificence that the Roman people had never seen a more splendid parade. For, in the first place, she was adorned with gems so huge that she laboured under the weight of her adornments; 25. For it is said that this woman, courageous though she was, halted very frequently, saying that she could not endure the load of her gems. 26. Furthermore, her feet were bound with shackles of gold and her hands with golden fetters, and even on her neck she wore a chain of gold, the weight of which was borne by a Persian buffoon.

(Magie, iii, p. 141)

SHA Aurel. 33, 1–34, 6: It is not without advantage to know what manner of triumph Aurelian had, for it was a most brilliant spectacle. 2. There were three royal chariots, of which the first, carefully wrought and adorned with silver and gold and jewels, had belonged to Odaenathus, the second, also wrought with similar care, had been given to Aurelian by the king of the Persians, and the third Zenobia had made for herself, hoping in it to visit the city of Rome. And this hope was not unfulfilled; for she did, indeed, enter the city in it, but vanquished and led in triumph. 3. There was also another chariot, drawn by four stags and said to have once belonged to the king of the Goths. In this—so many have handed down to memory—Aurelian rode up to the Capitol, purposing there to slay the stags, which he had captured along with this chariot and then vowed, it was said, to Jupiter Best and Greatest. 4. There advanced, moreover, twenty elephants, and two hundred tamed beasts of diverse kinds from Libya and Palestine, which Aurelian at once presented to private citizens, that the privy-purse might not be burdened with the cost of their food; furthermore, there were led along in order four tigers and also giraffes and elks and other such animals, also eight hundred pairs of gladiators, besides the captives from the barbarian tribes. There were Blemmyes, Axomitae, Arabs from Arabia Felix, Indians, Bactrians, Iberians, Saracens and Persians, all bearing their gifts; there were Goths, Alans, Roxolani, Sarmatians, Franks, Suebians, Vandals and Germans—all captive, with their hands bound fast.

5 There also advanced among them certain men of Palmyra, who had survived its fall, the foremost of the State and Egyptians, too, because of their rebellion. 34 There were led along also ten women, who, fighting in male attire, had been captured among the Goths after many others had fallen; these a placard declared to be of the race of the Amazons—for placards were borne before all, displaying the names of their nations. 2. In the procession was Tetricus also, arrayed in scarlet cloak, a yellow tunic, and Gallic trousers, and with him his son, whom he had proclaimed in Gaul as emperor. 3. And there came Zenobia, too, decked with jewels and in golden chains, the weight of which was borne by others. There were carried aloft golden crowns presented by all the cities, made known by placards carried aloft.

4. Then came the Roman people itself, the flags of the guilds and the camps, the mailed cuirassiers, the wealth of the kings, the entire army, and, lastly, the senate (albeit somewhat sadly, since they saw senators, too, being led in triumph) —all adding much to the splendour of the procession. 5. Scarce did they reach the Capitol by the ninth hour of the day, and when they arrived at the Palace it was late indeed. 6. On the following days amusements were given to the populace, plays in the theatres, races in the Circus, wild-beast hunts, gladiatorial fights and also a naval battle.

(Magie, iii, pp. 259–63)

Zosimus I, 61, (1)–2: He then entered Rome in triumph, where he was most enthusiastically received by the senate and people. 2. At this period also he erected that magnificent temple of the Sun, which he ornamented with all the votive offerings that he brought from Palmyra; placing in it the statues of the Sun and Bel.

(Anon., revised Lieu)

Jordanes, Historia Romana 291, p. , 32:…he (i.e. Aurelian) led her alive in triumph in Rome.

4.10.4.
Aurelian's high regard for Zenobia

SHA trig. tyr. 30, 4–12: There is still in existence a letter of Aurelian’s which bears testimony concerning this woman, then in captivity. For when some found fault with him, because he, the bravest of men, had led a woman in triumph, as though she were a general, he sent a letter to the senate and the Roman people, defending himself by the following justification: 5. ‘I have heard, Conscript Fathers, that men are reproaching me for having performed an unmanly deed in leading Zenobia in triumph. But in truth those very persons who find fault with me now would accord me praise in abundance, did they but know what manner of woman she is, how wise in counsels, how steadfast in plans, how firm towards the soldiers, and how generous when necessity calls, and how stern when discipline demands. 6. I might even say that it was her doing that Odaenathus defeated the Persians and, after putting Sapor to flight, advanced all the way to Ctesiphon. 7. I might add thereto that such was the fear that this woman inspired in the peoples of the East and also the Egyptians that neither Arabs nor Saracens nor Armenians ever moved against her. 8. Nor would I have spared her life, had I not known that she did a great service to the Roman state when she preserved the imperial power in the East for herself, or for her children. 9. Therefore let those whom nothing pleases keep the venom of their own tongues to themselves. 10. For if it is not meet to vanquish a woman and lead her in triumph, what are they saying of Gallienus, in contempt of whom she ruled the empire well? 11. What of the Deified Claudius, that revered and honoured leader? For he, because he was busied with his campaigns against the Goths, suffered her, or so it is said, to hold the imperial power, doing it of purpose and wisely, in order that he himself, while she kept guard over the eastern frontier of the empire, might the more safely complete what he had taken in hand.’ This speech shows what opinion Aurelian held concerning Zenobia.

(Magie, iii, pp. 135–7)

4.10.5.
Aurelian's declaration of war on the Persians and his murder (275)

SHA Aurel. 35, 4–5: After doing these things, he set out for the regions of Gaul and delivered the Vindelici from a barbarian inroad; then he returned to Illyricum and having made ready an army, which was large, though not of inordinate size, he declared war on the Persians, whom he had already defeated with the greatest glory at the time that he conquered Zenobia. 5. While on his way thither, however, he was murdered at Caenophrurium, a station between Heraclea and Byzantium, through the hatred of his clerk but by the hand of Mucapor.

(Magie, iii, p. 265)

4.11.1.
Zenobia's subsequent life in Rome and her descendants

Eutropius, IX, 13, 2: Zenobia left descendants, who still live at Rome.

Jerome, chron., s. a. 274, p. , 1–3: Zenobia spent the rest of her days in the city (of Rome) and was accorded the highest respect. It is after her that the family of Zenobia in Rome is named.

(Dodgeon)

SHA trig. tyr. 30, 27: Her life was granted her by Aurelian, and they say that thereafter she lived with her children in the manner of a Roman matron on an estate that had been presented to her at Tibur, which even to this day is still called Zenobia, not far from the palace of Hadrian or from that place which bears the name of Concha.³⁶

(Magie, iii, pp. 141–3)

Syncellus, p. 470, 5–7 (p. 721, 12–14, CSHB):…having taken Zenobia prisoner, he (i.e. Aurelian) led her to Rome and treated her with great magnanimity. He joined her in marriage to a distinguished senator.

(Dodgeon)

Zonaras XII, 27, p. 607, 6–11 (iii, pp. 152, 25–153, 4, Dindorf): Some sources say that she (i.e. Zenobia) was led away to Rome and married off to a husband from the more distinguished classes, but others say that she died on the journey from excessive grief about the change in her fortunes; that Aurelian took one of her daughters to wife, and that he married off the rest to notable Romans.

(Dodgeon)

4.11.2.
Peace between Rome and Persia after the death of Aurelian

SHA Tac. 3, 5: (Speech of the consul Velius Cornificius Gordianus, 25 Sept., 275): And even if we hear nothing now of any movement among the Persians, reflect that the Syrians are so light-minded that, rather than submit to our righteous rule, they desire even a woman to reign over them.

(Magie, iii, p. 301)

4.11.3.
Attempt by Florianus (Augustus, April±June 276) to attack Persia was foiled by his assassination

Malalas, XII, pp. , 21–302, 2: He (i.e. Florianus) campaigned against the Persians, and when he was passing through Tarsus, he was assassinated by his own men; he was sixty-five years of age.

(Dodgeon)

4.11.4.
The exploits of Odaenathus recalled by Libanius (c. 391)

Libanius, epistulae 1006 (To Anatolius):³⁷ Demosthenes was unable to avert the fate of the Olynthians by his many speeches. Nevertheless he is held in high esteem, almost as if he had saved them through setting his mind to save them, and among the paeans raised to him by the sophists, one would see Olynthus (commemorated). Your similarity to him will be obvious to men who recognize zeal rather than achievement and what you wish to achieve rather than what you could achieve. 2. However, in being outspoken on behalf of Eusebius,³⁸ you seem to me that you would achieve your end. Use every means and do everything in order that he who is innocent should not have to endure in patience. He is upright and temperate and well brought up, being also the son of Odaenathus and a descendant of that Odaenathus, the mention of whose name alone caused the hearts of the Persians to falter. Everywhere victorious, he liberated the cities and the territories belonging to each of them and made the enemies place their salvation in their prayers rather than in the force of arms. 3. This Odaenathus, the father of Eusebius, is among them who, leading a force against them (i.e. the Persians?) and turning them to flight and pursuing them, was heard often in that battle array: ‘Comrade, shoot in this wise!’ (Hom., Il. VIII.282) from the man who Homer said would have sprung out of Zeus himself. The latter could not have performed all this if his parentage was entirely normal.

(Lieu)

4.11.5.
Request by Libanius for a copy of the oration on Odaenathus by Longinus (c. 393)

Libanius, ep. 1078 (To Eusebius): I am asking for the speech ‘Odaenathus’, the speech by Longinus. You must give it in fulfilment of your promise.

(Lieu)