4. The Invasion of the Assyrian King Sennacherib (2Ch 32:1–23)

1After all that Hezekiah had so faithfully done, Sennacherib king of Assyria came and invaded Judah. He laid siege to the fortified cities, thinking to conquer them for himself. 2When Hezekiah saw that Sennacherib had come and that he intended to make war on Jerusalem, 3he consulted with his officials and military staff about blocking off the water from the springs outside the city, and they helped him. 4A large force of men assembled, and they blocked all the springs and the stream that flowed through the land. “Why should the kings of Assyria come and find plenty of water?” they said. 5Then he worked hard repairing all the broken sections of the wall and building towers on it. He built another wall outside that one and reinforced the supporting terraces of the City of David. He also made large numbers of weapons and shields.

6He appointed military officers over the people and assembled them before him in the square at the city gate and encouraged them with these words: 7“Be strong and courageous. Do not be afraid or discouraged because of the king of Assyria and the vast army with him, for there is a greater power with us than with him. 8With him is only the arm of flesh, but with us is the LORD our God to help us and to fight our battles.” And the people gained confidence from what Hezekiah the king of Judah said.

9Later, when Sennacherib king of Assyria and all his forces were laying siege to Lachish, he sent his officers to Jerusalem with this message for Hezekiah king of Judah and for all the people of Judah who were there:

10“This is what Sennacherib king of Assyria says: On what are you basing your confidence, that you remain in Jerusalem under siege? 11When Hezekiah says, ‘The LORD our God will save us from the hand of the king of Assyria,’ he is misleading you, to let you die of hunger and thirst. 12Did not Hezekiah himself remove this god’s high places and altars, saying to Judah and Jerusalem, ‘You must worship before one altar and burn sacrifices on it’?

13“Do you not know what I and my fathers have done to all the peoples of the other lands? Were the gods of those nations ever able to deliver their land from my hand? 14Who of all the gods of these nations that my fathers destroyed has been able to save his people from me? How then can your god deliver you from my hand? 15Now do not let Hezekiah deceive you and mislead you like this. Do not believe him, for no god of any nation or kingdom has been able to deliver his people from my hand or the hand of my fathers. How much less will your god deliver you from my hand!”

16Sennacherib’s officers spoke further against the LORD God and against his servant Hezekiah. 17The king also wrote letters insulting the LORD, the God of Israel, and saying this against him: “Just as the gods of the peoples of the other lands did not rescue their people from my hand, so the god of Hezekiah will not rescue his people from my hand.” 18Then they called out in Hebrew to the people of Jerusalem who were on the wall, to terrify them and make them afraid in order to capture the city. 19They spoke about the God of Jerusalem as they did about the gods of the other peoples of the world—the work of men’s hands.

20King Hezekiah and the prophet Isaiah son of Amoz cried out in prayer to heaven about this. 21And the LORD sent an angel, who annihilated all the fighting men and the leaders and officers in the camp of the Assyrian king. So he withdrew to his own land in disgrace. And when he went into the temple of his god, some of his sons cut him down with the sword.

22So the LORD saved Hezekiah and the people of Jerusalem from the hand of Sennacherib king of Assyria and from the hand of all others. He took care of them on every side. 23Many brought offerings to Jerusalem for the LORD and valuable gifts for Hezekiah king of Judah. From then on he was highly regarded by all the nations.

COMMENTARY

1 In the time following Hezekiah reforms (chs. 29–31; Hezekiah’s fourteenth year, see 2Ki 18:13; see comment on 2Ch 29:1), Judah faced a significant threat from the Assyrians. As noted above (cf. 30:1–11), in conjunction with his reforms Hezekiah began to restore relations with those remaining in the north (from “Beersheba to Dan”) by inviting those who had not been deported to come to Jerusalem to celebrate Passover. In time, Hezekiah’s religious reforms likely contributed to his desire to throw off the Assyrian yoke he inherited from his father, Ahaz.

Following the death of Sargon II and the ascension of Sargon’s son Sennacherib (ca. 705 BC), Hezekiah took steps to assert Judean independence from Assyrian vassalage and prepared Judah for an Assyrian invasion (vv.2–5; 2Ki 18:7). Hezekiah was not alone in his desire to gain independence from Assyrian hegemony as rebellion broke out in several parts of the Assyrian Empire. In addition, following the death of Sargon II, Merodach-Baladan II retook the throne of Babylon. At the same time (perhaps with some coordination), rebellion broke out in western states, including Judah.

This is the context in which Hezekiah imprisoned a pro-Assyrian Ekron king, Padi (recall the attempt by Pekah and Rezin to force Judah’s participation in their anti-Assyrian coalition by installing a compliant king, the “Son of Tabeel”; cf. COS, 2:119B [quoted below in comments on vv. 21–22]; Isa 7:6). Note that 2 Chronicles 32:31; 2 Kings 18:20–21, 24 (= Isa 36:5–6, 9) and 2 Kings 20:12–19 (= Isa 39:1–8) imply some type of support for Hezekiah’s rebellion against Assyria from Egypt and Babylon. Once he defeated the forces of Merodach-Baladan II, Sennacherib set off to deal with the western rebellion. Sidon and Ashkelon quickly surrendered, and Ammon, Moab, Edom, and Philistia are noted as paying tribute (cf. ANET, 287–88). During this campaign Sennacherib was met by a large Egyptian force (probably sent by Shebitku) en route to Ekron (ANET, 287), but the overall impact of the Egyptian force was limited as Sennacherib soon moved into the confines of Judah (see W. R. Gallagher, Sennacherib’s Campaign to Judah: New Studies [Leiden: Brill, 1999], 160–216).

In the backdrop of Hezekiah’s rebellion against Assyrian hegemony was Hezekiah’s apparent alliance with Babylon (hinted at in v.31), which was likewise an Assyrian vassal by this time. As seen in earlier incidents involving Asa (cf. 16:1–9), Amaziah (cf. 25:7–10), and Ahaz (cf. 28:5–25), such attempts at military-political alliances were seen theologically as reflecting trust in human beings rather than God and his covenantal promises (contrast Jehoshaphat’s faith in 20:12; cf. Dt 20:1–4). Hezekiah’s display of misdirected trust in Babylon drew the rebuke of the prophet Isaiah, ultimately foreshadowing the Babylonian captivity (cf. Isa 39:3–7; also see comments on v.31).

2–5 In light of the looming Assyrian invasion, Hezekiah took impressive steps to prepare Judah for the onslaught of the Assyrian army. Given that Hezekiah was coregent with his father Ahaz when the Assyrians destroyed and deported the northern kingdom (ca. 722/21 BC), Hezekiah’s preparation reflects his firsthand knowledge of the significant threat posed by the Assyrian army. In addition, Hezekiah’s careful planning and preparation efforts were aided by Sennacherib’s distraction with Babylonian unrest, affording Hezekiah approximately four years of preparation time (ca. 705–701 BC).

In his preparations, Hezekiah pushed westward in order to control approaches to the hill country, including retaking territory in the Shephelah lost during the days of his father Ahaz (cf. 28:17–18), and defeating the Philistines “as far as Gaza” (2Ki 18:8). To the south and southeast Hezekiah deployed Simeonites to push back Edomites, Amalekites, and Meunites (cf. 1Ch 4:41–43). In addition, Hezekiah manufactured weaponry, made watchtowers, fortified key cities (v.5; cf. 2Ki 18:8), and strategically stored food provisions (see comments on vv.27–30).

In addition, Hezekiah fortified “the Millo” (“supporting terraces,” 32:5; see NIV note) and also expanded the confines of the city of Jerusalem by what is known as the Broad Wall, described as “another wall outside” the original city wall (v.5). This twenty-foot-thick wall expanded the walled portion of Jerusalem toward the western hill and allowed the city to accommodate the rising population as the Assyrian invasion drew near (see M. Broshi, “The Expansion of Jerusalem in the Reigns of Hezekiah and Manasseh,” IEJ 24 [1974]: 21–26).

Hezekiah’s most impressive achievement, however, was the tapping into the upper outlet of the Gihon spring and channeling the water underground (via the Siloam Tunnel) to the western side of the City of David (vv.3–4, 30). As a result, Jerusalem had ongoing access to fresh water that was out of the view (and access) of the Assyrian army (vv.3–4; see additional details on this tunnel at vv.27–30).

6–8 In addition to his physical preparations and fortifications, Hezekiah sought to prepare the hearts of the military men who would defend Judah. As this section and the subsequent sections will show (cf. vv.9–19, 20–21), much of the Chronicler’s summary of the Assyrian threat against Judah unfolded as a battle of words (speeches) and ideologies (cf. Selman, 508). Note that the people became “steadfast on account of the words of Hezekiah” (lit. trans. of v.8; NIV, “the people gained confidence”). Hezekiah encouraged the military leaders to be strong and courageous, words that would remind the people of the same words spoken to Joshua as the Israelites prepared to enter the Promised Land (cf. Dt 31:7–8; Jos 1:5–9).

In short, to be strong and courageous is to be immovably committed to obedience and trust in God. Note that Hezekiah’s exhortation to “be strong and courageous” is rooted in the notion of God’s presence with his covenantal people (“with us is the LORD our God,” v.8), a reality greater than any weapon an army could muster. Also see the Reflection on divine presence in ch. 1.

9–19 The threat sent by Sennacherib was set within the Assyrian assault on the city of Lachish (Tell ed-Duweir; v.9), a well-fortified garrison city strategically located in the Judean Shephelah about thirty miles south/southwest of Jerusalem. This siege is depicted in over sixty linear feet of wall reliefs from Sennacherib’s palace at Nineveh (see ANEP figs. 371–74). The reliefs provide a graphic reenactment of the Assyrian assault on Lachish, including depictions of siege machinery, movable assault towers, battering rams, and soldiers wielding a variety of weapons (see D. Ussishkin, “The Assyrian Attack on Lachish: The Archaeological Evidence from the Southwest Corner of the Site,” TA 17 [1990]: 53–86).

The message presented by the officers of Sennacherib was consistent with standard Assyrian practices of intimidation. As noted above (see comments on vv.6–8), the Chronicler’s summary of the Assyrian threat against Judah unfolded as a battle of words (speeches) and ideologies. Ultimately the message of the Assyrians, delivered orally (vv.10–16), in writing (v.17), and even in the language of those in Jerusalem (“Judean,” v.18), amounts to a religious taunt whose core message is the exact opposite of the exhortation delivered by Hezekiah (cf. vv.7–8). In fact, the words of the Assyrian officials (v.17) are reminiscent of the taunts of Goliath, who likewise mocked “the armies of the living God” (1Sa 17:26; cf. 1Sa 17:8–10, 45–47).

Note that the message from Sennacherib implies that the Assyrians were aware of Hezekiah’s reforms (v.12) and even Hezekiah’s faith in God’s deliverance (vv.10–11). Fundamentally, the Assyrians construed the God of Israel as simply another projection of the human tendency to make a god in their own image (“the work of men’s hands,” v.19), rather than the living God. The sustained taunt of the Assyrian messengers sharply contrasts to the Chronicler’s simple remark that Hezekiah and Isaiah “cried out in prayer to heaven about this” (v.20).

20 The remark that Hezekiah and Isaiah “cried out in prayer” to God contrasts with the sustained taunt of the Assyrian messengers sent by Sennacherib (vv.10–19; cf. Mt 6:7). This prayer of Hezekiah and Isaiah exemplifies much of the spirit of Chronicles, in which God is shown as faithful to those who seek him (cf. Solomon’s temple-dedication prayer; 6:12–7:16).

21–22 The angelic messenger sent by God in response to the prayer of Hezekiah and Isaiah (v.20) decimated the Assyrian army (vv.21–22; cf. 2Ki 19:35) and immediately removed the threat looming over Jerusalem. Later, the son(s) of Sennacherib assassinated him (v.21), apparently in jealousy over the selection of Esarhaddon as heir to the Assyrian throne (cf. ANET, 288–89). However, although Jerusalem was spared as a result this divine deliverance (along with a payoff from the palace and temple treasuries; cf. 2Ki 18:14–16), Sennacherib’s invasion brought devastation and massive deportations to the rest of Judah. This devastation was especially felt in the Shephelah, where much of Sennacherib’s destruction took place (cf. 2Ki 18:13; Isa 36:1; a total of forty-six cities and countless villages, according to Sennacherib; cf. ANET, 288).

In addition, Sennacherib gave some of Judah’s territory to the kings of Ashdod, Ekron, and Gaza and imposed massive tribute on Judah—the longest list of tribute from all of Sennacherib’s inscriptions. The devastation brought upon Judah by the Assyrian army in 701 BC can be appreciated from this excerpt from Sennacherib’s military annals:

As for Hezekiah, the Judean, I besieged forty-six of his fortified walled cities and surrounding smaller towns, which were without number. Using packed-down ramps and applying battering rams, infantry attacks by mines, breeches, and siege machines, I conquered (them). I took out 200,150 people, young and old, male and female, horses, mules, donkeys, camels, cattle, and sheep, without number, and counted them as spoil. He himself, I locked up within Jerusalem, his royal city, like a bird in a cage. I surrounded him with earthworks, and made it unthinkable for him to exit by the city gate. His cities which I had despoiled I cut off from his land and gave them to Mitinti, king of Ashdod, Padi, king of Ekron and Silli-bel, king of Gaza, and thus diminished his land. [Another variation of this text includes Ashkelon as well.] I imposed dues and gifts for my lordship upon him, in addition to the former tribute, their yearly payment. He, Hezekiah, was overwhelmed by the awesome splendor of my lordship, and he sent me after my departure to Nineveh, my royal city, his elite troops (and) his best soldiers, which he had brought in as reinforcements to strengthen Jerusalem, with 30 talents of gold, 800 talents of silver, choice antimony, large blocks of carnelian, beds (inlaid) with ivory, armchairs (inlaid) with ivory, elephant hides, ivory, ebony-wood, boxwood, multicolored garments, garments of linen, wool (dyed) red-purple and blue-purple, vessels of copper, iron, bronze and tin, chariots, siege shields, lances, armor, daggers for the belt, bows and arrows, countless trappings and implements of war, together with his daughters, his palace women, his male and female singers. He (also) dispatched his messenger to deliver the tribute and to do obeisance. (COS, 2:119B)

Following Sennacherib’s destruction, Judah’s population in the Shephelah was dramatically reduced, while the population in and around Jerusalem grew from an influx of refugees, ultimately resulting in a more centralized and urban society, a demographic shift reflected in several prophetic oracles of the time (e.g., Micah). In short, although there was divine deliverance for Jerusalem, the devastation on the rest of Judah was drastic.

23 Although the invasion of Judah brought a significant amount of devastation, the ultimate, miraculous, divine deliverance of Jerusalem (“the LORD saved Hezekiah and the people of Jerusalem,” v.22; cf. v.21) prompted an outflow of worship, offerings, and gifts. Moreover, Hezekiah’s divinely enabled (partial) success against the Assyrian army earned him respect in the eyes of the nations.

NOTES

1 The reference in 2 Kings 19:9 to “Tirhakah, the Cushite king of Egypt” as coming to fight against Sennacherib, a degree of tension between Hezekiah’s sizable monetary payoff to Sennacherib (cf. 2Ki 18:14–16) and the divine routing, and the subsequent retreat of the Assyrian army (2Ch 32:21–22; 2Ki 19:35–36) have given rise to the proposal that there were two distinct invasions by Sennacherib during the days of Hezekiah recounted in Kings and Chronicles. For a presentation of this view, see W. H. Shea, “Sennacherib’s Second Palestinian Campaign,” JBL 104 (1985): 401–18, esp. 416–18.

With respect to Tirhakah (Taharqa), he did not become pharaoh until about 690 BC, more than ten years after the time of the invasion of Sennacherib summarized above. Given these factors, the two-campaign theory proposes that there was an initial invasion of Judah by Sennacherib in 701 BC, wherein Hezekiah capitulated, paid off Sennacherib, and resumed his vassal status. This is the campaign reflected in Assyrian sources and comprising the biblical account in 2 Kings 18:13–16. The second campaign is postulated to have taken place in 688/687 BC, not long after Tirhakah assumed power in 690 BC, and spans 2 Kings 18:17–19:36. However, there are no known Assyrian sources indicating a battle with Judah during this time. For an overview of Tirhakah and other chronological issues, see A. G. Vaughn, Theology, History, and Archaeology in the Chronicler’s Account of Hezekiah (Atlanta: Scholars, 1999), 7–14.

Although the two-campaign theory has some compelling factors and maintains sensitivity to the biblical material, the difficulties of having another Assyrian (and Egyptian) campaign to Judah little more than ten years after the massive destruction of 701 BC, the dating of Stratum III at Lachish, and the lack of mention of such a campaign in Assyrian sources favor maintaining the view of one campaign. With respect to Tirhakah, his presence in the campaign of 701 BC was likely as a field commander for the pharaoh Shebitku, and his title of “king” within the passage is best explained as a proleptic use of his later title of king/pharaoh (Vaughn, 8–14, 81–87). The shift of the text between the submission and payment of Hezekiah and the victory of Yahweh over the Assyrian forces should be seen as a combination of the ebb and flow of battle conditions as well as the increased reliance on Yahweh evidenced in the passage.

21 In order to close out the account, the death notice of Sennacherib is given, although his actual death does not come for another twenty years (681 BC; similarly, recall that the death notation for Terah is given well before his death [Ge 11:32]).

5. Hezekiah’s Illness (2Ch 32:24–26)

24In those days Hezekiah became ill and was at the point of death. He prayed to the LORD, who answered him and gave him a miraculous sign. 25But Hezekiah’s heart was proud and he did not respond to the kindness shown him; therefore the LORD’s wrath was on him and on Judah and Jerusalem. 26Then Hezekiah repented of the pride of his heart, as did the people of Jerusalem; therefore the LORD’s wrath did not come upon them during the days of Hezekiah.

COMMENTARY

24–26 The nonspecific expression “in those days” (v.24) allows for the possibility that this illness happened earlier in Hezekiah’s reign (cf. 2Ki 20:1–11; Isa 38:1–22). Ultimately, Hezekiah’s more serious “illness” is that of pride (v.25; ditto the people of Jerusalem, v.26), since God resists the proud (v.25) but gives grace to the humble (v.26). The “sign” (v.24) given to Hezekiah is the backward movement of the sun’s shadow (cf. 2Ki 20:8–11; Isa 38:7–8). Again prayer (v.24) and repentance (v.26) are central to God’s expression of grace and healing and the Chronicler’s message of true spirituality. As the instance of Manasseh shows, there is no limit to divine grace in the midst of human humility and contrition (cf. 2Ch 33:12–13).

6. Hezekiah’s Wealth and Accomplishments (2Ch 32:27–31)

27Hezekiah had very great riches and honor, and he made treasuries for his silver and gold and for his precious stones, spices, shields and all kinds of valuables. 28He also made buildings to store the harvest of grain, new wine and oil; and he made stalls for various kinds of cattle, and pens for the flocks. 29He built villages and acquired great numbers of flocks and herds, for God had given him very great riches.

30It was Hezekiah who blocked the upper outlet of the Gihon spring and channeled the water down to the west side of the City of David. He succeeded in everything he undertook. 31But when envoys were sent by the rulers of Babylon to ask him about the miraculous sign that had occurred in the land, God left him to test him and to know everything that was in his heart.

COMMENTARY

27–30 These verses function as (another) summary of Hezekiah’s wealth, success, and accomplishments (cf. 31:20–21). Hezekiah’s riches in treasures, buildings, animals, and agriculture are a function of divine blessing and favor. Moreover, such divine blessings have a close connection with wisdom (cf. Pr 3:13–18; 8:15–21) and thus place Hezekiah’s blessings in parallel with those of David (1Ch 29:28) and Solomon (1Ch 29:25; 2Ch 1:11–12; 9:13–28).

Hezekiah’s efforts at strategically storing needed food provisions (v.28) are reflected in the discovery of more than twelve hundred large storage containers (or pieces thereof) stamped with the notation “belonging to the king” (Heb. lmlk). These lmlk jars reflect a high level of state planning and an established logistical infrastructure for the production, delivery, and management of such royal foodstuffs. In addition to agricultural resources, Hezekiah organized efforts to care for the herds and flocks belonging to the Judean monarchy (v.29; see N. Naʾaman, “Hezekiah’s Fortified Cities and the LMLK stamps,” BASOR 261 [1986]: 5–21).

As noted above (cf. comments on 32:2–5), Hezekiah’s most impressive engineering achievement was the tapping into the upper outlet of the Gihon spring and channeling the water to the western side of the City of David (v.30; cf. vv.3–4). Since the only year-round source of water for Jerusalem (the Gihon Spring) is found outside the city walls (in the Kidron Valley), the lack of a safeguarded fresh water supply was an ongoing area of vulnerability for Jerusalem. To address this vulnerability Hezekiah set two teams of workmen about fifteen hundred feet apart to dig a tunnel far underground to channel the Gihon water supply to a collection pool within the city. The digging of this tunnel (known as Hezekiah’s Tunnel as well as the Siloam Tunnel), was commemorated by the workers with an inscription (the Siloam Tunnel Inscription) placed deep within the tunnel in the area where the two teams met, connecting the full length of the tunnel (COS, 2:28). As a result, Jerusalem had ongoing access to fresh water that was out of the view (and access) of the Assyrian army (vv.3–4; see Y. Shiloh, “Jerusalem’s Water Supply during Siege: The Rediscovery of Warren’s Shaft,” BAR 7 [1981]: 24–39).

31 Chronologically, this visit by the envoys of Babylon likely precedes the invasion of Sennacherib. If this is the case, the emissaries of Merodach-Baladan II likely visit Hezekiah to explore cooperation in their common goal of throwing off the Assyrian yoke (recall that Babylon, like Judah, was an Assyrian vassal at this time). This visit may connect to the closely timed revolts of Babylon and alliance in the east and Judah and allies in the west following the death of Sargon II.

As reflected in earlier incidents involving Asa (cf. 16:1–9), Amaziah (cf. 25:7–10), and Ahaz (cf. 28:5–25), such attempts at military-political alliances are seen theologically as reflecting trust in man rather than God and his covenantal promises (contrast Jehoshaphat’s faith in 20:12; cf. Dt 20:1–4). The notion of placing some confidence and trust outside of Yahweh is especially lamented in Chronicles and the prophetic literature (cf. Isa 31:1–3; 39:1–7). God’s testing of Hezekiah’s heart in the midst of the Assyrian crisis ultimately reveals imperfections in his trust and faith in Yahweh. Poignantly, the prophet Isaiah’s rebuke of Hezekiah in the midst of this Babylonian visit ultimately foreshadows the Babylonian captivity (cf. Isa 39:3–7).

7. Hezekiah’s Regnal Summary (2Ch 32:32–33)

32The other events of Hezekiah’s reign and his acts of devotion are written in the vision of the prophet Isaiah son of Amoz in the book of the kings of Judah and Israel. 33Hezekiah rested with his fathers and was buried on the hill where the tombs of David’s descendants are. All Judah and the people of Jerusalem honored him when he died. And Manasseh his son succeeded him as king.

COMMENTARY

32–33 On prophetic regnal annotations, see comments on 12:15 and the Introduction. Note the similarity of the expression “vision of the prophet Isaiah” here with the opening to the book of Isaiah (Isa 1:1). In the light of his overwhelmingly faithful reign, Hezekiah is buried with honor in the royal tombs.

N. The Reign of Manasseh (2Ch 33:1–20)

OVERVIEW

During the fifty-five-year reign of Manasseh, Judah was a vassal to three Assyrian monarchs: Sennacherib, Esarhaddon, and Assurbanipal. By way of a short historical sketch, during his final regnal years Sennacherib was engaged with the northern areas of his kingdom and Babylon until being assassinated by his sons in 681 BC following the appointment of his youngest son, Esarhaddon, as heir to the Assyrian throne (recall 32:21). Esarhaddon (681–667 BC) focused considerable effort attempting to conquer Egypt and eventually established Assyrian control over Lower (northern) Egypt, including Memphis and the Delta Region (ca. 671 BC). Esarhaddon’s son Ashurbanipal (667–630 BC) took occupation of Egypt even farther by successfully penetrating as far south as Thebes (Luxor, or biblical No-Amon) in ca. 664 BC (cf. the oracle of Na 3). In these battles Ashurbanipal used troops supplied by vassals, including troops supplied by Manasseh of Judah (ANET, 294).

1Manasseh was twelve years old when he became king, and he reigned in Jerusalem fifty-five years. 2He did evil in the eyes of the LORD, following the detestable practices of the nations the LORD had driven out before the Israelites. 3He rebuilt the high places his father Hezekiah had demolished; he also erected altars to the Baals and made Asherah poles. He bowed down to all the starry hosts and worshiped them. 4He built altars in the temple of the LORD, of which the LORD had said, “My Name will remain in Jerusalem forever.” 5In both courts of the temple of the LORD, he built altars to all the starry hosts. 6He sacrificed his sons in the fire in the Valley of Ben Hinnom, practiced sorcery, divination and witchcraft, and consulted mediums and spiritists. He did much evil in the eyes of the LORD, provoking him to anger.

7He took the carved image he had made and put it in God’s temple, of which God had said to David and to his son Solomon, “In this temple and in Jerusalem, which I have chosen out of all the tribes of Israel, I will put my Name forever. 8I will not again make the feet of the Israelites leave the land I assigned to your forefathers, if only they will be careful to do everything I commanded them concerning all the laws, decrees and ordinances given through Moses.” 9But Manasseh led Judah and the people of Jerusalem astray, so that they did more evil than the nations the LORD had destroyed before the Israelites.

10The LORD spoke to Manasseh and his people, but they paid no attention. 11So the LORD brought against them the army commanders of the king of Assyria, who took Manasseh prisoner, put a hook in his nose, bound him with bronze shackles and took him to Babylon. 12In his distress he sought the favor of the LORD his God and humbled himself greatly before the God of his fathers. 13And when he prayed to him, the LORD was moved by his entreaty and listened to his plea; so he brought him back to Jerusalem and to his kingdom. Then Manasseh knew that the LORD is God.

14Afterward he rebuilt the outer wall of the City of David, west of the Gihon spring in the valley, as far as the entrance of the Fish Gate and encircling the hill of Ophel; he also made it much higher. He stationed military commanders in all the fortified cities in Judah.

15He got rid of the foreign gods and removed the image from the temple of the LORD, as well as all the altars he had built on the temple hill and in Jerusalem; and he threw them out of the city. 16Then he restored the altar of the LORD and sacrificed fellowship offerings and thank offerings on it, and told Judah to serve the LORD, the God of Israel. 17The people, however, continued to sacrifice at the high places, but only to the LORD their God.

18The other events of Manasseh’s reign, including his prayer to his God and the words the seers spoke to him in the name of the LORD, the God of Israel, are written in the annals of the kings of Israel. 19His prayer and how God was moved by his entreaty, as well as all his sins and unfaithfulness, and the sites where he built high places and set up Asherah poles and idols before he humbled himself—all are written in the records of the seers. 20Manasseh rested with his fathers and was buried in his palace. And Amon his son succeeded him as king.

1 Manasseh’s long reign extended from ca. 708–643 BC and likely included a ten-year coregency with his father, Hezekiah, from 708–698 BC. As with Joash (24:1) and Josiah (34:1), Manasseh was enthroned at a very early age. During his fifty-five-year reign, Judah was a vassal to three Assyrian monarchs: Sennacherib, Esarhaddon, and Assurbanipal (see Overview).

2–8 The breadth and depth of Manasseh’s wickedness closely resemble the pattern of his ungodly grandfather, Ahaz (e.g., 28:2–4, 22–25), rather than his godly father, Hezekiah. Manasseh’s wickedness even exceeds that of the nations that previously lived in Canaan (v.9). The enumeration of Manasseh’s wicked practices is the essence of Deuteronomic covenantal unfaithfulness:

When you enter the land the LORD your God is giving you, do not learn to imitate the detestable ways of the nations there. Let no one be found among you who sacrifices his son or daughter in the fire, who practices divination or sorcery, interprets omens, engages in witchcraft, or casts spells, or who is a medium or spiritist or who consults the dead. Anyone who does these things is detestable to the LORD, and because of these detestable practices the LORD your God will drive out those nations before you. You must be blameless before the LORD your God. (Dt 18:9–13)

In addition to the common Israelite tendency to worship Baal and Asherah (given their connection to rain and fertility, v.3; see comments on Baal at 11:15; 28:2, and on Asherah and Asherah poles at 14:3), Manasseh also erected idolatrous altars to the “starry hosts” within the Jerusalem temple and in its courtyards (vv.4–5). Manasseh’s actions reversed the consecration of the temple accomplished during Hezekiah’s reforms (29:3–19).

The worship of aspects of the cosmos (“starry hosts,” vv.3, 5), such as celestial bodies, was common in the biblical world, as reflected in the number of gods named after the moon, sun, and planets. Moreover, divination via celestial bodies was common, particularly in Mesopotamia. Manasseh’s close ties to Assyria might imply that Manasseh had adopted the worship of Mesopotamian astral deities. Astral worship was also connected with Canaanite deities such as Asherah (note the connection between Baal/Asherah worship and the starry host in 2Ki 17:16). Ezekiel 8:16 and Jeremiah 19:1–14 imply that astral worship was taking place in the late Judean period.

On child sacrifice and the connection between the Valley of Ben Hinnom and Gehenna (v.6), see comments on 28:3. On high places (v.3), see comments on 1:3–5. All such actions of idolatry and disobedience put Judah in the position of forfeiting her residency in the Promised Land (vv.7–8; recall God’s words in 7:19–22). In fact, Manasseh’s apostasy is connected with God’s intent to “wipe out Jerusalem” in a manner reminiscent of what happened to the northern kingdom (cf. 2Ki 21:10–15).

9 Manasseh’s wicked ways even exceed the practices of the nations that previously lived in Canaan. Like Ahaz (cf. 28:19), Manasseh is guilty of leading God’s people astray, the opposite of his regnal responsibilities within the covenantal framework (Dt 17:14–20).

10–11 As a consequence of his flagrant idolatry and refusal to repent, Manasseh is “exiled” in then Assyrian-controlled Babylon, which aptly foreshadows what will happen to the nation as a whole as a result of persistent covenantal unfaithfulness. As he did during the apostasy of Joash (cf. 24:19), the Lord speaks to Manasseh and the people of Judah (v.10), demonstrating his love, patience, and grace toward his covenantal people. The summary of God’s efforts to bring his people back to himself is reminiscent of the closing verses of Chronicles reflecting on the Babylonian exile:

The LORD, the God of their fathers, sent word to them through his messengers again and again, because he had pity on his people and on his dwelling place. But they mocked God’s messengers, despised his words and scoffed at his prophets until the wrath of the LORD was aroused against his people and there was no remedy. (2Ch 36:15–16)

There is nothing within the biblical material or inscriptions from Assyria that specifies the reason(s) behind Manasseh’s imprisonment. Of course, theologically, the reason is covenantal unfaithfulness (vv.2–10). The remark that Manasseh is brought to Babylon with a hook in his nose and bound with bronze shackles implies some type of disloyalty on his part (see the image of Assyrian captives in ANEP, fig. 447). Similarly, this imagery is used by Yahweh to describe a consequence of covenantal disloyalty (cf. Isa 37:29; Eze 19:4; Am 4:2). Assyrian texts describe Manasseh as a loyal vassal who assisted with Assyrian building projects during the reign of Esarhaddon and contributed soldiers during the reign of Ashurbanipal.

12–13 Unlike Ahaz, who grew in unfaithfulness in the midst of divinely orchestrated distress (cf. 2Ch 28:19, 22), Manasseh responds to God in deep humility (“humbled himself greatly”) and the fruit of repentance (“sought the favor of the LORD”; cf. vv.15–16). In addition, Manasseh seeks the Lord in earnest prayer that touches God’s heart (v.13). This short summary of Manasseh’s repentance and God’s response (absent from the account in Kings) is perhaps one of the most hope-inducing passages in the OT. In short, these two verses emphatically show that God can restore anyone who seeks him in true repentance, regardless of the depth of darkness of that person’s ungodliness.

As with the apostle Paul’s statement of being the “worst” of sinners and yet experiencing God’s grace (1Ti 1:16), Manasseh is arguably the worst of sinful Judean kings (cf. vv.2–9). But he too experiences God’s forgiving grace. Note that a core principle in God’s response to Solomon’s temple-dedication prayer is reflected in the reconciliation granted to Manasseh (cf. 7:14, 11–22). Following his repentance and seeking of God, the Lord brings Manasseh back from exile in Babylon and restores his kingdom (cf. Nebuchadnezzar in Da 4), an act of graciousness that deepens Manasseh’s understanding of God’s strength and mercy.

14 Manasseh’s rebuilding (or repairing) of the outer wall seems to be both a reflex of his heightened sense of his regnal responsibilities and perhaps is also a tangible outworking of God’s “healing the land” in the light of Manasseh’s humility and seeking of God (cf. 7:14). The description of this wall suggests it was connected with the Broad Wall constructed by Hezekiah (see comments on 32:5).

15–16 As a tangible reflection of his inner spiritual renewal, Manasseh begins to dismantle the numerous elements of idolatry and covenantal unfaithfulness that he had so intensely pursued earlier in his reign (cf. vv.2–9). In addition, Manasseh consecrates (“restores”) the temple in order to reinstitute sacrificial worship, as his father Hezekiah had done (29:3–35). Note that while Manasseh had previously “led Judah and the people of Jerusalem astray” (v.9), he now instructs Judah to serve Yahweh (v.16; cf. Asa in 14:4).

17 Although temple service and offerings have been established, the people do not abandon their propensity for sacrificing at the high places. While these high-place sacrifices are “only to the LORD,” this practice is nonetheless against God’s established parameters for centralized worship in Jerusalem (Dt 12:13–14; also see comments on high places at 2Ch 1:3–5).

18–20 While the specific words of Manasseh’s prayer are not recorded, it is ultimately the disposition of his heart that draws God to him in forgiveness and restoration (see comments on vv.12–13; on Manasseh’s horrendous sinful activity, see comments on vv.2–8, 9). The significance of Manasseh’s unusual burial within “his palace” is unknown (see Dillard, 269; on the sources used in regnal annotations, including prophetic sources [here “seers”], see comments on 12:15 and the Introduction).

NOTE

3 The plural of Baal (“Baals”) is uncommon and may relate to the variety of deities pursued in Israel and the region of Syro-Canaan. (Recall that “Baal” is an honorific title meaning “lord” and typically, but not exclusively, was the shortened way of referring to the Syro-Canaanite storm god Baal-Hadad.)

O. The Reign of Amon (2Ch 33:21–25)

21Amon was twenty-two years old when he became king, and he reigned in Jerusalem two years. 22He did evil in the eyes of the LORD, as his father Manasseh had done. Amon worshiped and offered sacrifices to all the idols Manasseh had made. 23But unlike his father Manasseh, he did not humble himself before the LORD; Amon increased his guilt.

24Amon’s officials conspired against him and assassinated him in his palace. 25Then the people of the land killed all who had plotted against King Amon, and they made Josiah his son king in his place.

COMMENTARY

21 Amon’s brief reign lasts from about 643–641 BC, a time of significant Assyrian power in the biblical world (see Overview to ch. 33).

22–23 Amon’s reign is both parallel to and in stark contrast to that of his father, Manasseh. Like Manasseh, the sins of Amon are legion; but unlike Manasseh he does not humble himself and seek the Lord while he can be found. Sadly, one of the consequences of Manasseh’s wicked years was his “discipling” of his son Amon in the realm of spiritual apostasy and idolatry. While Manasseh ultimately sought God in repentance (vv.12–13), Amon is assassinated just two years into his reign (v.24), ushering in the reign of Josiah (v.25).

24–25 The backdrop for Amon’s assassination by his palace officials is not clear, but it may be part of a larger political objective (such as a coup or a result of different agendas regarding Judah’s continued status as an Assyrian vassal). In addition, it may have related to disgust over Amon’s idolatrous ways. Note that the “people of the land” retaliate against Amon’s murderous officials and usher in the reign of Josiah. This is yet another regnal situation in which this sociopolitical group plays a pivotal role (see extended discussion on this group at 23:21).

P. The Reign of Josiah (2Ch 34:1–35:27)

OVERVIEW

Josiah’s thirty-one-year reign extends from 641–609 BC, a time of decreasing Assyrian strength as a result of a series of revolts across the Assyrian Empire in the 670s through the 640s BC. By 665 BC Assyria had little choice but to recognize the independence of Egypt under the Assyrian-appointed pharaoh Psammetichus I (Psamtik I) and his successor, Neco II. Shortly after the death of Ashurbanipal (ca. 630 BC), Assyria fell into an advanced state of decline, instability, and geographical contraction, as evidenced by Babylon’s declaration of independence in 626 BC by Nabopolassar (first ruler of the Neo-Babylonian period and father of Nebuchadnezzar) and an assault on Nineveh by the Medes the following year.

The looming demise of Assyria created a power vacuum in the ancient Near East that Egypt and Babylon were eager to fill, particularly with respect to control of the land bridge known as Israel. Moreover, as a result of the weakening of the Assyrian Empire during the reign of Josiah, Judah began to experience what might be described as “pseudo-independence.” This newfound freedom likely played a significant role in the wide array of reforms enacted by Josiah in both Judah and the former territory of the northern kingdom (vv.6–7). Josiah’s reforms took place in three periods: his eighth year (ca. 633 BC; v.3), his twelfth year (ca. 629 BC; v.3), and his eighteenth year (ca. 623 BC; v.8). Note that the prophetic ministries of Zephaniah and Jeremiah likely supported the reforms enacted by Josiah.

1. Josiah’s Reforms (2Ch 34:1–33)

a. Introduction to Josiah’s Reign (2Ch 34:1–2)

1Josiah was eight years old when he became king, and he reigned in Jerusalem thirty-one years. 2He did what was right in the eyes of the LORD and walked in the ways of his father David, not turning aside to the right or to the left.

COMMENTARY

1 As with Joash (24:1) and Manasseh (33:1), Josiah’s reign in Judah begins at an early age, following the assassination of Amon (33:24). As discussed above (see comments on 23:21; 33:24–25), Josiah’s installation as king is facilitated by the “people of the land,” a sociopolitical group who may have played a significant role in managing the affairs of Judah during Josiah’s childhood and adolescent years. Josiah’s thirty-one-year reign extended from 641–609 BC, a time of decreasing Assyrian strength (see Overview above).

2 Josiah is one of the few Judean kings noted as walking in the ways of David (cf. Jehoshaphat [17:3–4] and Hezekiah [29:2]), a direct function of his devotion to God’s law (cf. 2Ki 23:25; Dt 17:18–20) and of his focused commitment to God (i.e., spiritual life direction; cf. Eph 4:1). Josiah’s walk is described as singularly focused on the ways of God, that is, not turning aside to the right or left. Such is the phraseology used in Deuteronomy to describe a focused, disciplined, and God-pleasing spiritual life:

So be careful to do what the LORD your God has commanded you; do not turn aside to the right or to the left. Walk in all the way that the LORD your God has commanded you, so that you may live and prosper and prolong your days in the land that you will possess. (Dt 5:32–33; cf. 17:20; 28:14)

b. Josiah’s Destruction of Idolatry (2Ch 34:3–7)

3In the eighth year of his reign, while he was still young, he began to seek the God of his father David. In his twelfth year he began to purge Judah and Jerusalem of high places, Asherah poles, carved idols and cast images. 4Under his direction the altars of the Baals were torn down; he cut to pieces the incense altars that were above them, and smashed the Asherah poles, the idols and the images. These he broke to pieces and scattered over the graves of those who had sacrificed to them. 5He burned the bones of the priests on their altars, and so he purged Judah and Jerusalem. 6In the towns of Manasseh, Ephraim and Simeon, as far as Naphtali, and in the ruins around them, 7he tore down the altars and the Asherah poles and crushed the idols to powder and cut to pieces all the incense altars throughout Israel. Then he went back to Jerusalem.

COMMENTARY

3–5 Josiah’s initial period of reform (eighth year; age sixteen) is focused on seeking God. The concept of seeking God with all of one’s being should be understood as a foundational element of rightly relating to God (cf. Dt 4:29–31; 6:5; 10:12–21). The second phase of Josiah’s reforms (twelfth year; age twenty) is focused on the destruction of articles of idolatry. Such destruction of idolatry and syncretistic worship (high places, foreign altars, sacred stones, and Asherah poles) per Deuteronomic admonition (cf. Dt 16:21–22) was a cornerstone of spiritual reforms and revival, as reflected in the efforts of Asa (2Ch 14:3–5) and Hezekiah (cf. 31:1).

6–7 In addition to Josiah’s purging reforms in Judah and Jerusalem (cf. vv.3–5), Josiah pursues a similar line of destroying items of idolatry and syncretistic worship. The weakening of the Assyrian Empire greatly reduced (and eventually eliminated) Assyrian presence in what had been the northern kingdom and enables Josiah’s reforms to stretch from his initial geographical confines in Judah (“from Geba to Beersheba,” 2Ki 23:8) to cities in the former northern kingdom’s tribal territories of Manasseh, Ephraim, Naphtali, and others “throughout Israel.” The mention of “as far as Naphtali” implies Josiah’s influence extended to the vicinity to the west and even north of the Sea of Chinnereth/Galilee.

In addition, Josiah seems to have expanded Judah west to the coast in the area north of Ashdod, as implied in the Yavneh [Yabneh] Yam Inscription (ANET, 568). This northern and western expansion of Judah’s border (in what had been the Assyrian provinces of “Samaria” and “Megiddo”) is further reflected in Josiah’s ability to confront Pharaoh Neco II at Megiddo in the Jezreel Valley (35:20–27; see comments below).

NOTES

3–7 The timing of the three movements of Josiah’s reforms may have some correlation with geopolitical events (see F. M. Cross Jr. and D. N. Freedman, “Josiah’s Revolt against Assyria,” JNES 12 [1953]: 56–58; for the association of Josiah’s eighteenth year with 2Ki 23:4–20, see Selman, 529–30).

3–4, 7 See the discussion on Baal and Asherah at 14:3. The plural of Baal is uncommon and may relate to the variety of deities pursued in Israel and the region of Syro-Canaan. (Recall that “Baal” is an honorific title meaning “lord” and typically, but not exclusively, was the shortened way of referring to the Syro-Canaanite storm god Baal-Hadad.)

6 With respect to the tribe of Simeon’s affiliation with the northern tribes, see Note at 15:9.

c. Josiah’s Temple Repairs (2Ch 34:8–13)

8In the eighteenth year of Josiah’s reign, to purify the land and the temple, he sent Shaphan son of Azaliah and Maaseiah the ruler of the city, with Joah son of Joahaz, the recorder, to repair the temple of the LORD his God.

9They went to Hilkiah the high priest and gave him the money that had been brought into the temple of God, which the Levites who were the doorkeepers had collected from the people of Manasseh, Ephraim and the entire remnant of Israel and from all the people of Judah and Benjamin and the inhabitants of Jerusalem. 10Then they entrusted it to the men appointed to supervise the work on the LORD’s temple. These men paid the workers who repaired and restored the temple. 11They also gave money to the carpenters and builders to purchase dressed stone, and timber for joists and beams for the buildings that the kings of Judah had allowed to fall into ruin.

12The men did the work faithfully. Over them to direct them were Jahath and Obadiah, Levites descended from Merari, and Zechariah and Meshullam, descended from Kohath. The Levites—all who were skilled in playing musical instruments—13had charge of the laborers and supervised all the workers from job to job. Some of the Levites were secretaries, scribes and doorkeepers.

COMMENTARY

8–13 The final stage in Josiah’s reforms covers the restoration of the temple (including the discovery of the “Book of the Law”) as well as Josiah’s grand celebration of Passover following the restoration of the temple (35:1–19). This third movement in Josiah’s reforms receives considerable attention by the Chronicler (34:8–35:19), perhaps in view of similarities with the Chronicler’s postexilic audience, including the reconnection of a long-separated community, the need for unity, the importance of a singular focus on God’s Word and covenant, and a newly recommissioned temple.

Josiah’s repair and restoration of the temple is similar to the earlier efforts of Joash (24:14) and Hezekiah (29:3–36). These temple repairs reverse the neglect of God’s house (v.11), the most notable attested during the reigns of Manasseh and Amon. The Chronicler emphasizes the involvement of the whole community through the giving of funds by both Judeans and those from the prior northern kingdom tribal areas (v.9), the skill and commitment (“faithfulness”) shown by those involved in the refurbishment process itself (cf. vv.10–13; vv.16–17; cf. 2Ki 22:7), and the oversight provided by the high priest and Levites (vv.9, 12–13). For additional remarks concerning Levitical duties, see comments on 5:4–6 and 5:12–13.

NOTES

8 On the timing of Josiah’s reforms with geopolitical events, see Note on 34:3–7.

d. Discovery of the Book of the Law (2Ch 34:14–33)

14While they were bringing out the money that had been taken into the temple of the LORD, Hilkiah the priest found the Book of the Law of the LORD that had been given through Moses. 15Hilkiah said to Shaphan the secretary, “I have found the Book of the Law in the temple of the LORD.” He gave it to Shaphan.

16Then Shaphan took the book to the king and reported to him: “Your officials are doing everything that has been committed to them. 17They have paid out the money that was in the temple of the LORD and have entrusted it to the supervisors and workers.” 18Then Shaphan the secretary informed the king, “Hilkiah the priest has given me a book.” And Shaphan read from it in the presence of the king.

19When the king heard the words of the Law, he tore his robes. 20He gave these orders to Hilkiah, Ahikam son of Shaphan, Abdon son of Micah, Shaphan the secretary and Asaiah the king’s attendant: 21“Go and inquire of the LORD for me and for the remnant in Israel and Judah about what is written in this book that has been found. Great is the LORD’s anger that is poured out on us because our fathers have not kept the word of the LORD; they have not acted in accordance with all that is written in this book.”

22Hilkiah and those the king had sent with him went to speak to the prophetess Huldah, who was the wife of Shallum son of Tokhath, the son of Hasrah, keeper of the wardrobe. She lived in Jerusalem, in the Second District.

23She said to them, “This is what the LORD, the God of Israel, says: Tell the man who sent you to me, 24‘This is what the LORD says: I am going to bring disaster on this place and its people—all the curses written in the book that has been read in the presence of the king of Judah. 25Because they have forsaken me and burned incense to other gods and provoked me to anger by all that their hands have made, my anger will be poured out on this place and will not be quenched.’ 26Tell the king of Judah, who sent you to inquire of the LORD, ‘This is what the LORD, the God of Israel, says concerning the words you heard: 27Because your heart was responsive and you humbled yourself before God when you heard what he spoke against this place and its people, and because you humbled yourself before me and tore your robes and wept in my presence, I have heard you, declares the LORD. 28Now I will gather you to your fathers, and you will be buried in peace. Your eyes will not see all the disaster I am going to bring on this place and on those who live here.’”

So they took her answer back to the king.

29Then the king called together all the elders of Judah and Jerusalem. 30He went up to the temple of the LORD with the men of Judah, the people of Jerusalem, the priests and the Levites—all the people from the least to the greatest. He read in their hearing all the words of the Book of the Covenant, which had been found in the temple of the LORD. 31The king stood by his pillar and renewed the covenant in the presence of the LORD—to follow the LORD and keep his commands, regulations and decrees with all his heart and all his soul, and to obey the words of the covenant written in this book.

32Then he had everyone in Jerusalem and Benjamin pledge themselves to it; the people of Jerusalem did this in accordance with the covenant of God, the God of their fathers.

33Josiah removed all the detestable idols from all the territory belonging to the Israelites, and he had all who were present in Israel serve the LORD their God. As long as he lived, they did not fail to follow the LORD, the God of their fathers.

COMMENTARY

14–15 This episode often comes as a surprise to readers who cannot imagine a scroll of the OT being “lost” in the temple. However, the foundation and walls of temples in the biblical world were commonly used as repositories for dedicatory inscriptions, administrative documents, building plans, and religious texts. For example, in the palace of Sin-kasid at Uruk, clay tablets were inserted into the foundation of the temple every sixteen to seventeen inches. Texts discovered during a temple refurbishing project would later be reburied, as reflected in the actions of Assyrian king Tukulti-Ninurta I, who redeposited foundation tablets from the time of Adad-Nirari I into the wall of the temple at Assur (see R. S. Ellis, Foundation Deposits in Ancient Mesopotamia [New Haven/London: Yale Univ. Press, 1968], 94–97, 187–97). With this in mind, Hilkiah’s “discovery” of the Book of the Law in conjunction with a wide array of temple repairs (vv.10–11) is not as peculiar as it may at first appear.

The “book” (vv.16, 18) that is discovered by the priest Hilkiah is referred to as “the Book of the Law of the LORD,” (v.14), the “Book of the Law” (v.15), and the “Book of the Covenant” (v.30). Despite no shortage of speculation, the exact identification of this book is not possible to determine. Points of comparison can be drawn with Exodus (e.g., Ex 20–24), Leviticus (e.g., Lev 26), Numbers (e.g., Nu 9–10), and Deuteronomy (e.g., Dt 28–31). Given the content of the subsequent narrative, it is probably preferable simply to conclude that some or all of the Pentateuch was discovered at this time.

16–18 Following a short summary of the faithfulness of those repairing the temple (cf. vv.10–11), the scribe Shaphan informs King Josiah of the discovery of “a book,” which he then reads in the presence of the king. It is interesting that while the high priest Hilkiah discovers the book, he gives it to the secretary (lit., “scribe”; see Note).

19–21 Despite Josiah’s earlier actions of reform (vv.3–7) and temple refurbishing (vv.8–13), the reading of God’s Word revealed the degree to which he and his predecessors had fallen short of God’s revealed will (“not acted in accordance with all that is written in this book,” v.21). Josiah’s response is to express grief via the cultural norms of the time (v.19). Notice that Josiah’s desire to hear from God relates not only to his concern for Judah but also to his concern for the remnant of Israel (northern kingdom; cf. v.21). Moreover, Josiah’s words and actions reflect an implicit recognition of the divine nature and divine authority vested in the Book of the Law of the Lord, and hence the guilt and culpability of the people with respect to the covenant. As Paul notes, the knowledge of God’s law causes every mouth to be silenced and renders the whole world “guilty before God” (Ro 3:19 [KJV]).

22 While Josiah sends the scribe (Shaphan) and the high priest (Hilkiah) to “inquire” on behalf of God’s people (“for me and for the remnant in Israel and Judah,” v.21), they in turn go to the wife of “the keeper of the wardrobe”—the prophetess Huldah. Little is known about this prophetess who declares God’s judgment on the nation. The officials of Josiah, however, clearly know of her and opt to seek her intercession in light of the crisis at hand (cf. Barak and Deborah, Jdg 4–5). Although not as commonly as with males, females are noted in various temple, palace, and prophetic roles in parts of the biblical world, including Mari, Mesopotamia, and Egypt.

23–28 The oracle of the prophetess Huldah begins in customary prophetic manner (e.g., something akin to “Thus saith the LORD”) and quickly (and succinctly; vv.24–25) proclaims a disaster on the land and God’s people that will be meted out according to the stipulations of the Book of the Covenant (e.g., Dt 28:15–68; cf. Lev 26:14–43). In addition to the prophecy of disaster declared against Judah, the prophetess has a separate message for the king that is actually longer than that addressed to Judah (vv.26–28). In short, the prophetess declares that Josiah will not experience the covenantal judgments decreed for Judah (v.28). As reflected in the account of Manasseh (see comments on 33:12–13), Josiah has sincerely humbled himself before God (v.27 [2x]) and displayed godly grief (a function of his responsive [lit., “soft”] heart; v.27).

Huldah’s statement that Josiah will be “buried in peace” (v.28) has a degree of tension with the death of Josiah at the hand of the army of Pharaoh Neco (cf. 35:23–24), which hardly seems to be a peaceful demise. Nevertheless, the core emphasis of Huldah’s prophecy pertaining to Josiah is that he will be spared the disaster to befall Judah (“your eyes will not see all the disaster . . .”). Moreover, the remark in question relates to his burial (“you will be buried in peace”) rather than his means of death.

Alternatively, it is possible that Josiah’s later trust and reliance on something apart from God (implicit in his actions to support the Babylonians; see comments on 35:20; 35:21–24) cause him to forfeit part of this promise in line with the dynamic aspect of God’s sovereign will. Such a theological dynamic is reflected in Jeremiah’s revelatory trip to the potter’s house:

Then the word of the LORD came to me: “O house of Israel, can I not do with you as this potter does?” declares the LORD. “Like clay in the hand of the potter, so are you in my hand, O house of Israel. If at any time I announce that a nation or kingdom is to be uprooted, torn down and destroyed, and if that nation I warned repents of its evil, then I will relent and not inflict on it the disaster I had planned. And if at another time I announce that a nation or kingdom is to be built up and planted, and if it does evil in my sight and does not obey me, then I will reconsider the good I had intended to do for it. (Jer. 18:5–10)

Similarly, note the implication of God’s message through the prophet regarding the house of Eli:

“Therefore the LORD, the God of Israel, declares: ‘I promised that your house and your father’s house would minister before me forever.’ But now the LORD declares: ‘Far be it from me! Those who honor me I will honor, but those who despise me will be disdained.’” (1Sa 2:30)

29–32 Despite the message of disaster proclaimed by the prophetess (vv.23–28), Josiah leads the full spectrum of constituents (“from the least to the greatest”) of the Judean community—“elders,” “men of Judah,” “people of Jerusalem,” “priests,” and “Levites”—in a solemn ceremony of hearing God’s law at the temple (recall Solomon’s prayer [2Ch 6]) and renewing their commitment to the covenant (34:29–31). Josiah models this covenantal renewal in the presence of the people and Yahweh, stressing his commitment to follow God and keep his commands, regulations, and decrees as similarly commanded by Moses:

These are the commands, decrees and laws the LORD your God directed me to teach you to observe in the land that you are crossing the Jordan to possess, so that you, your children and their children after them may fear the LORD your God as long as you live by keeping all his decrees and commands that I give you, and so that you may enjoy long life. (Dt 6:1–2)

The details of that which Josiah pledges to keep (“commands, regulations and decrees”) found within “the Book of the Covenant” all reflect the increased dependence on a written text in Judean society and the heightened sense of the authority of the written Word of God. Similarly, note the repeated emphasis on doing what was “written” during Josiah’s Passover preparations (cf. 35:1–27). During the time of Ezra and Nehemiah, the people reaffirm their commitment to Yahweh’s covenant in writing (cf. Neh 9:38).

Josiah commits to keep God’s written instructions with “all his heart and all his soul,” as likewise commanded by Moses (cf. Dt. 6:5–9; 11:13). While not explicitly stated, Josiah’s commitment reflects the biblical reality that loving God is inseparable from keeping God’s Word: “Love the LORD your God and keep his requirements, his decrees, his laws and his commands always” (Dt 11:1; cf. Jn 15:10, 14; see Reflection below). Following his public declaration, Josiah leads the people also to pledge their commitment to covenantal obedience (v.32; cf. Johnstone, 2:244–45).

33 This summary note implies a continuation of Josiah’s reform efforts to destroy objects of idolatry from within the territory of the former northern kingdom (cf. vv.3–7; see comments on 34:3–5; 34:6–7). The statement that the people “did not fail to follow the LORD” while Josiah was alive foreshadows the rapid downfall that will happen in Judah following his death (see ch. 36; cf. 12:14).

NOTES

14 For a summary of reasons that favor the book of Deuteronomy as the book that was discovered, see Dillard, 280, and Selman, 531–32. Commonly cited reasons include the emphasis on worship centralization chosen by God (cf. Dt 12:4–7), instructions concerning the destruction of items of idolatry and heterodoxy (e.g., 12:1–3), instructions concerning observing Passover (cf. 16:1–8), and public covenant-reading ceremonies (e.g., 31:7–13). However, none of these points of connection necessitate that Deuteronomy alone was discovered at this time.

15–18 Shaphan “the secretary” (, hassôpēr) is better rendered “the scribe,” as reflected in most translations. As a scribe, Shaphan would be an heir of a rich intellectual heritage in the ancient Near East. As reflected in this episode, the influence of scribes penetrated the power structures of royalty, religion, and commerce in ancient cultures.

REFLECTION

The emphasis on obeying God with all one’s heart and soul, central to Josiah’s reforms (cf. Hiram’s stress of love [2:11–12]), is an important theological principle of the spiritual life. Numerous texts in the Bible stress the necessity of obedience with respect to covenantal instructions and laws. Although often missed in Christian settings, love was a foundational element of OT law and was the basis for God’s covenantal choice of Israel (see Dt 7:6–9; Jer 31:3). In fact, the key underlying ethic of Israel’s law is arguably love—love of God and love of others. Thus Christ is able to summarize the Law and the Prophets as loving God with all one’s heart, soul, mind, and strength and loving one’s neighbor as oneself. Note this emphasis in Christ’s words and Paul’s teachings:

“Teacher, which is the greatest commandment in the Law?”

Jesus replied: “‘Love the Lord your God with all your heart and with all your soul and with all your mind.’ This is the first and greatest commandment. And the second is like it: ‘Love your neighbor as yourself.’ All the Law and the Prophets hang on these two commandments.” (Mt 22:36–40)

Let no debt remain outstanding, except the continuing debt to love one another, for he who loves his fellowman has fulfilled the law. The commandments, “Do not commit adultery,” “Do not murder,” “Do not steal,” “Do not covet,” and whatever other commandment there may be, are summed up in this one rule: “Love your neighbor as yourself.” Love does no harm to its neighbor. Therefore love is the fulfillment of the law. (Ro 13:8–10)

2. Josiah’s Passover Celebration (2Ch 35:1–19)

1Josiah celebrated the Passover to the LORD in Jerusalem, and the Passover lamb was slaughtered on the fourteenth day of the first month. 2He appointed the priests to their duties and encouraged them in the service of the LORD’s temple. 3He said to the Levites, who instructed all Israel and who had been consecrated to the LORD: “Put the sacred ark in the temple that Solomon son of David king of Israel built. It is not to be carried about on your shoulders. Now serve the LORD your God and his people Israel. 4Prepare yourselves by families in your divisions, according to the directions written by David king of Israel and by his son Solomon.

5“Stand in the holy place with a group of Levites for each subdivision of the families of your fellow countrymen, the lay people. 6Slaughter the Passover lambs, consecrate yourselves and prepare the lambs for your fellow countrymen, doing what the LORD commanded through Moses.”

7Josiah provided for all the lay people who were there a total of thirty thousand sheep and goats for the Passover offerings, and also three thousand cattle—all from the king’s own possessions.

8His officials also contributed voluntarily to the people and the priests and Levites. Hilkiah, Zechariah and Jehiel, the administrators of God’s temple, gave the priests twenty-six hundred Passover offerings and three hundred cattle. 9Also Conaniah along with Shemaiah and Nethanel, his brothers, and Hashabiah, Jeiel and Jozabad, the leaders of the Levites, provided five thousand Passover offerings and five hundred head of cattle for the Levites.

10The service was arranged and the priests stood in their places with the Levites in their divisions as the king had ordered. 11The Passover lambs were slaughtered, and the priests sprinkled the blood handed to them, while the Levites skinned the animals. 12They set aside the burnt offerings to give them to the subdivisions of the families of the people to offer to the LORD, as is written in the Book of Moses. They did the same with the cattle. 13They roasted the Passover animals over the fire as prescribed, and boiled the holy offerings in pots, caldrons and pans and served them quickly to all the people. 14After this, they made preparations for themselves and for the priests, because the priests, the descendants of Aaron, were sacrificing the burnt offerings and the fat portions until nightfall. So the Levites made preparations for themselves and for the Aaronic priests.

15The musicians, the descendants of Asaph, were in the places prescribed by David, Asaph, Heman and Jeduthun the king’s seer. The gatekeepers at each gate did not need to leave their posts, because their fellow Levites made the preparations for them.

16So at that time the entire service of the LORD was carried out for the celebration of the Passover and the offering of burnt offerings on the altar of the LORD, as King Josiah had ordered. 17The Israelites who were present celebrated the Passover at that time and observed the Feast of Unleavened Bread for seven days. 18The Passover had not been observed like this in Israel since the days of the prophet Samuel; and none of the kings of Israel had ever celebrated such a Passover as did Josiah, with the priests, the Levites and all Judah and Israel who were there with the people of Jerusalem. 19This Passover was celebrated in the eighteenth year of Josiah’s reign.

COMMENTARY

1 Josiah’s Passover celebration is a continuation of his spiritual reforms in Judah and portions of Israel, especially the covenantal renewal that takes place following the discovery and reading of the Book of the Covenant (cf. 34:3–32). Note that Josiah’s Passover was celebrated in the same (eighteenth) year (cf. v.19) as his extensive temple repairs (which led to the discovery of the Book of the Covenant; cf. 2Ch 34:8). Various statements throughout the Passover account (e.g., “as prescribed,” “as is written in the Book of Moses”; cf. vv.6, 12–13) and details such as the normative fourteenth day of the first month (cf. Nu 9:1–3; 28:16–25; recall Hezekiah’s delayed Passover [2Ch 30:2–4]) indicate that the rediscovered Book of the Covenant is central in the organizing of Josiah’s Passover celebration.

Similarly, references to following Levitical procedures established by David or Solomon (e.g., vv.4, 15) reflect Josiah’s desire to do everything in a God-pleasing manner. Passover was one of the three major pilgrimage festivals (along with the Feast of Tabernacles and Pentecost; see comments on 30:2–4). The Passover Feast began with the sacrifice of the Passover lamb by the community (cf. Ex 12:6) in Jerusalem (cf. Dt 16:5–6), which hearkens back to Israel’s deliverance in (and departure from) Egypt en route to inaugurating a covenantal relationship with Yahweh. Thus the Passover celebrates both God’s gracious deliverance of his people by means of blood (Ex 12:13, 23; cf. 1Co 5:7; Jn 1:29) as well as the inauguration of a covenant confirmed by means of blood (Ex 24:3–8; cf. Mt 26:28; Heb 9:14). As reflected here (cf. v.17), Passover was closely connected with the seven-day Feast of Unleavened Bread (cf. Ex 23:15).

2–6 Josiah’s priestly and Levitical appointments in conjunction with his Passover celebration (vv.2–5) are done in accordance with previously prescribed divisions and roles established by David and Solomon (cf. vv.4, 15) and thus continue the theme of obedience to God’s law seen in Josiah’s reign. On the differing responsibilities of priests and Levites regarding temple service, including the handling of the ark (which may have been removed during the apostasy of Manasseh or Amon), see comments on 5:4–6. On the Mosaic legal instruction and theological significance of the slaughter of the Passover lambs (v.6), see comments on v.1.

Josiah’s exhortation that the Levites “consecrate” themselves (v.6) in conjunction with their role in the Passover celebration underscores the notion that deeper internal issues such as personal purity must coincide with external acts of worship. Moreover, as reflected in Hezekiah’s Passover celebration (cf. 30:17–20), Levites (rather than the individual offerer) slaughter the Passover lambs.

7–9 The “voluntary” contributions of Passover offerings and more made by the king, royal officials, the high priest, temple administrators, and Levitical leaders reflect both the imagery of generosity as well as that of unity and fellowship enjoyed through the sharing of sacrificial meals and communion offerings. The massive amount of offerings and the efforts to account for a large number of those in Judah as well as Israel no doubt play into the summary remark that the Passover had not been celebrated like this before (v.18). These numbers are about double the offerings noted in conjunction with Hezekiah’s Passover celebration (cf. 30:24), but they pale in comparison to Solomon’s temple-dedication offerings (cf. 7:5).

10–16 As also noted earlier (cf. vv.2, 5), Josiah is careful to carry out prescribed regulations regarding priests and Levites (v.10). Likewise, his efforts are again described as being in accordance with the divine instructions found in “the Book of Moses” (v.12; cf. comments on v.1; on the differing responsibilities of priests and Levites for temple service reflected here, see extended comments on 5:4–6). On the theological significance and Pentateuchal instructions concerning the slaughter of the Passover lambs (vv.6, 13), including the sprinkling of the blood (v.11), see comments on v.1.

Following the sacrifices, the people eat together in remembrance of God’s great redemptive act (v.13). As also seen in Hezekiah’s Passover celebration, but not a prescribed priestly or Levitical duty, the Levites skinned the Passover animals (v.11; see Lev 1:2–6). Another element of unity and community (cf. vv.7–9) is seen in the steps taken by the Levites to ensure that their gatekeeper brethren (v.15) and priestly brethren (v.14) have the necessary Passover preparations in order (v.14). For additional remarks concerning the musical duties of Levites, see comments on 5:4–6 and 5:12–13).

17–19 As reflected in Mosaic law, Josiah’s Passover is celebrated in conjunction with the seven-day Feast of Unleavened Bread (v.17; cf. Ex 23:14–17; Dt 16:1–17). The Chronicler’s remark that Josiah’s Passover celebration is a singular event not before witnessed in the history of Israel is similar to the assessment given concerning Hezekiah’s Passover celebration (cf. 30:26). In a sense, given the differences between these celebrations (including the anomalies reflected in Hezekiah’s late but double-length Passover celebration; cf. ch. 30), both Josiah’s “normative” celebration and Hezekiah’s “nonnormative” celebration are unique categories unto themselves in the history of Judah and Israel. In addition, while Hezekiah’s Passover celebration included some dedicated pilgrims from the former northern kingdom, Josiah’s Passover clearly expands the imagery of reunification between northern kingdom and southern kingdom.

NOTES

1, 17 For additional references concerning Mosaic legal instruction on the celebration of Passover and the relationship between Passover and the Feast of Unleavened Bread, see Exodus 12:1–11, 14–16, 43–49; Leviticus 23:5–8; Numbers 28:16–25; Deuteronomy 16:1–8.

19 The timing of Josiah’s Passover is sometimes questioned since the discovery of the scroll/Book of the Law (34:14–18) and the Passover celebration are both recorded as taking place in the same year (Josiah’s eighteenth year; cf. 34:8; 35:19). Some scholars suggest there was insufficient time for Josiah to make the radical changes noted in 34:19–33 together with the Passover preparations indicated in 35:1–18. Yet, such a rapid response of reform and obedience is consistent with the urgency reflected in Josiah’s response to the discovery of the scroll.

3. Josiah’s Confrontation with Pharaoh Neco (2Ch 35:20–24)

OVERVIEW

Josiah’s encounter with Pharaoh Neco II (also commonly spelled “Necho”) took place in 609 BC, thirteen to fourteen years after the discovery of the “Book of the Law” and his subsequent Passover celebration. As noted above (see Overview to 34:1–35:27), the Assyrian Empire entered a rapid state of decline following the death of Ashurbanipal (ca. 630 BC), culminating in the declaration of independence of Babylon in 626 BC. Over the following decade the Babylonian ruler Nabopolassar (father of Nebuchadnezzar) began encroaching into the southern and western regions of Assyrian territory while the Medes were invading the northern parts of Assyrian territory. In ca. 613 BC the Medes and Babylonians joined forces to attack Nineveh, which fell in 612 BC after a three-month siege.

Despite the fall of Nineveh, a portion of the Assyrian army and leadership retreated from Nineveh to the city of Haran, about one hundred miles to the west, and began to reorganize what was left of their political-military structure. A couple of years later the Medes and Babylonians again joined forces to eradicate what was left of the Assyrian Empire in the vicinity of Haran. The Egyptians, under Pharaoh Psammetichus I (Psamtik I), attempted to assist the Assyrians at Haran, but ultimately the Assyrians retreated across the Euphrates River to Carchemish.

While the reasons for Egypt’s support of its former enemy (Assyria) are unclear, it may involve a desire to attain a geopolitical status quo in the light of the quickly growing threat of the Neo-Babylonian Empire. In addition, the contraction of the Assyrian Empire had enabled Egypt to regain control over key trade routes passing through parts of Canaan (especially the Coastal Highway through Philistia and Phoenicia). Thus, supporting Assyria against the Babylonians and Medes would also enable Egypt to maintain its newfound hegemony over much of the Levant.

Following this battle, Psammetichus I died, and his son Neco II became ruler in Egypt and subsequently organized another large force to help the Assyrians at Carchemish in their attempt to retake the city of Haran. This was the conflict into which Josiah chose to insert himself and all Judah with him (see Donald B. Redford, Egypt, Canaan, and Israel in Ancient Times [Princeton, N.J.: Univ. of Princeton Press, 1992], 438–55; Rainey and Notley, 257–60).

20After all this, when Josiah had set the temple in order, Neco king of Egypt went up to fight at Carchemish on the Euphrates, and Josiah marched out to meet him in battle. 21But Neco sent messengers to him, saying, “What quarrel is there between you and me, O king of Judah? It is not you I am attacking at this time, but the house with which I am at war. God has told me to hurry; so stop opposing God, who is with me, or he will destroy you.”

22Josiah, however, would not turn away from him, but disguised himself to engage him in battle. He would not listen to what Neco had said at God’s command but went to fight him on the plain of Megiddo.

23Archers shot King Josiah, and he told his officers, “Take me away; I am badly wounded.” 24So they took him out of his chariot, put him in the other chariot he had and brought him to Jerusalem, where he died. He was buried in the tombs of his fathers, and all Judah and Jerusalem mourned for him.

COMMENTARY

20 Following his reforms and Passover celebration, Josiah inserts himself into a conflict involving Assyria, Egypt, and Babylon that will have dramatic implications for the future of Judah (see Overview, above). This sequence of events is reminiscent of Hezekiah’s conflict with Assyria following his reforms and Passover celebration (ch. 32). Note the similar introductions to these episodes:

After all that Hezekiah had so faithfully done . . . (32:1)

After all this, when Josiah had set the temple in order . . . (35:20)

Josiah’s encounter with Pharaoh Neco II takes place in 609 BC, thirteen to fourteen years after the discovery of the “Book of the Law” and his subsequent Passover celebration.

21–24 While plausible motives for Egypt’s support of its former enemy Assyria likely involve the balance of power in the ancient Near East and control over trade routes in the Levant (see Overview), the motives for Judah’s support of the Babylonian-Median coalition (implicit in Josiah’s attempt to interfere with Egypt’s aid of Assyria) are less clear. The message sent from Neco via envoy emphasizes that the Egyptians had no direct issue with Judah.

It is possible that Josiah was acting independently, with the goal of ensuring that the Assyrians would not return to their former strength and dominance over Judah. However, it seems most likely that Josiah’s actions reflected some type of alliance between Judah and Babylon. Recall that such an alliance likely originated during the time of Hezekiah when both Judah and Babylon were vassals of Assyria and desired to throw off the Assyrian yoke (see comments on 32:1; 32:31). As seen with Hezekiah and in earlier incidents involving Asa (cf. 16:1–9), Amaziah (cf. 25:7–10), and Ahaz (cf. 28:5–25), such alliances imply inadequate allegiance to Yahweh and faith in human beings rather than God and his covenantal promises (cf. Isa 31:1–3; 39:1–7).

In the light of this issue of misdirected faith, it is noteworthy that the message sent from Neco is attributed as being from “God” (v.21) and that Josiah’s persistence to engage Pharaoh Neco in battle is attributed to Josiah’s not listening “to what Neco had said at God’s command” (v.22, emphasis added). This verse suggests that God was providing Josiah the opportunity to repent of seeking security apart from the Lord.

Josiah’s motive(s) aside, his attempt to stop the Egyptian army failed and cost him his life. Moreover, this episode cost Judah her closest taste of independence since Ahaz’s submission to Assyrian vassalage over a century earlier (cf. 28:5–25). In addition, Neco’s attempt to help Assyria retake Haran ultimately failed, and by late 609 BC the Assyrian Empire ceased to exist. The fall of Assyria came to the delight of many in the ancient Near East, as poetically captured by the prophet Nahum:

O king of Assyria, your shepherds slumber;

your nobles lie down to rest.

Your people are scattered on the mountains

with no one to gather them.

Nothing can heal your wound;

your injury is fatal.

Everyone who hears the news about you

claps his hands at your fall,

for who has not felt

your endless cruelty? (Nah 3:18–19)

The ramifications of Josiah’s decision to involve Judah in this conflict were enormous. After a long period of Assyrian vassalage, Judah had begun to experience independence (or at least pseudo-independence) during the reign of Josiah in light of the contraction of the Assyrian Empire. However, in the aftermath of Judah’s battle with Neco at Megiddo, Josiah was killed in battle (vv.23–24) and Judah became an Egyptian vassal. Only a few years later (ca. 605 BC) Judah would become a Babylonian vassal. Thus in the span of about two decades Judah shifted from Assyrian vassalage to (pseudo-) independence to Egyptian vassalage to Babylonian vassalage.

Moreover, the final three kings of Judah after Jehoahaz (Eliakim/Jehoiakim, Jehoiachin, and Mattaniah/Zedekiah) were placed on the throne by Egypt or Babylonia. Judah’s subsequent rebellions against vassalage would ultimately lead to the destruction and deportation of Judah.

NOTES

22 The city of Megiddo is situated above a key pass through the Mount Carmel foothills that connected international trade routes leading to Syria, Egypt, Mesopotamia, and Anatolia. Because of its strategic location (as well as the bottlenecking of the pass in the vicinity of Megiddo before opening to the Jezreel Valley), the city was frequently a place of epic battle (hence the imagery of Armageddon [lit., “Mount of Megiddo”] in the book of Revelation as a place of epic spiritual battle).

23–24 Josiah’s death shows a number of parallels with the death of Ahab of the northern kingdom, including each king disguising himself for battle (18:29; 35:22), death by archers (18:33; 35:23), and injury and removal from battle within a chariot (18:34; 35:24; see Selman, 542).

4. Josiah’s Regnal Summary (2Ch 35:25–27)

25Jeremiah composed laments for Josiah, and to this day all the men and women singers commemorate Josiah in the laments. These became a tradition in Israel and are written in the Laments.

26The other events of Josiah’s reign and his acts of devotion, according to what is written in the Law of the LORD—27all the events, from beginning to end, are written in the book of the kings of Israel and Judah.

COMMENTARY

25–27 In addition to the notation that Josiah is buried in the royal tombs and is greatly mourned (v.24), Josiah’s death notice has several additional features that underscore his special reign in Judah. For example, Josiah’s death prompts the writing of formalized liturgical laments (funerary dirges) commemorating Josiah by the prophet Jeremiah (cf. the book of Lamentations following the fall of Judah). The impact of the reign of Josiah on the soul of the Israelite community is reflected in the continued singing of these laments well after this time.

The most praiseworthy summary given of Josiah’s reign over Judah is the mention of his “acts of devotion, according to what is written in the Law of the LORD.” This statement captures what was directly and indirectly seen during the different phases of Josiah’s reign—namely, a reverence for God’s revealed will and a commitment to do what is pleasing in God’s sight. On the notations of regnal sources (v.27), see comments at 12:15 and the Introduction.

NOTE

25 The book “Laments” is not extant and was likely a collection of songs of commemoration and mourning.

Q. The Reign of Jehoahaz (2Ch 36:1–3)

1And the people of the land took Jehoahaz son of Josiah and made him king in Jerusalem in place of his father. 2Jehoahaz was twenty-three years old when he became king, and he reigned in Jerusalem three months. 3The king of Egypt dethroned him in Jerusalem and imposed on Judah a levy of a hundred talents of silver and a talent of gold.

COMMENTARY

1 Following the death of Josiah at Megiddo in 609 BC (cf. 35:23–24), his son Jehoahaz (also know as Shallum; cf. 1Ch 3:15; Jer 22:11) is elevated to the throne by the “people of the land.” Given that Jehoahaz is the younger brother of Eliakim/Jehoiakim (later enthroned by Pharaoh Neco; see below), it is intriguing to see the sociopolitical group known as “the people of the land” once again imposing their will at a time of regnal crisis. See the extended discussion on this group at 23:21.

2–3 Jehoahaz is quickly “put in chains” (2Ki 23:33), “dethroned,” and “carried off” by Pharaoh Neco. Thus, it is possible that Jehoahaz followed in the steps of his father Josiah’s pro-Babylonian (and thus anti-Egyptian) policies (see comments on 35:21–24). Pharaoh Neco also extracts a tribute payment of gold and silver from Judah (v.3; cf. 2Ki 23:33–35). After Jehoahaz, the final leaders of Judah will be enthroned by decree of Egypt or Babylon. Jehoahaz’s reign lasts only three months before he is “dethroned” (vv.2–3) by Pharaoh Neco and “carried off” to Egypt (v.4). Pharaoh Neco replaces Jehoahaz with his older brother Eliakim, whose name is changed to “Jehoiakim.” Judah would remain an Egyptian vassal until 605 BC.

In the ancient Near East the act of changing a name reflects a change of destiny—a destiny now being shaped by the one powerful enough to effect the name change—and carries with it the expectation of loyalty. This idea of a change of destiny enabled by the name changer and symbolized by the new name may shed light on passages such as Isaiah 62:2 and Revelation 2:17. The names given to Judean rulers by Pharaoh Neco and Nebuchadnezzar retain theophoric elements consistent with Israelite faith rather than incorporating foreign religious elements (cf. Da 1:6–7). For example, Eliakim and Jehoiakim are largely the same name, with a substitution of one theophoric element (“El[i],” God) with another (“Jeho,” Yahweh).

NOTE

2–3 The observation that Jehoahaz is the younger brother of Eliakim/Jehoiakim is deduced from the age notations given in vv.2, 5 in light of Jehoahaz’s three-month reign.

R. The Reign of Jehoiakim (2Ch 36:4–8)

OVERVIEW

Although Egypt initially assumed control of Syria and Canaan shortly after Josiah’s death (609 BC), Pharaoh Neco was later defeated at Carchemish by the Babylonian king Nabopolassar and his son Nebuchadnezzar (occasionally rendered as “Nebuchadrezzar”) in 605 BC (cf. COS, 1:137). The Egyptian army retreated south and was again routed by Nebuchadnezzar at Hamath and subsequently withdrew to Egypt, leaving Syria and Canaan (including Judah) under the control of the Neo-Babylonian Empire (cf. 2Ki 24:7). Around this time (ca. 605/604 BC), Nebuchadnezzar ascended the Babylonian throne (605/604–562 BC), assuming control of the rapidly expanding Neo-Babylonian Empire.

4The king of Egypt made Eliakim, a brother of Jehoahaz, king over Judah and Jerusalem and changed Eliakim’s name to Jehoiakim. But Neco took Eliakim’s brother Jehoahaz and carried him off to Egypt.

5Jehoiakim was twenty-five years old when he became king, and he reigned in Jerusalem eleven years. He did evil in the eyes of the LORD his God. 6Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon attacked him and bound him with bronze shackles to take him to Babylon. 7Nebuchadnezzar also took to Babylon articles from the temple of the LORD and put them in his temple there.

8The other events of Jehoiakim’s reign, the detestable things he did and all that was found against him, are written in the book of the kings of Israel and Judah. And Jehoiachin his son succeeded him as king.

COMMENTARY

4–5 Following Josiah’s death in the ill-fated battle at Megiddo (see comments on 35:21–24) Judah became a vassal of the Egyptian Empire. However, just three months after “the people of the land” enthroned Jehoahaz, Pharaoh Neco deposes Jehoahaz, brings him to Egypt, and replaces him with his older brother Eliakim, whose name is changed to “Jehoiakim” (see comments on the significance of name changing at vv.2–3). Given that Jehoahaz is quickly “dethroned” and “carried off” by Pharaoh Neco, Jehoahaz has probably followed in the steps of his father Josiah’s pro-Babylonian (thus anti-Egyptian) policies (see comments on 35:21–24). Jehoiakim’s eleven-year reign extended from 609–598 BC, during which time Egypt and Babylonia repeatedly battle for control of the Levant. As with Jehoahaz (although only noted at 2Ki 23:32), Jehoiakim does not walk in the God-honoring ways of his father Josiah but instead does evil in God’s eyes.

6–8 On the details leading to Babylonian rule over Judah, see Overview above. Although Jehoiakim is enthroned by Egypt as an Egyptian vassal, he has little choice but to submit to Babylonian rule. Thus Judah has now changed from being an involuntary vassal of Egypt to an involuntary vassal of Babylonia. A few years later (ca. 601/600 BC) Nebuchadnezzar attempts to invade Egypt, but the Babylonian army is unsuccessful. Given Egypt’s successful defense of its border and the (temporarily) weakened Babylonian forces, Jehoiakim decides to rebel against Nebuchadnezzar (2Ki 24:1), perhaps with a view to restoring his prior allegiance to Egypt.

Because Nebuchadnezzar is preoccupied with rebellion elsewhere, his attack on Judah is delayed about two years (to late 598 BC). Despite the overt rebellion on the part of Jehoiakim, Nebuchadnezzar does not destroy Jerusalem but simply takes some of the holy objects from the temple into exile (v.7; cf. v.10; Da 1:1–2). This is the likely time when Jehoiakim is brought in shackles into exile in Babylon (v.6; recall Manasseh [cf. 33:10–11]). Note the significant prophetic ministry of Jeremiah during this time (cf. Jer 25:1–11; 36:1–31; 45:1–5). Ultimately, Jeremiah’s message to submit to God’s judgment in the form of the Babylonian yoke is rejected, leading to the eventual destruction of Jerusalem.

During the time frame of this attack by the Babylonian army (and perhaps after a short stint in Babylon), Jehoiakim dies (perhaps at the hands of those favoring submission to Babylon; recall Jeremiah’s ministry) and is replaced by his son Jehoiachin, who quickly surrenders to Nebuchadnezzar. See J. Bright, A History of Israel (3rd ed.; Philadelphia: Westminster, 1981), 327; Long, Provan, and Longman, 277; on regnal summaries (v.8) and the sources that are referenced, see comments on 12:15 and the Introduction.

NOTE

6 Another possibility for the timing of Jehoiakim’s exile to Babylon is in conjunction with Nebuchadnezzar’s trip to Syria in 599 BC.

S. The Reign of Jehoiachin (2Ch 36:9–10)

9Jehoiachin was eighteen years old when he became king, and he reigned in Jerusalem three months and ten days. He did evil in the eyes of the LORD. 10In the spring, King Nebuchadnezzar sent for him and brought him to Babylon, together with articles of value from the temple of the LORD, and he made Jehoiachin’s uncle, Zedekiah, king over Judah and Jerusalem.

COMMENTARY

9–10 Sometime within the broader setting of the Babylonian attack on Judah (ca. 598/597 BC) Jehoiakim dies and his son Jehoiachin (also known as “Jeconiah” and “Coniah”; cf. Jer 22:24–30) becomes king, only quickly to surrender to Nebuchadnezzar and subsequently be taken into exile to Babylon (recall Jehoiakim [v.6] and Manasseh [cf. 33:10–11])—all within three months of his enthronement. As with Jehoahaz (cf. 2Ki 23:32) and Eliakim/Jehoiakim (v.5), Jehoiachin’s reign is characterized by covenantal unfaithfulness, as poetically reflected in this oracle of the prophet Jeremiah:

“As surely as I live,” declares the LORD, “even if you, Jehoiachin son of Jehoiakim king of Judah, were a signet ring on my right hand, I would still pull you off. I will hand you over to those who seek your life, those you fear—to Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon and to the Babylonians. I will hurl you and the mother who gave you birth into another country, where neither of you was born, and there you both will die. You will never come back to the land you long to return to.”

Is this man Jehoiachin a despised, broken pot,

an object no one wants?

Why will he and his children be hurled out,

cast into a land they do not know?

O land, land, land,

hear the word of the LORD!

This is what the LORD says:

“Record this man as if childless,

a man who will not prosper in his lifetime,

for none of his offspring will prosper,

none will sit on the throne of David

or rule anymore in Judah.” (Jer 22:24–30)

In the aftermath of Judah’s surrender to Nebuchadnezzar, Jehoiachin, the queen mother, royal officials, military officers, artisans, and seven thousand soldiers are taken captive to Babylon (cf. 2Ki 24:12, 14–16). In addition, consecrated articles from the temple are taken into exile in Babylon (cf. v.7). In conjunction with taking Jehoiachin prisoner, Nebuchadnezzar appoints Mattaniah (whose name he changes to “Zedekiah”; see comments on name changing at 36:2–3) to the Judean throne (v.10; cf. 2Ki 24:14–17). Note that Zedekiah, like Jehoahaz and Eliakim/Jehoiakim, is a son of Josiah.

Despite this appointment of Zedekiah as king in Judah, archaeological findings (such as seal notations) together with biblical references (such as the manner in which Ezekiel dates his oracles and the tracing of the royal genealogy through Jehoiachin; cf. 1Ch 3:17–24) seem to reflect the understanding that Jehoiachin (in exile in Babylon) is seen as the true king over Judah. Jehoiachin is eventually released in about 562 BC during the reign of Amel-Marduk (Evil-Merodach) and treated with honor (2Ki 25:27–30). Although Jehoiachin and others are taken captive to Babylon (cf. v.10; cf. 2Ki 24:11–16) and Nebuchadnezzar plunders “all the treasures of the temple of the LORD and from the royal palace” (2Ki 24:13; cf. COS, 1:137), Jerusalem is spared.

NOTE

9 The Hebrew text here says that Jehoichin is eight years (not eighteen, as in the NIV), but note that he has five children five years later! This could easily happen at an early age with multiple wives and concubines. However, the NIV is justified in the rendering of eighteen years in the light of 2 Kings 24:8 and some LXX manuscripts.

T. The Reign of Zedekiah and the Fall of Jerusalem (2Ch 36:11–19)

11Zedekiah was twenty-one years old when he became king, and he reigned in Jerusalem eleven years. 12He did evil in the eyes of the LORD his God and did not humble himself before Jeremiah the prophet, who spoke the word of the LORD. 13He also rebelled against King Nebuchadnezzar, who had made him take an oath in God’s name. He became stiff-necked and hardened his heart and would not turn to the LORD, the God of Israel. 14Furthermore, all the leaders of the priests and the people became more and more unfaithful, following all the detestable practices of the nations and defiling the temple of the LORD, which he had consecrated in Jerusalem.

15The LORD, the God of their fathers, sent word to them through his messengers again and again, because he had pity on his people and on his dwelling place. 16But they mocked God’s messengers, despised his words and scoffed at his prophets until the wrath of the LORD was aroused against his people and there was no remedy. 17He brought up against them the king of the Babylonians, who killed their young men with the sword in the sanctuary, and spared neither young man nor young woman, old man or aged. God handed all of them over to Nebuchadnezzar. 18He carried to Babylon all the articles from the temple of God, both large and small, and the treasures of the LORD’s temple and the treasures of the king and his officials. 19They set fire to God’s temple and broke down the wall of Jerusalem; they burned all the palaces and destroyed everything of value there.

COMMENTARY

11–13 Following Jehoiachin’s surrender and removal to Babylon (cf. 2Ch 36:10), Nebuchadnezzar appoints Jehoiachin’s uncle Mattaniah (son of Josiah and brother of Jehoahaz and Eliakim/Jehoikim) as king in Judah and changes his name to “Zedekiah” (see comments on name changing at vv.2–3). His eleven-year reign in Judah begins in ca. 597 and ends in the downfall and destruction of Jerusalem (586 BC). As with Jehoahaz (cf. 2Ki 23:32), Eliakim/Jehoiakim (v.5), and Jehoiachin (v.9), Zedekiah’s reign is characterized by covenantal unfaithfulness (v.12). The extended summary of Zedekiah’s unfaithfulness draws on a broad theological backdrop of OT expressions used to describe the persistent rebelliousness of Israel (and humankind) against the authority of God (cf. Ne 9:16–17):

• • “did evil in the eyes of the LORD” (v.12);
• • “did not humble himself” (v.12);
• • “rebelled” (v.13);
• • “stiff-necked” (v.13);
• • “hardened his heart” (v.13);
• • “would not turn to the LORD” (v.13).

All these traits are in direct opposition to his role as king charged with upholding and promoting righteousness in the land (cf. Dt 17:14–20).

Zedekiah’s rebellion against Nebuchadnezzar (v.13) will be a watershed moment in the history of Judah. Although Jehoiachin had surrendered to Nebuchadnezzar and was brought captive to Babylon along with numerous others (cf. vv.9–10 above), Judah continues to explore the possibility of throwing off Babylonian hegemony. This disposition on the part of Judah and Zedekiah may have been fostered by the strength and presence of Egypt under pharaohs Psammetichus II (Psamtik II, ca. 595–89 BC) and Apries (Hophra, ca. 589–70 BC), who sought to reestablish Egyptian influence in Syria and Canaan (see A. Malamat, “The Kingdom of Judah between Egypt and Babylon: A Small State within a Great Power Confrontation,” ST 44 [1960]: 65–77).

In addition, Zedekiah seems to have been the leader of a coalition of western states including Moab, Ammon, Edom, Tyre, and Sidon, which tested the waters of rebellion briefly in 594/593 BC (the context of Jer 27–28) before disintegrating at the arrival of Nebuchadnezzar. Nevertheless, Zedekiah and other western states rebel again a few years later (somewhere between 591 and 589 BC), perhaps emboldened by a show of strength in the region in 592 BC by Psammetichus II (note the inclusion of Egypt in the oracle of Eze 17). Nebuchadnezzar’s response to this latest act of rebellion on the part of Judah, although delayed, is comprehensive and devastating.

14–16 Sadly, the depth of unfaithfulness is not limited to the ungodly reign of Zedekiah (cf. vv.12–13) but is likewise seen in the hearts of both people and priests. The inclusion of priestly leaders is especially egregious, since a key covenantal responsibility of priests was to “teach the Israelites all the decrees the LORD has given them” (Lev 10:11; cf. Dt 33:8–11). This dereliction of duty on the part of priests is also an issue during the Chronicler’s own time, as reflected in the divine message against priests delivered via the postexilic prophet Malachi:

“And now this admonition is for you, O priests. If you do not listen, and if you do not set your heart to honor my name,” says the LORD Almighty, “I will send a curse upon you, and I will curse your blessings. Yes, I have already cursed them, because you have not set your heart to honor me.

“Because of you I will rebuke your descendants; I will spread on your faces the offal from your festival sacrifices, and you will be carried off with it. And you will know that I have sent you this admonition so that my covenant with Levi may continue,” says the LORD Almighty. “My covenant was with him, a covenant of life and peace, and I gave them to him; this called for reverence and he revered me and stood in awe of my name. True instruction was in his mouth and nothing false was found on his lips. He walked with me in peace and uprightness, and turned many from sin.

“For the lips of a priest ought to preserve knowledge, and from his mouth men should seek instruction—because he is the messenger of the LORD Almighty. ⁸But you have turned from the way and by your teaching have caused many to stumble; you have violated the covenant with Levi,” says the LORD Almighty. ⁹“So I have caused you to be despised and humiliated before all the people, because you have not followed my ways but have shown partiality in matters of the law.” (Mal 2:1–9)

Unfortunately, as seen during the reign of Ahaz (cf. 28:22), the response of Zedekiah, priests, and the people to covenantal consequences for unfaithfulness (e.g., serving your enemies; cf. Dt 28:48; Lev 26:14–17) is to become “more and more unfaithful” (v.14) rather than to repent and return to God. As reflected in Solomon’s temple-dedication prayer, such acts of divine chastening have a didactic function (“teach them the right way to live,” 2Ch 6:27) as well as a sanctifying function (“so that they will fear you and walk in your ways,” 6:31) and thus are a facet of God’s love and mercy for his children (cf. Heb 12:5–6). Moreover, the people also rebuff (v.16: “mocked,” “despised,” “scoffed”) another aspect of God’s mercy, namely, the sending of prophetic messengers to admonish God’s people to return to him in righteousness (vv.15–16), as likewise reflected in God’s message through Jeremiah:

Again and again I sent my servants the prophets, who said, ‘Do not do this detestable thing that I hate!’ But they did not listen or pay attention; they did not turn from their wickedness or stop burning incense to other gods. Therefore, my fierce anger was poured out; it raged against the towns of Judah and the streets of Jerusalem and made them the desolate ruins they are today. (Jer 44:4–6; cf. Ne 9:26–27)

All told, by increasing their unfaithfulness and rejecting God’s messengers, the people of Judah spurn the gracious nature of their God, who abounds in mercy and forgiveness and desires for none to perish (cf. v.15; see comments on 6:22–39; recall the opposite response of Manasseh in 33:18–19). Thus there is “no remedy” (lit., no “healing”; recall the use of this imagery in Solomon’s temple prayer, esp. 6:12–42, and Yahweh’s response, esp. 7:14) for the looming wrath of God (v.16).

17–19 Following the relative leniency shown by Nebuchadnezzar during the previous acts of rebellion shown by Judah, it is now time for Yahweh to bring about what he specifically warned of during the temple-dedication ceremony:

“But if you turn away and forsake the decrees and commands I have given you and go off to serve other gods and worship them, then I will uproot Israel from my land, which I have given them, and will reject this temple I have consecrated for my Name. I will make it a byword and an object of ridicule among all peoples. And though this temple is now so imposing, all who pass by will be appalled and say, ‘Why has the LORD done such a thing to this land and to this temple?’ People will answer, ‘Because they have forsaken the LORD, the God of their fathers, who brought them out of Egypt, and have embraced other gods, worshiping and serving them—that is why he brought all this disaster on them.’” (2Ch 7:19–22; cf. 1Ki 9:6–9)

Moreover, the looming destruction of Jerusalem and Judah by a fierce nation from afar and the brutal affliction, captivity, and exile of the people are all specifically noted as covenantal judgments for unfaithfulness as seen in this excerpt from Deuteronomy 28:

Because you did not serve the LORD your God joyfully and gladly in the time of prosperity, therefore in hunger and thirst, in nakedness and dire poverty, you will serve the enemies the LORD sends against you. He will put an iron yoke on your neck until he has destroyed you.

The LORD will bring a nation against you from far away, from the ends of the earth, like an eagle swooping down, a nation whose language you will not understand, a fierce-looking nation without respect for the old or pity for the young. They will devour the young of your livestock and the crops of your land until you are destroyed. They will leave you no grain, new wine or oil, nor any calves of your herds or lambs of your flocks until you are ruined. They will lay siege to all the cities throughout your land until the high fortified walls in which you trust fall down. They will besiege all the cities throughout the land the LORD your God is giving you.

Because of the suffering that your enemy will inflict on you during the siege, you will eat the fruit of the womb, the flesh of the sons and daughters the LORD your God has given you. Even the most gentle and sensitive man among you will have no compassion on his own brother or the wife he loves or his surviving children, and he will not give to one of them any of the flesh of his children that he is eating. It will be all he has left because of the suffering your enemy will inflict on you during the siege of all your cities. The most gentle and sensitive woman among you—so sensitive and gentle that she would not venture to touch the ground with the sole of her foot—will begrudge the husband she loves and her own son or daughter the afterbirth from her womb and the children she bears. For she intends to eat them secretly during the siege and in the distress that your enemy will inflict on you in your cities.

. . . You who were as numerous as the stars in the sky will be left but few in number, because you did not obey the LORD your God. Just as it pleased the LORD to make you prosper and increase in number, so it will please him to ruin and destroy you. You will be uprooted from the land you are entering to possess.

Then the LORD will scatter you among all nations, from one end of the earth to the other. There you will worship other gods—gods of wood and stone, which neither you nor your fathers have known. Among those nations you will find no repose, no resting place for the sole of your foot. There the LORD will give you an anxious mind, eyes weary with longing, and a despairing heart. You will live in constant suspense, filled with dread both night and day, never sure of your life. In the morning you will say, “If only it were evening!” and in the evening, “If only it were morning!”—because of the terror that will fill your hearts and the sights that your eyes will see. (Dt 28:47–57, 62–67)

The unfolding of this drama of judgment takes place as follows: In response to the most recent rebellion of Judah (see comments on vv.11–13), Nebuchadnezzar begins his assault on Judah in 588/587 BC. After wreaking havoc in the Judean Shephelah and the hill country, the Babylonian army begins an eighteen-month siege of Jerusalem, which is temporarily interrupted by the arrival of Egyptian troops under the command of Pharaoh Apries. The walls of Jerusalem are breached in July 586 BC. In the midst of the assault on Jerusalem, Zedekiah is captured while attempting to flee and is forced to watch the execution of his sons, and then is subsequently blinded and sent into exile (cf. 2Ki 25:4–7).

Once Jerusalem is taken, Nebuchadnezzar II gives the order to his commander (Nebuzaradan; cf. 2Ki 25:8) to destroy the royal palace, burn down the temple of Yahweh, and tear down the Jerusalem city wall. This massive demolishment of Jerusalem takes place in August 586 BC (v.19; cf. 2Ki 25:8–10). Moreover, the remaining valuables of the temple and palace are seized (v.18), and deportation to Babylon follows for those who survive the battle (“the remnant,” v.20; note the massive merciless killing of v.17; cf. 2Ki 25:11–20; see O. Edwards, “The Year of Jerusalem’s Destruction,” ZAW 104 [1992]: 101–6).

NOTES

19 The “House of Bullae,” discovered within the City of David in Jerusalem, yielded a number of seal impressions from the time of the destruction of Jerusalem. Personal names on these seals match the names of individuals mentioned in Chronicles, Kings, and Jeremiah (see examples of names in Kitchen, 19–21). Examples from Chronicles include “Zechariah,” naming the Levite from the time of Josiah (34:12); “Pedaiah,” naming a son of Jehoiachin (1Ch 3:17–18); and “Azariah,” naming a son of Hilkiah (1Ch 6:13; 9:11).

17–19 The comprehensiveness of God’s covenantal judgment on his land, his temple, and his people is emphasized by the fivefold use of the Hebrew particle kōl/hakkōl (“all/everything”; cf. GK 3972) in vv.17–21, as well as the use of the literary device of merismus (e.g., “neither young man nor young woman,” v.17; “both large and small,” v.18). Following the destruction of Jerusalem, Nebuchadnezzar II installs a non-Davidic official named Gedaliah as governor of what is left of Judah (cf. 2Ki 25:22). Gedaliah rules Judah from Mizpah, located about seven miles north of Jerusalem (cf. 2Ki 25:23). Gedaliah is later assassinated, prompting many of those still in Judah to flee to Egypt (cf. 2Ki 25:26).