In the following pages, incomplete references concern works which are cited in full in the Bibliographical essay. See the Index of Authors for the precise location.
1 See the detailed discussion by K. Repgen, 'Seit wann gibt es den Begriff "Dreissigjahriger Krieg"?', in H. Dollinger et al., eds, Weltpolitik, Europage-danke, Regionalismus: Festschriftfiir Heinz Gollwitzer (Miinster, 1982), 59-70. The term was apparently used for the first time on 6 May 1648 by the deputies of the bishopric of Bamberg at the Westphalian Peace Congress (p. 62). Professor Repgen has subsequently discovered some further information. See: 'Noch einmal zum Begriff "Dreissigjahriger Krieg'", Zeitschrift fiir historische Forschung, IX (1982), 347-52; and Repgen, Krieg and Politik, 35-79. Von dem Dreyssigjahrigen Teutschen Krieg Kurtze Chronica (1650) was the third edition of a pamphlet previously issued as Von dem Dreissig-Jdhrigen Deutschen Kriege (1648) and also as Summarischer Ausszug des dreyssg-Jahrigen Deutschen Krigs (1649). The first edition was also translated into Dutch. See also further references to the term, from 1648 onwards, in Oschmann, Der Niirnberger Executionstag, 2 and n. 6.
2 Quoted in The Cambridge Modern History (Cambridge, 1906), IV, v.
3 Repgen, 'Dreissigjahriger Krieg', 63: quotations from Dr Isaac Volmar and the Salzburg delegation; and L. Weber, Veit Adam von Gepeckh, Fürstbischof von Freising, 1618 bis 1651 (Munich, 1972), 88-90.
4 K.H. Schleif, Regierung und Verwaltung des Erzstifts Bremen am Beginn der Neuzeit (1500-1645). Eine Studie zum Wesen der modernen Staatlichkeit (Hamburg, 1972), 172; H. läger, 'Der dreissigjahrige Krieg und die deutsche Kulturlandschaft', in H. Haushofer and W.A. Boelcke, eds, Wege und Forschungen der Agrargeschichte: Festschrift zum 65. Geburtstag von Gunther Franz (Frankfurt, 1967), 131.
5 Lord Acton, 'The Study of History' [Inaugural Lecture, 1895], in Acton, Renaissance to Revolution: the rise of the free state. Lectures on modern history (London, 1906; reprinted New York, 1961), 9 (with a footnote reference to the similar thoughts of Ranke).
6 Dr Paul Dukes of Aberdeen University, who has published an English summary of one of Porshnev's books [see European Studies Review, IV (1974), 81-8], has pointed out that, after earlier concentration on France before the Fronde, B.F. Porshnev decided to write a trilogy comprising a synchronic analysis of the development of social, political and international relations throughout Europe during the time of the Thirty Years' War, which he considered to be the first conflict to embrace the whole continent and, as such, one of the principal divisions between medieval and modern times. After a series of articles connected with this ambitious project, he brought out in 1970 its concluding volume, France, the English Revolution and European Politics at the Middle of the Seventeenth Century. The second part, not yet published although adumbrated by a further series of articles, was to consider the turning-point that occurred in relations between western and eastern Europe in the mid-16308. The first part of the trilogy, The Thirty Years' War, the Entry of Sweden, and the Moscow State, came out in 1976 after its author's death. It took as its centrepiece the Smolensk War of 1632-4, which has received little or no mention in English-language accounts of the wider conflict. Porshnev argued that, even before the outbreak of the Thirty Years' War, the interconnections of Europe were greater than has recently been thought, placing the conclusion of Muscovy's Time of Troubles in a wider context. I am very grateful to Dr Dukes for this information.
7 Historians have traditionally accorded far more attention to the first half of the war: Moriz Ritter devoted 596 out of 648 pages on the war to the period 1618-35, while Pagès allocated 178 pages out of 235, Wedgwood 394 pages out of 515, and Polišenský 200 pages out of 256.
8 This is the title of an excellent brief survey of the war by H.G. Koenigsberger, printed in H.R. Trevor-Roper, ed., The Age of Expansion (London, 1968), chapter 5, and in Koenigsberger, The Habsburgs and Europe 1516-1660 (Ithaca, NY, and London, 1971), chapter 3.
1 F. Deloffre and J. van den Heuvel, eds, Voltaire: romans et contes (Paris, 1979), 136-7. Voltaire wrote the piece in 1753-4, just as he was completing Essai sur les Moeurs. He wrote in some discomfort, 'entre deux rois' (for he had quarrelled with the rulers of both France and Prussia), and le cul a terre', in exile in Alsace.
1 It has been noted that, in the fifty-seven marriages contracted by members of the dynasty between c. 1450 and c. 1650, fifty-one spouses came from the same seven families, and twenty-four came from just three. Philip IV of Spain had only four great-grandparents, instead of eight! Perhaps the repeated incest (in effect) of the House of Habsburg explains the infertility of so many of its members during this period. See P.S. Fichtner, 'Dynastic marriage in sixteenth-century Habsburg diplomacy and statecraft: an interdisciplinary approach', American Historical Review, LXXXI (1976), 243-65.
2 Edward Brown, A brief account of some travels in Hungaria, Servia etc (London, 1673), passim (e.g. pages 114-15,123, 133, 140).
3 Ferdinand's policy is ably described in K.J. Dillon, King and Estates in the Bohemian Lands, 1526-64 (Brussels, 1976).
4 Figures on Protestant strength from G. Mecenseffy, Geschichte des Protest-antismus in Österreich (Graz and Cologne, 1956); G. Reingrabner, Adel und Reformation. Beitrdge zur Geschichte des protestantischen Adels im Lande unter der Enns während die 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts (Vienna, 1976: Forschungen zur Landeskunde von Niederösterreich, XXI); and idem, Protestantismus in Niederösterreich (Vienna, 1977: Wissenschaftliche Schriftenreihe Niederösterreich, XXVII). For monastic strength and weakness see Evans, Making of the Habsburg Monarchy, 4. It should be noted, however, that the Protestants only had seventy-eight pastors in Lower Austria by 1580 (Chesler, 'Crown, lords and God', 63).
5 Quoted by Schulze, Landesdefension und Staatsbildung, 70 n. 119. A slightly different version is given by Franzl, Ferdinand 11, 17. Perhaps the preacher exaggerated: the permanent imposition of Tiirkensteuer in the sixteenth century in fact enabled many other princes to gain a measure of financial independence from their Estates.
6 Quoted by Schulze, op. cit., 82.
7 Information from A. Posch, 'Aus dem kirchlichen Visitationsbericht 1617', in Novotny and Sutter, eds, Innerdsterreich, 1564-1619, 197-232, at p. 229; and Reingrabner, Geschichte des Protestantismus, 3. There was no printing press at Innsbruck until 1558 and none at Graz until 1559, which inhibited the spread of Protestantism. In Vienna, by contrast, seventeen Lutheran tracts had been printed by 1521!
8 See Evans, Making of the Habsburg Monarchy, 45.
9 Quoted by Bireley, Religion and Politics, 133-4.
10 See Evans, Rudolf II, 41-2, and Habsburg Monarchy, 39-40, for further discussion of these points.
11 Evans, Habsburg Monarchy, 18; K. Benda, 'Hungary in turmoil, 1580-1620', European Studies Review, VIII (1978), 281-304, at p. 295.
12 See Sturmberger, 'Bruderzwist', for details. There had already been a meeting of the Archdukes in 1600, at Schottwein, to discuss Rudolf's alarming incompetence: see K. Vocelka, Die politische Propaganda Kaiser Rudolfs II (1576-1612) (Vienna, 1981), 311-16. It has been suggested that the emperor attempted to take his own life in 1600; certainly after that year his behaviour became more erratic (see Evans, Rudolf II, 63 - and, on Rudolf's personality in general, all of chapter 2).
13 The treaty was renewed five times between 1615 and 1628. See K. Teply, Die Kaiserliche Grossbotschaft an Sultan Murad IV, 1628. Des Freiherrn Hans Ludwig von Kuefsteins Fahrt zur hohen Pforte (Vienna, n.d.). See also Heinisch, 'Habsburg, die Pforte und der Bohmische Aufstand, 1618-20', passim.
14 Vocelka, Politische Propaganda, 311-12 and 314, quotes and discusses the Liste von Gravamina. The original is in Vienna, Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Familienakten, fasz. 1.
15 There is a rather dull but very thorough biography of this crucial figure by H. Sturmberger, Georg Erasmus Tschernembl: Religion, Libertdt und Widerstand. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Gegenreformation und des Landes ob der Enns (Linz, 1953). Not much work has been done on Tschernembl since then, but there is an interesting description of his library in Der oberdsterreichische Bauernkrieg 1626, 137-43. The list of his books, compiled after 1621 by the Jesuits of Linz who secured them, included 1,897 titles (248 of them duplicates): Calvin, Duplessis-Mornay, Francois Hotman, Luther, Machiavelli and Peter Ramus were all represented. His treatise on resistance was composed circa 1600. Tschernembl also possessed a 1612 edition of Mercator's Atlas.
1 Maurice of Hesse-Kassel to Louis XIII, 23 March 1615, quoted by A.D. Lublinskaya, Frantsiya v nachale XVII veka (Leningrad, 1959), 186. There is, unfortunately, no other edition of this important work: although an English translation was made some years ago by Mr Brian Pearce, it remains unpublished.
2 On Maurice and his world, see E. van den Boogaart, ed., Johan Maurits van Nassau-Siegen, 1604-1679. A humanist prince in Europe and Brazil (The Hague, 1979), 17-38; and also Graf, Konfession. On Maurice's militia see: G. Thies, Territorialstaat und Landesverteidigung. Das Landesdefensionswerk in Hessen-Kassel unter Landgraf Moritz, 1592-1627 (Darmstadt, 1973: Quellen und Forschungen zur hessischen Geschichte, XXV).
3 Details from J. Petersohn, 'Die Landesdefension in Herzogtum Preussen zu Beginn des 17. Jahrhunderts', Zeitschrift fur Ostforschung, X (1961), 226-37; G. Oestreich, Geist und Gestalt des friihmodernen Staates (Berlin, 1969 - an outstanding collection of essays), 1-79 and 300-55; and R. Naumann, Das Kursachsiche Defensionswerk (1613-1709) (Leipzig, 1917). There were two arsenals at Dresden, capital of Electoral Saxony: one, for the army, in the Albertinum, which has now been dispersed; the second, containing precious items for the Elector and his courtiers, in the Johanneum. The inventory of the latter dated 1606, and running to 1,500 manuscript pages, indicates the size of the collection even then; today it includes some 10,000 items from the early modern period: 1,400 pistols, 1,600 long arms and 2,200 swords and daggers, as well as horse and body armour and all the accoutrements. John George I's principal contribution to the collection during his long reign (1611-56) was, appropriately enough for the Chief Imperial Huntsman, a vast collection of equipment for the chase.
4 P. Charpentrat, 'Les villes, le mécénat princier et l'image de la ville idéale dans 1'Allemagne de la fin du XVIe et du XVIIe siecles: l'exemple du Palatinat - Heidelberg et Mannheim', in P. Francastel, ed., L'urbanisme de Paris et I'Europe 1600-1680 (Paris, 1969), 267-74 and plate 146. See also K. Wolf, 'Von der Einfiihrung der allgemeinen Wehrpflicht in Kurpfalz um 1600', Zeitschrift fur die Geschichte des Oberrheins, LXXXIX (1936-7), 638-704.
5 None of these masterworks of baroque military architecture now survives: Hanau is virtually a suburb of Frankfurt; Ehrenbreitstein, completely rebuilt in the nineteenth century by the Prussian government, is now the National Monument to the German Army. Philippsburg's fortifications have been razed. All that remains of the great fortress is a few street names, the moat which defended one bastion, the ceremonial spade used by Bishop Sötern to turn the first sod of his proud citadel (in the town museum), and some pages of Grimmelshausen's novel Simplicissimus (for the hero spent some time in the 1630s billeted there). Admittedly Breisach, because of its superb natural position on a rock outcrop above the Rhine, still retains its seventeenth-century appearance, but most of the defences now visible date from the period of French occupation under Louis XIV and XV.
6 John Taylor, Three weekes, three daies and three houres observations and travel from London to Hamburgh (London, 1617), 6. Taylor (1580-1653) wrote this and many other pieces to make fun of the more serious travelogues of Thomas Coryat and others; but he nevertheless undertook his journeys in person. In the same year he went on a sort of sponsored walk from London to the Scottish Highlands (narrated in his Penniless Pilgrimage), and in 1619 he walked to Bohemia and back (see An Englishman's love to Bohemia).
7 Quoted by H.G.R. Reade, Sidelights on the Thirty Years' War, I (London, 1924), 183.
8 Thomas Coryat, Coryat's Crudities, hastily gobled up in five moneths travells .. . newly digested ... and now dispersed to the nourishment of the travelling members of this kingdom (London, 1611), 443-628, cover 'my observations of some parts of High Germany'. John Taylor, on his journey through north-west Germany in 1617, noted the number of wooden crosses along all the roads of Westphalia marking the spots where travellers had been murdered by brigands (see Three weekes, 36-7). Fynes Moryson, An itinerary (London, 1617), gives less detail on what the traveller saw, but in compensation provides far more information on prices, distances and useful tips for tourists. The facts he gave have been tabulated and confirmed by A. Maczak, Travel in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge, 1995); and by W. von Hippel, 'Bevolkerung und Wirtschaft im Zeitalter des dreissigjahrigen Krieges. Das Beispiel Wiirttembergs', Zeitschrift fiir historische Forschung, V (1978), 413-48.
9 See Thies, Territorialstaat, 18-19; F. Boersma, 'De diplomatieke reis van Daniel van der Meulen en Nicholaes Bruyninck naar het Duitse Leger bij Emmerik, Augustus 1599', Bijdragen en mededelingen betreffende de Geschiedenis van de Nederlanden, LXXXIV (1969), 24-66.
10 On the Circles see Dotzauer, Die deutschen Reichskreise; J.A. Vann, The Swabian Kreis. Institutional growth in the Holy Roman Empire 1648-1715 (Brussels, 1975); F. Magen, 'Die Reichskreise in der Epoche des dreissigjahrigen Krieges', Zeitschrift für historische Forschung, IX (1982), 409-60; and R. Endres, 'Zur Geschichte des frankischen Reichskreises', Würzburger Diözesangeschichtsblätter, XXIX (1968), 168-83; on the Knights, see M.J. Le Gates, 'The Knights and the problems of political organization in sixteenth-century Germany', Central European History, VII (1974), 99-136; and T.J. Glas-Hochstettler, 'The Imperial Knights in post-Westphalian Mainz: a case study of corporatism in the Old Reich', ibid., XI (1978), 131-49.
11 H. Hiegel, Le bailliage d'Allemagne de 1600 a 1632. L'administration, la justice, les finances et Vorganisation militaire (Saarguemines, 1961), 148-50: over 200 marker stones, many bearing the arms of Lorraine and each four feet high, were erected between 1605 and 1608; more stones had been erected in 1602-4 by order of Frederick IV of the Palatinate. The tolls on the Elbe in the 1670s are shown in the map of K. Blaschke, 'Elbschiffahrt und Elbzolle im 17. Jahrhundert', Hansische Geschichtsblätter, LXXXII (1964), 42-54, at p. 48. On the Rhine tolls, see Coryat, Coryat's crudities, 569 ff.
12 There is an excellent description of the composition of the Diet at this time in Bierther, Der Regensburger Reichstag von 1640/1641, 48-57. See also the more general surveys of H. Weber, 'Empereur, Electeurs et Diete de 1500 a 1650', Revue d'histoire diplomatique, LXXXIX (1975), 281-97; G. Buchda, 'Reichsstände und Landstände in Deutschland im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert', Standen en Landen, XXXVI (1965), 193-226; and K.O. Freiherr von Aretin, Heiliges Romisches Reich 1776-1806. Reichsverfassung und Staatssouveriinitat, I (Wiesbaden, 1967), 1-110 (which examine the institutions of the Empire in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries).
13 W. Schulze has shown in two recent articles that financial embarrassment was far more serious among German rulers than previously thought: 'Reichstage und Reichssteuern im spaten 16. Jahrhundert', Zeischrift für historische Forschung, II (1975), 43-58; and 'Die Ertrage der Reichssteuern zwischen 1576 und 1606', Jahrbuchfür die Geschichte Mittel- und Ostdeutschlands, XXVII (1978), 169-85. See also Petersen, 'From domain state to tax state'.
14 For estimates of Germany's pre-war population see H. Kellenbenz's chapter in C.H. Wilson and G. Parker, eds, Introduction to the Sources of European Economic History 1500-1800 (London, 1977), especially pages 191-6. There is a masterly discussion of the nature of the pre-war crisis in Germany by H. Schilling in P. Clark, ed., The European Crisis of the 1590s (London, 1984), 135-56. I am most grateful to Professor Schilling for allowing me to see his paper in advance of publication.
15 E. Klein, Geschichte der djfentlichen Finanzen in Deutschland 1500-1870 (Wiesbaden, 1974), 8-26. See also C.P. Clasen's chapter in Trevor-Roper, Age of Expansion.
16 Maximilian to Duke William, 21 June 1598, quoted by H. Dollinger, 'Kurfürst Maximilian I. von Bayern und Justus Lipsius. Eine Studie zur Staatstheorie eines friihabsolutistischen Fiirsten', Archiv fur Kulturgeschichte, XLVI (1964), 227-308.
17 On the Estates of Bavaria see Carsten, Princes and Parliaments, chap. 5; and K. Bosl, Die Geschichte der Reprdsentation in Bayern. Landstandische Bewegung, Landstdndische Verfassung, Landesausschuss und altstandische Gesellschaft (Munich, 1974).
18 On the Augsburg settlement, see H. Tüchle, 'The peace of Augsburg: New Order or lull in the fighting?' in H.J. Cohn, ed., Government in Reformation Europe 1520-1560 (London, 1971), 145-65; T. Klein, 'Minorities in central Europe in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries', in A.C. Hepburn, ed., Minorities in History (London, 1979: Historical Studies, XII), 31-50; Holborn, A History of Modern Germany, 243-6 and chapters 10 and 11; and Bireley, Religion and Politics 25-6. I am grateful to Fr Bireley for discussions which cleared up some of my misconceptions about the Peace.
19 On the war of Cologne see M. Lossen, Der Kölnische Krieg (2 vols, Munich, 1897); G. von Lojewski, Bayerns Weg nach Köln. Geschichte der bayerischen Bistumspolitik in der zweiten Hälfte des 16. Jahrhunderts (Bonn, 1962: Bonner Historische Forschungen, XXI); and D. Albrecht, 'Das konfessionelle Zeitalter', in M. Spindler, ed., Handbuch der bayerischen Geschichte, II (Munich, 1969), 358-61.
20 Most of the exceptions concerned Imperial Free Cities, several of which until 1593 claimed the ius reformandi and Protestantized their church order: see K. von Greyerz, The Late City Reformation in Germany. The case of Colmar 1522-1628 (Wiesbaden, 1980), and H. Schilling, 'Burgerkampfe in Aachen zu Beginn des 17. Jahrhunderts. Konflikte im Rahmen der alteuropaischen Stadtgesellschaft oder im Umkreis der fruhbiirgerlichen Revolution', Zeitschrift fur historische Forschung, I (1974), 175-231. Colmar (1575) and Aachen (1581) apart, Essen (1563), Hagenau (1565) and Aalen (1575) also adopted the Reformation after the Augsburg settlement.
21 [Andreas Erstenberger], De Autonomia, das ist, von Freystellung mehrerlay Religion und Glauben (written c. 1580; printed Munich, 1586). See the learned discussion of this work and of its significance in M. Heckel, 'Autonomia und Pacts Compositio: Der Augsburger Religionsfriede in der Deutung der Gegenreformation', Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung fur Rechtsgeschichte. Kanonistische Abteilung, XLV (1959), 141-248.
22 References from Heiss, 'Konfession, Politik und Erziehung'; E. Schubert, 'Gegenreformation in Franken', Jahrbuch fur frankische Landesforschung, XXVIII (1968), 275-307; and J. Meier, 'Die katholische Erneuerung des Wurzburger Landskapitels Karlstadt im Spiegel der Landskapitelsversammlungen und Pfarreivisitationen, 1579-1624', Würzburger Diözesangeschichtsblätter, XXXIII (1971), 51-125. Bishop Julius's efforts to end clerical concubinage were not immediately successful because, as he told his chapter in 1581, 'the peasants of their own free will come themselves to the young priests and present their daughters, and a dowry too' (page 80). Not surprisingly, twenty-six of the twenty-nine priests affected by the episcopal visitation of 1579 had a concubine, as did 50 per cent of those visited in 1588. Not until 1619 had the practice entirely disappeared. See also the admirable collection of essays, F. Merzbacher, ed., Julius Echter und seine Zeit (Würzburg, 1973).
23 J. Köhler, Das Ringen um die tridentische Erneuerung im Bistum Breslau: vom Abschluss des Konzils bis zur Schlacht am Weissen Berg, 1564-1620 (Vienna and Cologne, 1973), 155-6. Between 1564 and 1620, sixty-four young men from the 'German college' came to the diocese of Wroclaw (Breslau) in Silesia.
24 The Calvinization of the Palatinate is covered by O. Chadwick, 'The making of a Reforming Prince: Frederick III Elector Palatine', in R.B. Knox, ed., Reformation, Conformity and Dissent. Essays in honour of Dr. Geoffrey Nuttall (London, 1977), 44-69; and B. Vogler, Le clergé protestant rhenan au Stècle de la Reforme 1555-1619 (Strasbourg, 1967). The polemics between the Lutherans and Calvinists in Hesse and elsewhere are discussed by H. Gross, Empire and Sovereignty: a history of the Public Law Literature in the Holy Roman Empire 1599-1804 (2nd edn, Chicago, 1975), 105ff.
25 On the brief but tempestuous reign of Christian I, father of John George, see T. Klein, Der Kampf um die zweite Reformation in Kursachsen, 1586-91 (Cologne and Graz, 1962). For the religious change in Brandenburg, the importance of which is often overlooked, see B. Nischan, Prince, People and Confession; E. Faden, Berlin im dreissigjährigen Krieg (Berlin, 1927), 136ff.; and O. Hintze, 'Calvinism and Raison d'État in early seventeenth-century Brandenburg', in F. Gilbert, ed., The Historical Essays of Otto Hintze (Oxford, 1975), 88-154. On the 'second Reformation' in the north-west, and for a perceptive general survey of the phenomenon, see Schilling, Konfessionskonflikt und Staatsbildung.
26 See Neveux, Vie spirituelle, 8-12.
27 On urban disturbances, see C.R. Friedrichs, 'Subjects or citizens? Urban conflict in early modern Germany', in M.U. Chrisman and O. Grundler, eds, Social Groups and Religious Ideas in the Sixteenth Century (Kalamazoo, 1978: Studies in Medieval Culture, XIII), chap. 6; and idem, 'German town revolts and the 17th-century crisis', Renaissance and Modern Studies, XXVII (1983).
28 The best account of the troubles at Donauwörth is by A. de Carmignano, 'La part de S. Laurent de Brindes dans le Ban de Donauwörth, 1607', Revue d'histoire ecclésiastique, LVIII (1963), 460-86. But see also F. Stieve, Der Ursprung des dreissigjährigen Krieges. I. Der Kampf um Donauworth (Munich, 1875), and R. Breitling, 'Der Streit um Donauworth 1605/1611. Eine Ergänzung', Zeitschrift für bayerische Landesgeschichte, II (1929), 275-98.
29 Quoted by Kossol, Die Reichspolitik des Pfalzgrafen Philipp Ludwig, 167.
1 Schubert, Camerarius, 46, 52.
2 van Deursen, Honni Soit, 45-6.
3 The dispute over the Cleves-Jiilich succession arose from the fact that only John William's four sisters had left heirs and it was not clear whether the duchies could be inherited undivided through the female line. Brandenburg was married to the only daughter of the eldest sister; Neuburg was married to the second sister and argued that their son Wolfgang William had a stronger claim than a daughter. By 1593 Neuburg was prepared to accept a partition, but Brandenburg was not. See Kossol, Neuburg; H. Schmidt, 'Pfalz-Neuburgs Sprung zum Niederrhein. Wolfgang Wilhelm von Pfalz-Neuburg und der Jiilich-Klevische Erbfolgestreit', in Glaser, ed., Um Glauben und Reich, Il/i, 77-89; and, above all, Anderson, 'The Jiilich-Kleve succession crisis'.
4 As nearest agnate, Neuburg could expect under the terms of the Golden Bull to be appointed administrator of the Palatinate during the minority of Frederick V if, as was widely expected, Frederick IV died in the immediate future. His fervent Lutheranism, however, made him an unpalatable candidate and, in December 1602, Frederick IV revised his will to nominate Neuburg's Calvinist brother Duke John of Pfalz-Zweibriicken instead. When Zweibriicken died in 1604 the will was further revised to transfer the nomination to his son John II, who was ultimately appointed on the death of Frederick IV in October 1610. Neuburg resented his exclusion bitterly.
5 PRO, S.P. 81/9/6, James I to Frederick IV, 8/18 June 1603 (i.e. 8 June Old Style, 18 June New Style).
6 Anhalt's descendants were still demanding repayment as late as 1818! See Bonney, The King's Debts, 273.
7 Briefe und Akten, II, 55-6: Protocol, Rothenburg Assembly, 7-14 August 1608.
8 Quoted by Kossol, Neuburg, 218-19.
9 Quoted by Herold, Ansbach, 134.
10 E. Sawyer, ed., Memorials of Affairs of State during the Reigns of Queen Elizabeth and King James 1 (London, 1725), III, 83: Winwood to the earl of Salisbury, 2/12 November 1609.
11 Kessel, Spanien und die geistlichen Kurstaaten, 59, 66. On the bishops' motives, see Baumgart's chapter in Merzbacher, Echter.
12 The refusal of the princes to permit the cities an equal vote to theirs also caused the leagues of the counts of the Wetterau and Franconia to reject invitations to join the Union. See F. Magen, Reichsgrafliche Politik in Franken. Zur Reichspolitik der Grafen von Hohenlohe am Vorabend und zu Beginn des dreis-sigjahrigen Krieges (Schwabisch Hall, 1975: Forschungen aus Wiirttembergisch Franken, X), 114H5, 119.
13 van Deursen, Honni Soit, 60.
14 Sawyer, Memorials, III, 78: 7/17 October 1609. Sir Henry Wotton thought similarly to Winwood: see 'A few humble remembrances upon the proposition of my employment to some of the German princes on my return' (? June 1609), Historical Manuscripts Commission, Calendar of the Manuscripts of the Marquess of Salisbury, XXI (London, 1970), 75-7.
15 Discussed in further detail in Adams, 'Protestant Cause', 168-9.
16 See ibid., 183-221 passim. For the impact of these events in the United Provinces, and on Maurice of Nassau in particular, see van Deursen, Honni Soit, 76, 91-101. Christian IV remained neutral at this time through lack of money after the War of Kalmar. Professor E. L. Petersen has kindly drawn my attention to a letter of the king, written early in 1614, in which he lamented that 'ich fuhr meine Persohn [bin] mit gelde itzo nicht versehen... dan ich mit allerhandt wmkosten ihn vergangendem Kriige seindt gewessen' (RAC, Tyske kancelli, udenlandske afdeling II. Brandenburg A.1.8: letters to the Electress of Brandenburg, 12 February-18 April 1614). See also J. Skovgaard, ed., Kong Christian den Fjerdes egenhaendige Breve, VIII (Copenhagen, 1947), nos 22, 24-5. Without money of his own, the king had to heed the cautious 'advice' of his council on foreign affairs.
17 In 1612 Nuremberg complained that the princes were dealing with Union affairs at weddings, hunting parties and private meetings: see Herold, Ansbach, 152.
18 BGSA, Kasten Schwarz 16688, f. 150, 'PAD' to William Trumbull, 22 July 1614.
19 Schubert, Camerarius, 50-1; Herold, Ansbach, 171, 184.
20 For the politics of Aachen see Schilling, 'Burgerkampfe in Aachen'.
21 Albrecht, Auswiirtige Politik, 34; Altmann, Reichspolitik, 24.
22 Altmann, op. cit., 13.
23 Ibid., 76, 84, 113-14.
24 For Dutch policy in the crisis, see A. Th. van Deursen, De Val van Wezel (Kampen, 1967) and Anderson, 'The Jülich-Kleve succession crisis'.
25 BGSA, Kasten Schwarz 16734, f. 141, Frederick to Winwood, 19 January 1615.
26 For the activities of the cities at the Heilbronn Assembly, see J. MÖüller, 'Reichsstädtische Politik in den letzten Zeiten der Union', Mitteilungen des Instituts für Oesterreichischen Geschichtsforschung, XXXIII (1912), 484—5.
27 Herold, Ansbach, 206, 209, 217; Schubert, Camerarius, 50-1.
28 Herold, Ansbach, 229.
29 BL, Additional MS. 34324, f. 119, Diary of Sir Julius Caesar: notes on privy council meeting on 29 September/9 October 1620. See also NLS, Advocates Library MS. 33.1.12, art. 35, Zweibrücken to James I, 19 March 1612.
30 For the Palatine approaches to Maximilian, see Schubert, Camerarius, 82, and Albrecht, Auswärtige Politik, 35-6. Maximilian's private memorandum on the subject is printed in Altmann, Reichspolitik, 480-5. (But see also pp. 199-226 where Altmann discusses the implications of this document.) For Frederick's attempt to gain the support of James I for the scheme and the still mysterious meeting held between him, Bouillon and the English ambassador in France (Sir Thomas Edmondes) at Sedan in July 1617, see BL, Stowe MS. 176, f. 144, Frederick to Edmondes, 21 August 1617; A. Ballesteros y Beretta, ed., Correspondencia Oficial de Don Diego Sarmiento de Acuña, Conde de Gondomar (Madrid, 1936: Documentos Ineditos para la Historia de Espana, I), 150-1: Gondomar to Archduke Albert, 16 December 1617; and S.R. Gardiner, ed., Letters and Documents illustrating the Relations between England and Germany ... 1618-1620, I (London, 1865: Camden Society, XC), 27-8: consulta by Gondomar, 19 January 1619.
31 Altmann, Reichspolitik, 199.
32 BGSA, Kasten Schwarz 16688, f. 171, James I to Frederick, 12/22 March 1616.
1 Quotations from Sturmberger, 'Die Anfänge des Bruderzwistes in Habsburg', 164; and Franzl, Ferdinand II, 116.
2 Quoted in Novotny and Sutter, Innerösterreich, 110. Later on, when the Jesuits could boast among their number the confessors of both Maximilian of Bavaria (Adam Contzen) and Ferdinand (William Lamormaini), the General of the Order wrote more than ten times as often to Vienna as to Munich, so frequently was Lamormaini's advice taken by his august charge.
3 See Mecenseffy, Geschichte des Protestantismus in Oesterreich, 136; and Reingrabner, Adel und Reformation, 17-18.
4 See J. Kohler, 'Franz Kardinal von Dietrichstein, Bischof von Olmiitz (1599-1636) und die Prämonstratensen in Mähren', Archiv für Kirchenges-chichte von Böhmen-Mähren-Schlesien, V (1977), 256-70.
5 Quotations from A. Tenenti, Piracy and the Decline of Venice, 1580-1615 (Eng. edn, London, 1967), vi, 12, 15. On the uzkok war, see Bracewell, The Uzkoks of Sen]; and, among older studies, P. Geyl, Christofforo Suriano. Resident van de Serenissime Republiek van Venetie in den Haag, 1616-1623 (The Hague, 1913); S. Gigante, 'Venezia e gli Uscocchi', Fiume: revista semestrale della società di studi fiumani in Fiume, IX (1931), 3-87; and H. Valentinitsch, 'Ferdinand II, die innerösterreichischen Länder, und der Gradiskanerkrieg (1615-18)', in P. Urban and B. Sutter, eds, Johannes Kepler 1571-1971. Gedenkschrift der Universität Graz (Graz, 1975), 497-539.
6 On the first Mantuan succession war see A. Bombin Pérez, La cuestión de Monferrato 1613-1617 (Vitoria, 1976: note, however, that the maps of Spain's Imperial communications included at the back of the book are largely incorrect. The correct itineraries are shown on Map 2 in the present volume.) On the culture of the Gonzaga dukes, see the excellent catalogue of the exhibition displayed in 1981 at the Victoria and Albert Museum: D. Chambers and J. Martineau, eds, Splendours of the Gonzaga (London, 1981), especially pages 203-47. There was almost war in Italy in 1610 also, again provoked by the ambitious and fickle duke of Savoy, Charles Emmanuel: see A. Bombi'n Perez, 'La Poli'tica anti-espanola de Carlos Manuel I de Saboya, 1607-10', Cuadernos de investigation historica, II (1978), 153-73.
7 Totals from AGS, Contadurfa Mayor de Cuentas 2a epoca, 706 and 2059. The Onate treaty was signed on 20 March 1617 and ratified in July.
8 Franzl, Ferdinand II, 169. Heinrich Schiitz composed a setting (now lost) of Apollo and the nine muses for this occasion. It was practically his first commission as Chapel Director to the Elector of Saxony.
9 There is a fine sonnet by Wordsworth on the Fuentes Fort, and also a description in his wife's journals (1821-2). See: W. Knight, ed., The Poetical Works of William Wordsworth, VI (London, 1896), 328-32. See also A. Giussani, II forte di Fuentes. Episode e documenti di una lotta secolare per il dominio della Valtellina (Como, 1905). On the Valtelline crisis of 1618-20, see The Cambridge Modern History, IV, chapter 2: 'The Valtelline'; and A. Rotondo, 'Esuli italiani in Valtellina nel '500', Rivista storica italiana, LXXXVIII (1976), 756-91.
10 AGS, Guerra Antigua, 808, unfol., consulta of 26 December 1616. In fact the Dutch troops went to help Venice, so hostilities were averted; but the decision illustrates the government's belligerent mood. For an admirable account of developments during the Truce, see Israel, The Dutch Republic and the Hispanic World, chapters 1-2, and Brightwell, 'The Spanish system and the Twelve Years' Truce'.
11 Quoted in The New Cambridge Modern History, IV (Cambridge, 1970), 280.
12 Quoted by Polišenský, Thirty Years' War, 94.
13 See J.V. Polišenský and F. Snider, War and Society in Europe, 1618-48 (Cambridge, 1978), 202-16.
14 Details from R. Schreiber, Das Spenderbuch fur den Bau der protestantischen Salvatorkirche in Prag, 1610-1615 (Salzburg, 1956).
15 Quoted by J.K. Zeman, 'Responses to Calvin and Calvinism among the Czech brethren (1540-1605)', American Society for Reformation Research Occasional Papers, I (1977), 41-52, at page 45.
16 Details from J. Polišenský, 'Die Universitat Jena und der Aufstand der Böhmischen Stände in den Jahren 1618-1620', Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift der Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena, VII (1957-8), 441-7; and A. Ernstberger, Die Universität Nürnberg-Altdorf während des dreissigjährigen Krieges in ihrem Bestande bedroht (Munich, 1966: Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften philosophische-historische Klasse, Jahrgang 1966, part II).
17 And the hatred was well founded. In 1547 the Ernestine branch was deprived by Charles V of the Electoral title, and most of their lands, in favour of the Albertine branch. The dukes of Saxe-Weimar were descended from the former Electoral family and never forgave either their cousins or the Habsburgs.
18 See R.J.W. Evans, 'Learned societies in Germany in the seventeenth century', European Studies Review, VII (1977), 129-51; and M. Bircher and F. van Ingen, eds, Sprachgesellschaften, Sozietäten, Dichtergruppen (Hamburg, 1978: Wolfen-biitteler Arbeiten zur Barockforschung, VII). The latter note that, of the twenty-three learned societies founded in Germany during the seventeenth century, seven were established in or before 1620 and thirteen in or before 1649 (page 54). Ironically, so many foreigners belonged to the Fruchtbringende Gesellschaft that most of its transactions had to be carried out in French!
1 The importance of faction in the formation of government policy during the 1620s has been argued most convincingly by Simon Adams: see 'The Protestant cause' and 'Spain or the Netherlands: the dilemmas of early Stuart foreign policy'. I have learnt a great deal from both works, and also from frequent discussions with Dr Adams, about these complex matters.
1 AGS, Estado 2503 f. 7, Oñate parecer of 30 May 1618; BNM, MS. 18434, unfol., Oñate to the king, 10 January 1619.
2 AGS, Estado 1867, f. 256, Philip III apostil on a consulta of 11 January 1619.
3 Figures from Kessel, Spanien und die geistlichen Kurstaaten, 53 n. 171.
4 Details from R.R. Heinisch, Salzburg im dreissigjährigen Krieg (Vienna, 1968), 10-11. Salzburg, however, never became a full member of the League - much to Maximilian's chagrin.
5 See Reade, Sidelights on the Thirty Years' War, I, 182-3. Savoy's aid had its price, however: the duke asked for the Union's support in his bid to be elected king of Bohemia and, if possible, Holy Roman Emperor, too.
6 Quotation from Toegel, 'Přičiny saskeho vpadu do Čech', 560 n. 16.
7 M. Lee, ed., Dudley Carleton to ]ohn Chamberlain, 1603-1624 (New Brunswick, 1972), 270-1: letter of 18 September 1619.
8 The treaty is discussed by Geyl, Christofforo Suriano, 188-9; and A. van der Essen, 'L'alliance défensive hollando-venétienne de 1619 et l'Espagne', in Miscellanea historica in honorem Leonis van der Essen (Louvain, 1947), 819-29.
9 AGS, Estado 2504 f. 110, Pedro de San Juan to Onate, 21 August 1619. The Palatine vote was originally cast for Maximilian of Bavaria, but the Union leaders demanded unanimity in the final election, so in the end the Palatine vote also went to Ferdinand.
10 Quotations from P. Brightwell, 'The Spanish system and the Twelve Years' Truce', English Historical Review, LXXXIX (1974), 289; and AGS, Estado 1897, f. 375, paper of 10 December 1619.
11 Straub, Pax et Imperium, 161, quotes the forecast of the Spanish Council of State that there would be 'eternal war'. See other predictions quoted in G. Parker, Europe in Crisis 1598-1648 (London, 1979), 163.
12 Lord Digby quoted by Zaller, 'Interest of State', 166.
13 S.R. Gardiner, Letters and Documents Illustrating the Relations between England and Germany, II (London, 1868: Camden Society, XCVIII), 7: Carleton to Naunton, 13 September 1619; Smit and Roelevink, eds, Resolutiën der Staten-Generaal, n.r. IV, resolutions 332, 585, 759, 1548, 1554, 1779, 3911, 4119, 4178, 4486 and 4535.
14 Quotations from Ma gen, Reichsgräfliche Politik in Franken, 190.
15 Chancellor Lobkovic to Angouleme, quoted by Pages, Thirty Years' War, 71.
1 Conway, English envoy in Prague, quoted by Reade, Sidelights on the Thirty Years' War, I, 388. Many in England were incredulous; others downcast. Cf. Mr Aylesbury to Sir Henry Martin, 28 November 1620: 'The news of the overthrow in Bohemia is confirmed, but is too bad to repeat' (O. Ogle and W. Bliss, eds, Calendar of the Clarendon State Papers preserved in the Bodleian Library, I [Oxford, 1872], 19).
2 See the observations of Schubert, Camerarius, 96, 194-5. Ferdinand II also employed precedents from the war of the Schmalkaldic League to justify both the publication of the Ban against Frederik in January 1621 without summoning a Diet, and the transfer of the Palatine electorate to Bavaria: Albrecht, Auswärtige Politik, 49.
3 When Ansbach died in 1625, Christian of Denmark commented savagely 'he should have died seven years ago'. (Quoted by Herold, Ansbach, 257-8.)
4 Ten Raa and de Bas, Het Staatsche Leger, III, 227-30, 243-4. ARA, Eerste Afdeling, Staten-Generaal, Lias Duitsland 6065 (1622), n.f., Elizabeth, queen of Bohemia, to the States-General, 22 March 1622. See also the comments of Schubert, Camerarius, 219-22, and Israel, The Dutch Republic, 99, 154-7, assessing the policies of Maurice of Nassau.
5 Magen, Reichsgräfliche Politik, 228-9; Wertheim, Braunschweig, II, 210; Schubert, Camerarius, 146. For the Segeberg conference, see Christiansen, Christians IV, 43-57, and PRO, S.P. 75/5/235-7, 243-4. Sir Robert Anstruther to Sir George Calvert, 10/20 March, 31 March/10 April 1621. James I provided the security for Christian IV's loan to Frederick: at the time of his death in 1625 both the principal and the interest (18,000 thalers annually) remained outstanding.
6 PRO, S.P. 14/164/11, Bishop Carleton to his brother,? May 1624; W. Notestein, F.H. Relf and H. Simpson, eds, The Commons Debates for 1621, V (New Haven, 1935), 203-4. See also, in general, White, 'Suspension of arms'; Straub, Pax et Imperium, chapter 5; and M.S. Junkelmann, 'Feldherr Maximilians: Johann Tserclaes, Graf von Tilly', in Glaser, ed., Um Glauben und Reich, Il/i, 379-80 (plus copious notes).
7 PRO, S.P. 81/24/42, James to Frederick, 22 April/2 May 1622.
8 See PRO, S.P. 81/26/179-80, Frederick to Elizabeth, 14 August 1622.
9 For French policy toward the Valtelline question, see the two articles by Pithon: 'Les Débuts Difficiles du Ministère de Richelieu' and 'La Suisse, Theatre de la Guerre Froide'. Spanish policy can be traced in the correspondence and consultas of the consejo de estado in AGS, Estado K 1492, ff. 20-80; see especially f. 55 for the concern over the military situation in August 1622; ff. 67, 70, 72, 73 for the decision to accept the papal garrisons; and ff. 76, 78 for Olivares's attitude toward the crisis.
10 Digby to Calvert, 12 August 1621, in State Papers collected by Edward earl of Clarendon, I (Oxford, 1767), appendix p. xvii.
11 The German edition, Prodromus, was published at Emden on 22 March 1622; the Latin version appeared at Amsterdam. Both were the work of the Palatine minister, Ludwig Camerarius. Its 173 pages of document-and-commentary proved sensational - not least because seventeenth-century governments so rarely published official documents - and it was reprinted several times. See Schubert, Camerarius, 108-43; and Nolden, Reichspolitik Kaiser Ferdinands, 91-7.
12 Quoted by Kessel, Spanien und die geistlichen Kurstaaten, 90.
13 It was argued that in 1329, by the treaty of Pavia, the Palatine and Bavarian branches of the Wittelsbach family had agreed that the Electorate should alternate between them, even though the arrangement had never actually operated. But Maximilian's defence betrayed the underlying weakness of the Catholic case, for the reason why the 1329 pact was stillborn lay in the terms of a far more important later document: the Golden Bull of 1356, which vested the Wittelsbach Electorate in the Palatine branch for ever. The treaty of Pavia also detached the Upper Palatinate from Bavaria. See K.F. Krieger, 'Bayerische-Pfälzische Unionsbestrebungen vom Hausvertrag von Pavia (1329) bis zur Wittelsbachischen Hausunion vom Jahre 1724', Zeitschrift für historische Forschung IV (1977), 385^13.
14 There is a fine account of the 'Spanish Match' in R. Lockyer, Buckingham. The life and political career of George Villiers, First Duke of Buckingham 1592-1628 (London, 1981), chapter 5; and of the consequences of its failure in chapter 6.
15 Gustavus Adolphus's propaganda campaign is discussed in S. Arnoldsson, Krigspropagand i Sverige före Trettioariga Kriget (Gothenburg, 1941). We are very grateful to Professor E.L. Petersen for this reference. For Oxenstierna's dominance in the Swedish council see N. Agren, 'Rise and decline of an aristocracy: the Swedish social and political elite in the seventeenth century', Scandinavian Journal of History, I (1976), 55-80. Of seventy-two councillors appointed between 1602 and 1647, no less than fifty-four belonged to a group related to the chancellor and his closest allies.
16 For the war in Poland, see Roberts, Swedish Imperial Experience, 33-5, which relies (as does the present account) on A. Norberg, Polen i svensk politik 1617-1626 (Stockholm, 1974) - described, rightly, by Roberts (p. 33) as perhaps 'the most significant contribution to the debate on the king's foreign policy to appear for forty years'.
17 Camerarius to Baron Rusdorf, 24 December 1623, quoted by Schubert, 'Die pfalzische Exilregierung', 672.
18 Schubert, Camerarius, 252-4, 257.
19 For the negotiations leading to the 'French match' see Adams, 'Foreign policy', 157-8. Details of France's resumption of influence on the Rhine, and beyond, are given in Kessel, Spanien und die geistlichen Kurstaaten, part III; and Weber, Frankreich, Kurtrier, passim.
20 For the complicated terms of the treaty, see Bormey, King's Debts, 122.
21 D.L.M. Avenel, ed., Lettres, Instructions diplomatiques et Papiers d'Etat du Cardinal de Richelieu, I (Paris, 1853), 85, Richelieu to Sieur Eschieli [= Father Joseph],? May 1625. On the dilemmas of Richelieu's foreign policy, see also the comments of Pithon, 'Debuts Difficiles', 316-18, and Albrecht, Auswärtige Politik, 124, 127, 144.
1 See, on this question, Petersen, 'Defence, war and finance'.
2 On the government of Bremen-Verden, and Christian's relations to Hamburg, respectively, see Schleif, Regierung und Verwaltung des Erzstifts Bremen am Beginn der Neuzeit, and H.-D. Loose, Hamburg und Christian IV. von Dänemark während des dreissigjährigen Krieges (Hamburg, 1963), chapters I—III.
3 Christiansen, Die Stellung Konig Christians IV, 33; E. Ladewig Petersen, Christian IV.s pengeudlan til danske adelige. Kongelig foretagervirksomhed og adelig gaeldsstiftelse 1596-1625 [Christian IV's loans to the Danish nobility. Royal Enterprise and noble indebtedness, 1596-1625] (Copenhagen, 1974), 46-58, 102f., 116-18,169-71.
4 See BL, MS. Stowe 176 f. 258, Anstruther to Sir Thomas Edmondes, 10 August 1624; PRO, S.P. 84/120/169. Anstruther to Sir Dudley Carleton, 3 November 1624; and S.P. 75/6/30, Abstract of negotiations with Denmark and Sweden, January-February 1625. (References kindly communicated by Dr Simon Adams.)
5 BL, MS. Harley 1584, ff. 29-30, Instructions for Buckingham concerning Denmark, 17/27 October 1625. In the end, the duke managed to persuade the allies to integrate Mansfeld's diminished forces into the Danish army. (My thanks again to Dr Adams.)
6 The text of the 'Hague Convention' is to be found in L. Laursen, ed. Danmark-Norges Traktater 1523-1750 (Traites du Danemark et de la Norvege, 1523-1750), III (Copenhagen, 1916), no. 38; cf. the introduction, pp. 620-37.
7 See, on the battle, the interesting reconstruction by K.J.V. Jespersen, 'Slaget ved Lutter am Barenberg, 1626', Krigshistorisk tidsskrift, IX (1973), 80-9.
8 Petersen, 'Defence, war and finance', based upon a study of the royal war ledgers in Rigsarkivet, Copenhagen.
9 S. Heiberg, 'De ti tender guld: Rigsrad, kongemagt og statsfinanser i 1630'erne' [The ten barrels of gold: State council, monarchy and public finance in the 1630s], Historisk tidsskrift [Dansk]., LXXVI (1976), 39ff.
10 Ibid., 49-57; on the social and economic consequences of the post-war period, see E. Ladewig Petersen, Fra rangssamfund til standssamfund, 1550-1700: Dansk socialhistorie, III (Copenhagen, 1980), 317-413. See also pp. 256-7 below.
1 The most up-to-date survey of the question is A. Klima, 'Inflation in Bohemia in the early stage of the seventeenth century', in M. Flinn, ed., Seventh International Economic History Conference (Edinburgh, 1978), 374-86. Figures on the composition of the Bohemian nobility are taken from Polisensky and Snider, War and Society in Europe 1618-1648, 202-16, and F. Snider, 'The restructuring of the Bohemian nobility in the seventeenth century'. There were, naturally, exceptions to this bleak picture - such as the lands owned by Wallenstein (Terra felix as his domain was known). Hence Bohemia's grain exports to Saxony, which had averaged 1,800 tons annually in 1597-1621, still averaged 1,300 tons in 1629-43. (See V. Sadova, 'Eksport czeskiego zboza do Niemieć ... w okresie przed Biala Gora', Roczniki dziejdw spolecznych i Gospodarczych, XXII [1960], 37-47.)
2 Friedrichs, Nördlingen, 27 n. 45.
3 On the currency fluctuations of the early 1620s, see Kindleberger, 'The economic crisis of 1619 to 1623'; W.A. Shaw, 'The monetary movements of 1600-21 in Holland and Germany', Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, new series IX (1895), 189-213; Friedrichs, Nordlingen, 27-8, and F. Redlich, 'Die deutsche Inflation des friihen 17. Jahrhunderts in der zeitgenössischen Literatur: die Kipper und Wipper', in H. Kellenbenz, ed., Forschungen zur inter-nationalen Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte VI (Cologne and Vienna, 1972). It is notable that of forty or so publications condemning the inflation, all of them composed by Lutherans, thirteen were popular tracts, eleven were written by churchmen, but sixteen were produced by jurists (who condemned the coining of cheap money from the standpoint of constitutional law).
4 W. Gegenfurtner, 'Jesuiten in der Oberpfalz. Ihr Wirkung und ihr Beitrag zur Rekatholisierung in den oberpfälzischen Landen, 1621-50', Beiträge zur Geschichte Bistums Regensburg, XI (1977), 71-220, at p. 170. See also P. Schertl, 'Die Amberger Jesuiten im ersten Dezennium ihres Wirkens (1621-32)', Verhandlungen des historischen Vereins fiir Oberpfalz und Regensburg, CII (1962), 101-94, and CIII (1963), 257-350.
5 Details from Evans, Habsburg Monarchy, 123, and 425-6.
6 See F. Menk, 'Restitution vor dem Restitutionsedikt. Kurtrier, Nassau und das Reich, 1626-9', Jahrbuch für westdeutsche Landesgeschichte, V (1979), 103-30 - a most important article.
7 See Egler, Spanier in der linksrheinischen Pfalz, 134 and map on p. 149; and Kessel, Spanien und die geistlichen Kurstaaten, 269ff.
8 On the finances of the League, demonstrating that only Bavaria's contributions were paid promptly or in full, see F. Stieve, 'Das "Contobuch" der deutschen Liga', Deutsche Zeitschrift für Geschichtswissenschaft, 1st series X (1893), 97-106. Tilly's army cost around 5 million thalers a year and Bavaria paid three times as much to the war-chest in 1619-27 as all the other League members put together. The bishops of Wurzburg, for example, may have been mighty warriors in the Lord, but of the 1.4 million thalers they owed in contributions to the Catholic League, 1620-31, less than 500,000 were paid. (See R. Weber, Würzburg und Bamberg im dreissigjährigen Krieg: die Regierungszeit des Bischofs Franz von Hatzfeldt, 1631-42 [Wurzburg, 1979].)
9 Der oberösterreichische Bauernkrieg, 8-11; H. Tüchle, ed., Acta SC de Propaganda Fide, Germaniam Spectantia. Die Protokolle der Propagandakongregation zu deutschen Angelegenheiten 1622-1649 (Paderborn, 1962), 488.
10 Tuchle, Acta, 181 (resolution of 4 February 1628).
11 Father Hyacinth to Dr Jocher in May 1624, quoted by W. Goetz, 'Pater Hyazinth', Historische Zeitschrift, CIX (1912), 101-28, at p. 122.
12 Lamormaini quoted by Bireley, Religion and Politics, 21.
1 See Gross, Empire and Sovereinty, passim; and the useful review article of H. Dreitzel, 'Das deutsche Staatsdenken in der fruhen Neuzeit', Neue politische Literatur, XVI (1971), 17-42. Most helpful of all, however, is the thesis of Nolden, Die Reichspolitik Kaiser Ferdinands II.
2 Onno Klopp, 'Das Restitutions-Edikt im nordwestlichen Deutschland', Forschungen zur deutschen Geschichte, I (1862), 75-132, especially pp. 86-90, which is still the best essay on the subject. John George's patience began to fray when the emperor forced the Protestant canons of Magdeburg to accept his teenage son Leopold William as Administrator, despite the fact that they had already declared their support for John George's son August. (See Ritter, Deutsche Geschichte, II, 422-3.)
3 Quoted from Mann, Wallenstein [German edn], 369.
4 Kessel, Spanien und die geistlichen Kurstaaten, 197n. On the 'Almirantazgo' system and the blockade see Alcala-Zamora, Espafia, Flandes y el mar del Norte, part 2, and Israel, The Dutch Republic and the Hispanic World, 204-23. The Elector of Cologne and his fellow prelates clearly suspected that Spain was endeavouring to build up a power-base in the Empire from which to subvert German liberties. They sent envoys to Brussels, and they directed a constant barrage of criticism towards the courts of Vienna and Madrid in an effort to persuade Spain to withdraw her forces. But these spiritual rulers could not afford to protest too loudly: if ever the armies of Frederick V or his allies returned, as they had done in 1622 and 1623, the rich corridor of ecclesiastical territories in the Rhine and Main area would be a prime target. Even as they petitioned for the evacuation of the Palatinate, they felt obliged to plead for guarantees that troops would be sent back from the Netherlands to defend them in case of Protestant attack. Despite their deep desire to remain neutral in the struggle between the Habsburgs and their enemies, the Rhineland prelates were caught in Spain's net for as long as France lacked the power to intervene effectively abroad. The most they could do was refuse to aid Spain's campaigns against the Dutch, in the hope that the war there would prevent the Habsburgs from exploiting their advantage. As the exasperated Elector of Cologne wrote in June 1626: 'The Netherlands must remain divided, with one side controlling just as little territory as the other' (Kessel, op. cit., 190n.).
5 For further details, see K. Beck, Der hessische Bruderzwist zwischen Hessen-Kassel und Hessen-Darmstadt in den Verhandlungen zum westfiilischen Frieden von 1644 bis 1648 (Frankfurt, 1978); Thies, Territorialstaat, passim; Graf, Konfession; and Keim, 'Landgraf Wilhelm V von Hessen-Kassel'. Maurice abdicated in 1627, in a vain attempt to thwart the sequestration order. Many items belonging to him are displayed in the Landgrafliche Kunstkammer preserved in the Town Museum of Kassel.
6 The ducal palace of Güstrow, extended by Wallenstein, still stands. Besides the antlers of countless giant stags, lavishly mounted and accompanied by helpful notes on the kill by the dukes who shot them, the palace boasts a large collection of hunting weapons and even a dining hall decorated with stags in bas relief bearing real antlers. It was a baroque fantasy which that German Nimrod, John George of Saxony, might have envied.
7 The best account still seems to be that of Gindely, Waldstein wahrend seines ersten Generalats, who shows how Wallenstein's actions polarized the various Catholic and Lutheran factions of Germany in reaction to his brutally destructive military methods. It is worth also re-examining the debate of the 1880s between Hallwich and Gindely about Wallenstein's economic motives and methods, which seems to be as fresh now as it was then, despite all the biographical and archival work on Wallenstein undertaken in recent years by Golo Mann, H. Diwald, J. Kollmann, P. Suvanto, J. Polisensky and others: compare Anton Gindely, Zur Beurtheilung des kaiserlichen Generals im dreissig-jdhrigen Krieg, Albrechts von Waldstein (Prague, 1887), with the same author's Zweite Antwort an Dr. Hallwich (Vienna, 1887). Despite the attempt of M. Ritter, 'Das Kontributionssystem Wallensteins', Historische Zeitschrift, LV (1903), 193-249, to show that Wallenstein kept good military discipline, the fact remains that the cost of his army was too great to be borne by anyone in the long term. As yet, the last word remains with F.H. Schubert, 'Wallenstein und der Staat des 17. Jahrhunderts', Geschichte in Wissenschaft und Unterricht, XVI (1965), 597-611 [reprinted in Rudolf, ed., Der dreissigjährige Krieg, 185-207], who saw him as a financier and military mercantilist, far too impatient to be able to influence at a stroke Imperial foreign policy with its laboriously entangled confessionalism and bureaucracy.
8 Hans Schulz, ed., Der dreissigjährige Krieg, I (Leipzig, 1917), document 21: Wallenstein to Ferdinand, 6 July 1626. An earlier plea along similar lines is contained in a letter of Wallenstein to Ferdinand, from Stötterlingenburg, 25 October 1625, in J. Kollmann, ed., Documenta Bohemica Bellum Tricennale illus-trantia, IV, 1625-30 (Prague, 1974), document 88.
9 On Bishop Franz Wilhelm, see Klopp, 'Das Restitutionsedikt' (note 2 above); also T. Tupetz, Der Streit um die Geistlichen Güter und das Restitutionsedikt 1629 (Vienna, 1883). J.H. Gebauer, Kurbrandenburg und das Restitutionsedikt von 1629 (Halle, 1899) shows how politically unwise extreme Catholics were prepared to be. Above all, see H. Giinter, Das Restitutionsedikt von 1629 und die katholische Restauration Altwirtembergs (Stuttgart, 1901).
10 Bireley, Religion and Politics, 54, quoting Ferdinand's Instructions to his representative (Stralendorf) at Miihlhausen, 4 October 1627. Clearly, the emperor came under some pressure on this point.
11 The Edict is printed in M.C. Lundorp, ed., Acta publica, III (Frankfurt, 1668), 1048-54. Over 100 copies still survive of the various editions - a surprisingly large number. For details on how it was published, see H. Urban, 'Druck und Drucke des Restitutionsedikts von 1629', Archiv für Geschichte des Buchwesens, XIV (1974), cols 609-54 - the Radix omnium malorum copy is reproduced at col. 635. Further discussion of the Edict's preparation and significance may be found in Bireley, op. cit., 52-9 and 74-94.
12 'Quicquid concessum non reperitur, prohibitum censeri debet': see Pads compositio inter principes et ordines catholicos atque Augustanae confessionis adhaerentes (Dillingen, 1629), Bk VI, chapter 37, paras 4-7. On Laymann and the 'Dillingen book', sponsored by Bishop Knöringen of Augsburg and distributed with the blessing of the Imperial Privy Council, see Heckel, 'Autonomia und Pacis Compositio', and R. Bireley, 'The origins of the "Pads Compositio" (1629): a text of Paul Laymann S.J.', Archivum historicum societatis Iesu, XLII (1973), 106-27.
13 There is a splendid account of the siege in Monro his expedition, part I, 62-80 ('Trailesound' = Stralsund). For a modern, more comprehensive account of the city and its history, see: H. Langer, Stralsund 1600-1630: eine Hansestadt in der Krise und im europäischen Konflikt (Weimar, 1970).
14 Schulz, Der dreissigjahrige Krieg, document 33.
15 Kollmann, ed., Documenta Bohemica, IV, 414-46. Although the figures represent only paper-strength, they indicate the scale of the problem. The cost was, of course, awesome. The archbishopric of Magdeburg reckoned its expenditure on contributions by September 1627 at 687,000 thalers; the duchy of Pomerania claimed to have paid 1.7 million by July 1628; and so on.
16 See Klopp, op. cit., 815, 853. The Kurfürstentag at Mühlhausen, a Free City in Thuringia, was used by Elector John George as a stage for self-advertisement. He commissioned his court composer, Heinrich Schütz, to write the work Da pacem for the occasion. It included an anthem for two choirs, one singing outside the assembly point as each Elector arrived, the other within, intoning the Latin collect for peace. See R. Petzoldt, Heinrich Schiitz and his times in pictures (Kassel and London, 1972).
17 Die Politik Maximilians I. von Bayern, 4.ii, 1628-Juni 1629, 348.
18 See the excellent account of these campaigns in Israel, The Dutch Republic, 162-81.
1 Olivares to count of Gondomar, quoted in Brown and Elliott, A Palace for a King, 190.
2 AGS, Estado 2331 f. 126, Olivares in the Council of State, 10 November 1630.
3 A Junta of the Council of State, meeting on 2 June 1625, recommended that the proposed alliance should not be based on religious affiliation - an argument with which Olivares concurred, on the grounds that Saxony's participation was indispensable (AGS, Estado 2327 ff. 371 and 372).
4 Straub, Pax et Imperium, 285n.: opinion from December 1627. The Spanish government tried to avoid declaring war on Denmark even as late as June 1626, 'because we find ourselves with so many inescapable enemies, it does not seem right to seek more deliberately'. Olivares believed that the Habsburgs should learn to live with the Lutherans. (Giinter, Die Habsburger-Liga, 14 n. 53: Olivares's opinion dated 20 June 1626.) On the suspicions in Paris, see Lutz, Kardinal Giovanni Francesco Guidi di Bagno, book II.
5 C. Seco Serrano, Cartas de Sor Maria de Jesús de Agreda y de Felipe IV, I (Madrid, 1958: Biblioteca de Autores Españoles, CVIII), 28: letter of Philip IV, Zaragoza, 20 July 1645 (thus written over two years after the fall of Olivares); Q. Aldea Vaquero, España, el Papado y el Imperio durante la Guerra de los Treinta Años. II Instrucciones a los nuncios apostolicos en España (1624-32) (Comillas, 1958), 32: Urban VIII's instructions to nuncios, 1 May 1632.
6 In this he may well have been correct. See the analysis of the political views of Ferdinand's leading advisers in Bireley, Religion and Politics, chapter 1. Certainly Eggenberg went to Spain in 1598-9 and 1605 and collected Spanish objets d'art and books - his library included Don Quixote and a complete edition of Lope's plays (extensively annotated by Eggenberg). The prince's splendid castle, built just outside Graz in the early seventeenth century, could almost pass as Spanish.
7 AGS, Estado 2331 f. 126, Olivares in the Council of State, 10 November 1630.
8 However, by insisting on his right to invest the new duke of Mantua, the emperor at least made one gain from the war: he established for all time his rights of suzerainty over the states of northern Italy. Never again would they be challenged. But this development, which smoothed the path to eventual direct rule by Austria between the Alps and the Po, lay far in the future. For the moment, Habsburg humiliation was as visible in Vienna as it was in Madrid. See K.O. von Aretin, 'Die Lehensordnungen in Italien im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert und ihre Auswirkungen auf die europäische Politik', in H. Weber, ed., Politische Ordnungen und soziale Kräfte im Alten Reich (Wiesbaden, 1980: Veröffentlichungen des Instituts für europaische Geschichte Mainz. Abteilung Universalgeschichte. Beiheft VIII), 53-84 - especially pp. 57-9 and 77.
1 See the interesting study of Gross, Empire and Sovereinty, on the 'Public Law' debate. See also O. Brunner, 'Souveränitätsproblem und Sozialstruktur in den deutschen Reichsstädten der friihen Neuzeit', Vierteljahrschrift fiir Sozial und Wirtschaftsgeschichte, L (1963), 329-60, especially pp. 347-51. There is a clear parallel here with the 'Ancient Constitution' debate in early Stuart England: in both countries, the language of law dominated the vocabulary of politics.
2 Figures from P. Hohenemser, ed., Flugschriftensammlung Gustav Freytag (Frankfurt, 1925), nos 4771-5794. Admirable collections of popular literature about the war may be found in D. Alexander and W.L. Strauss, The German Single-Leaf Woodcut 1600-1700. A pictorial catalogue (New York, 1978); E.A. Beller, Caricatures of the 'Winter King' of Bohemia (Oxford, 1928); idem, Propaganda in Germany during the Thirty Years' War (Princeton, 1940); M. Bohatcová, Irrgarten des Schicksals: Einblattdrucke vom Anfang des dreissigjährigen Krieges (Prague, 1966); W.A. Coupe, The German Illustrated Broadsheet of the Seventeenth Century (2 vols, Baden-Baden, 1966-7); and J.R. Paas, The German Political Broadsheet, 1600-1700 (4 vols to date; vol. IV, 1622-9, Wiesbaden, 1994).
3 P. Rassow, Die geschichtliche Einheit des Abendlandes (Cologne and Graz, 1960), 306.
1 Bireley, Religion and Politics, 125: the account was by Kaspar Schoppe (Scioppius), an anti-Jesuit Catholic polemicist. It would seem that the Protestants did not expect any concessions on the Edict of Restitution. And yet the emperor gained surprisingly little from maintaining it: although thirty-seven Imperial cities suffered from strictly illegal attempts to implement the Edict, in only seven was a clear change of political regime effected.
2 On papal diplomacy during the later 1620s, see Lutz, Kardinal Giovanni Francesco Guidi di Bagno, book II; Aldea, Espana, el Papado y el Imperio; and idem, 'La neutralidad de Urban VIII'. On the French campaigns in Italy, see J. Humbert, Les Frangais en Savoie sous Louis XIII (Paris, 1960).
3 Quoted by O'Connell, 'A cause célèbre in the history of treaty-making', 84.
4 'The Catholic Electors to the Bishop of Bamberg, Regensburg, 18 December 1630', in M.C. Lundorp, Der Romischen Kayserlichen Majestat und Dess Heiligen Römischen Reichs ... Acta Publica, IV (Frankfurt-am-Main, 1668), 103.
5 See Matthias Hoë von Hoënegg, Homiliae über den 83 Psalm, so zu Leipzig in dem Convent der Evangelischen und Protestierenden Chur-Fursten und Ständen, den 10. Februarij, Anno 1631 Erkläret, und auff jnständiges anhalten und begehren in Truck gegeben (n.p., 1631).
6 Bergius's influence in Brandenburg church politics is discussed in Bodo Nischan, 'John Bergius: Irenicism and the beginning of official religious toleration in Brandenburg-Prussia', Church History, LI (1982), 389-404; and idem, 'Calvinism, the Thirty Years' War, and the beginning of Absolutism in Brandenburg: the political thought of John Bergius', Central European History, XV (1982), 203-23. His Leipzig sermons were published under the title Briiderliche Eyntrachtigkeit Auss dem Hundert Drey und Dreyssigsten Psalm Bey der Protestirenden Evangelischen Chur-Fursten und Stande Zusammenkunfft zu Leipzig Anno 1631 ... in Drey Predigten erklaret (Frankfurt-an-der-Oder, 1635).
7 See Johannes Bergius, Abermaliger Abdruck der Relation der Privat-Conferentz, ivelche bey wdhrendem Convent der Protestirenden Evangelischen Chur-Fiirsten vnd den Standen zu Leipzig im Jahr 1631. Monats Martii zwischen den anwesenden bey-derseits Evangelischen, so wol Lutherischen als Reformirten Theologen gehalten wor-den (Berlin, 1644). The protocol is also found in Wolfgang Gericke, Glaubenszeugnisse und Konfessionspolitik der Brandenburgischen Herrscher bis zur Preussischen Union, 1540 bis 1815 (Bielefeld, 1977), 143-56.
8 ZSM, Rep. 21. 127 p. I, pp. 27-9. Minutes of the Leipzig conference. See also Bodo Nischan, 'Brandenburg's Reformed Rate and the Leipzig Manifesto'.
9 The Leipzig Manifesto is found in Lundorp, Acta Publica, IV, pp. 144—6; and J.P. Abelin, Theatrum Europaeum, II (Frankfurt-am-Main, 1646), 309-11.
10 See Aldea, Espana, el Papado y el Imperio, 34: Urban VIII's instructions to nuncios going to Spain, 1 May 1632. Maximilian's fears were not unfounded: by the so-called 'Cottington treaty', concluded after the peace of Madrid (which put an end to the Anglo-Spanish conflict in 1630), Spain did make a vague commitment to 'do right' in the Palatinate. See Simon Adams, 'Spain or the Netherlands: the dilemmas of early Stuart Foreign Policy', 100.
11 See Bireley, Maximilian von Bayern, Adam Contzen, 168f. On papal promotion of a Franco-Bavarian peace see Aldea, 'Neutralidad', 174f. Some historians have neglected the papacy's role in all this because of the silence of certain sources; however, Bagno's correspondence (now among the Barberini Manuscripts of the Vatican archives) affords ample proof. In fact Bagno devoted more space to the Franco-Bavarian negotiations, in his dispatches to Rome between 1628 and 1631, than to any other item. He tried to keep his involvement secret - in a letter to the Bavarian councillor Jocher he noted, 'This matter must be kept most secret, because it might seriously affect my dealings with Spain if it were known that I am involved in creating a close union between France and Bavaria' - but the truth emerged when Bagno's Paris apartment was burgled by a Spanish spy (Bireley, Religion and Politics, 160).
12 The text of the treaty of Fontainebleau is given by Albrecht, Auswärtige Politik, 378-9.
1 An English version of the Kriegsmanifest is printed in G. Symcox, ed., War, Diplomacy and Imperialism 1618-1763 (London, 1974), 102-13.
2 Quotations from D. Böttcher, 'Propaganda und öffentliche Meinung im protes-tantischen Deutschland, 1628-36', Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte, XLIV (1952), 181-203, at pp. 191-4 (reprinted in Rudolf, Dreissigjahrige Krieg, 325-67); and Roberts, Essays in Swedish history, 84. The exact nature of Sweden's war aims in 1630-1 remains murky, since the available evidence is all open to objection. Thus it might be argued that the Manifesto was moderate in tone because that is the essence of such documents. And Oxenstierna in 1636 might have become more cautious following Sweden's defeat at Nördlingen; or he might have been merely repeating the cautious policies that he (rather than his more impulsive king) had sought to follow in 1630. See further discussion of Sweden's war aims at pp. 140-5 and 163-5 above.
3 The cost to Sweden of the Prussian campaigns, 1626-9, has been estimated at 5 million thalers: Petersen, 'Defence, war and finance', 35.
4 Quoted in K.R. Bohme, 'Das Amt Memel in schwedischer Sequestratur (Nov. 1629-Jul. 1635)', Zeitschrift für Ostforschung, XVIII (1969), 655-703, at p. 657. On the tolls see E. Wendt, Det Svenska Licentväsendet i Preussen, 1627-35 (Uppsala, 1933), 89, 98, 107, 184-202. There is a good discussion of the peace talks in J.K. Fedorowicz, England's Baltic Trade in the Early Seventeenth Century. A study in Anglo-Polish commercial diplomacy (Cambridge, 1980), 189-206.
5 There has been much exaggeration of the Russian subsidy: over the entire period 1629-33, Sweden only gained 160,000 thalers from this source. See the figures and the discussion of L. Ekholm, 'Rysk spannmal och svenska krigs-finanser, 1629-33', Scandia, XL (1974), 57-103, partially reprinted in Ekholm, Svensk krigfinansiering.
6 Events were to show that Richelieu had no means of forcing his ally to comply with these restrictive terms. The treaty is published in Sverges Traktater, V, 438-40, and discussed in detail in Roberts, Gustavus Adolphus, II, 466-9. An English translation of the main clauses is provided in Roberts, Sweden as a Great Power, 136-8.
7 Bohme, art. cit., 701; Ekholm, Svensk krigsfinansiering, passim. See also the larger, earlier study of K.R. Bohme, Die schwedische Besetzung des Weichseldeltas 1626-36 (Wiirzburg, 1963: Beihefte zum Jahrbuch der Albertus-Universitat Konigsberg, XXII).
8 Newspapers, pamphlets and broadsheets describing the sack, which ranged from exoneration (published in Munich) to accusations of criminal brutality (according to Leipzig) are described and analysed by W. Lahne, Magdeburgs Zerstörung in der Zeitgenössischen Publizistik (Magdeburg, 1931; a tricentennial commemoration). See also N. Henningsen, ed., Die Zerstorung Magdeburgs 1631. Eine Darstellung der historischen Begebenheiten nach Otto von Guerickes Handschrift und nach urkundlichen Quellen (Cologne, 1911). Wedgwood gives an excellent English account of the sack: Thirty Years' War, 286-91.
9 The story is well told in A. Wang, 'Information und Deutung in illustrierten Flugblättern des Dreissigjährigen Krieges. Zum Gebrauchscharakter einiger Blätter des Themas Sächsich Confect aus den Jahren 1631 und 1632', Euphorion: Zeitschrift für Literaturgeschichte, LXX (1976), 97-116.
10 There are excellent accounts of the battle in Sveriges Krig, IV, and Roberts, Gustavus Adolphus, II, 535-8. Several of Tilly's banners, which once hung in the Riddarholm Church, are today displayed in the 'State Trophy Collection' of the Army Historical Museum (Stockholm). The tactical innovations of the Swedish army are discussed at pp. 184-6 above.
11 Oluf Hansson's map of 'Mark Brandenburg', which was the best one available to Gustavus in 1631, only covered Germany as far as Frankfurt-on-Oder, Magdeburg and Dessau. (KrA, Krigskadeplatserna 1630-48, 4: Stortformat 2:51.)
12 Stritmatter, Der Stadt Basel während des dreissigjährigen Krieges, 66, notes that in 1633 Basel alone contained 5,256 refugees, accompanied by 1,776 cattle. On Sweden's reorganization of Franconia and the Rhineland, see Deinert, Die Schwedische Epoche-, Miiller, Der schwedische Staat; and Weber, Wurzburg und Bamberg. For further details on the Frankfurt convention, see Bireley, Religion and Politics, chapter 8 (especially pp. 159 and 167-8).
13 E. Sticht, Markgraf Christian von Brandenburg-Kulmbach und der dreissigjährige Krieg in Ostfranken 1618-35 (Kulmbach, 1965: see p. 154 for details on the peasants' revolt and its repression).
14 K. Beck, 'Die Neutralitatspolitik Landgraf Georgs II. von Hessen-Darmstadt. Versuch und Möglichkeiten einer Politik aus christlichen Grundsätzen', Hessisches Jahrbuch für Landesgeschichte, XXII (1972), 162-228.
15 The continuation of our forraine avisoes, no. XX (28 April 1632), 6. War reporting began during the German conflict and the war was itself a major stimulus to the growth of the newspaper.
16 Opinion of a Bavarian war commissar or war councillor, December 1631, quoted by S. Riezler, Geschichte Bayerns, V (Munich, 1890), 395-6. Tilly's tomb in a special chapel by the shrine at Altötting (near Bavaria's border with Austria) is a masterpiece of Post-Tridentine Baroque art. His skull gazes grimly out of a window in the stone sarcophagus, while his figure may be observed in the pietá behind the altar: Tilly kneels incongruously in battle dress to the left of the Cross.
17 On Maximilian in exile, see Heinisch, Salzburg im dreissigjährigen Kriege, 141ff.; on Bavaria under Swedish occupation, see: G. Rystad, 'Die Schweden in Bayern während des dreissigjährigen Krieges', in Glaser, ed., Wittelsbach und Bayern, 11/1, 424-35. See also the eyewitness account of devastation in H. Hörger, 'Die Kriegsjahre 1632 bis 1634 im Tagebuch des P. Maurus Friesenegger, nachmaligen Abtes von Andechs (1640-55)', Zeitschrift für bayerische Landesgeschichte, XXXIV (1971), 866-76.
18 The conspirators' identities were revealed to an English agent in Brussels, the painter Balthasar Gerbier, and he sold the names to the Spanish government in November 1633: all were arrested. Further details in A. Waddington, La Republique des Provinces-Unies, la France et les Pays-Bas espagnols de 1630 à 1650, I (Paris, 1895), 147-80; P. Janssens, 'L'échec des tentatives de soulèvement dans les Pays-Bas mèridionaux sous Philippe IV (1621-65)', Revue d'histoire diplomatique, XCII (1978), 110-29; and Israel, The Dutch Republic, 181-90. Pappenheim's assault on the Dutch camp at Maastricht, at the behest of the Elector of Cologne, marked a serious breach in the neutrality observed by the Empire during much of the Dutch Revolt: see P.J.H. Ubachs, 'Neutraliteit, theorie en praktiek tijdens de Tachtigjarige Oorlog', Tijdschrift voor Geschiedenis, XCVI (1983), 165-78.
19 AGS, Estado 3336 f. 138, duke of Feria to Philip IV, 12 April 1631. In fact an army of some 12,000 men did cross from Lombardy to the Low Countries later in the year, but they were recruited in Spain and Naples. The most famous account of the plague of 1631 appears in Alessandro Manzoni's novel The Betrothed (I promessi sposi, first published in 1825-6). For more recent assessments see Sella, Crisis and Continuity, 52; and C.M. Cipolla, Cristofano and the Plague. A study in the history of public health in the age of Galileo (London, 1973), chapter 1. There is also a useful collection of documents available: La guerra e la peste nella Milano dei 'Promessi Sposi'. Documenti inediti tratti dagli archivi Spagnoli (Madrid, 1975: Istituto Italiano di Cultura, Madrid; Collana 'Documenti e Ricerche', IV). Chapter 7 concerns the plague, chapters 3-5 the war.
20 Barberini, papal secretary of state, to Rocci, nuncio in Germany, 27 December 1631, quoted by Repgen, Die römische Kurie und der Westfälische Friede, 290, n. 347. This was a fairly threadbare excuse: although the volcanic activity of Vesuvius over the winter of 1631-2 killed thousands and wiped out forty communities, few were papal subjects, and the disaster did not interrupt Pope Urban VIII's lavish spending on his three nephews, which totalled 30 million thalers by the end of his pontificate. On Barberini nepotism, see J. Grisar, 'Päpstliche Finanzen, Nepotismus und Kirchenrecht unter Urban VIII', Xenia Piana: Miscellanea historiae pontificiae, VII (Rome, 1943), 205-366; compare the money sent to Germany before 1630 in Albrecht, 'Zur Finanzierung des dreissigjährigen Krieges'.
21 Questenburg, Aulic councillor, to Wallenstein, 23 April 1631, quoted by Suvanto, Wallenstein und seine Anhänger, 72.
22 Lukas Behaim, quoted by Ernstberger, 'Die Universitat Niirnberg-Altdorf', 10.
23 Goodrick, ed., The Relation of Sydnam Poyntz, 73; Elster, Die Piccolomini-Regimenten, 40.
24 Examples taken from M.E. Seaton, Literary Relations of England and Scandinavia in the Seventeenth Century (Oxford, 1935), 79, 83. See also M.A. Breslow, A Mirror for England: English Puritan views of foreign nations, 1618-1648 (Harvard, 1970: Harvard Historical Studies, LXXXIV), 134-7.
1 AGRB, Secretairerie d'État et de Guerre, 207 ff. 293-4, Infanta Isabella to Philip IV, 24 October 1633; ibid., ff. 330-2, same to same, 12 November 1633; and AGS, Estado 3341 f. 88, cardinal-infante to the king, 23 February 1634. By the time the last letter was written, Feria was dead and his army decimated. There are some details on his last campaign in K. Beyerle, Konstanz im dreissigjährigen Kriege. Schicksale bis zur Aufhebung der Belagerung durch die Schweden, 1628-33 (Heidelberg, 1900: Neujahrsblatter der badischen historischen Kommission, N.F. III). On Lorraine during the war, see J. Florange, 'La guerre de trente ans en Lorraine', Annuaire de la Societe d'Histoire et d'Archeologie de Lorraine, XLVI (1935), 55-123, and Gaber, La Lorraine meurtrie. French aggression in this period is discussed more fully in Section IV.iv.
2 See Altmann, LandgrafWilhelm V, part I. The battle of Hessisch-Oldendorf was viewed by Sweden as a major success: see its place of honour on the Triumphal Arch erected by the Regency Council for the coronation of Queen Christina in 1650 (S. Karling, 'L'arc de triomphe de la Reine Christine à Stockholm', in M. von Platen, ed., Queen Christina of Sweden. Documents and Studies [Stockholm, 1966], 159-86, at pp. 170-1).
3 Details from Roberts, 'Oxenstierna in Germany, 1633-1636', 63-71.
4 See B.F. Porshnev, 'Les rapports de 1'Europe occidentale et l'Europe orientale à l'époque de la guerre de trente ans', Rapports du Xle Congrès des Sciences Historiques, IV (Stockholm, 1960), 136-63.
5 The Gustavsburg is illustrated in Munthe, Kongliga Fortifikationens Historia, I, plates 31-2; and described by Müller, Schwedische Staat, 145ff.
6 Quoted by M. Roberts, Sweden as a Great Power 1611-1697 (London, 1968), 146-7. See, in general, R. Nordlund, 'Krig genom ombud. Det svenska krigs-finanserna och Heilbrorin forbundet 1633', in Landberg et al., Det kontinentala krigets ekonomi, 271^151. Rather like the Protestant Union of 1608-21, the Heilbronn League included too many small states for stability.
7 Quoted in Suvanto, Wallenstein, 181.
8 Further details available in Suvanto, Oxenstierna, 146-66.
9 Piccolomini to Aldringen, quoted by Mann, Wallenstein, 801. On Piccolomini's role in Wallenstein's fall, and for an excellent account of the affair in general, see Barker, Army, Aristocracy, Monarchy, 79-97 (part of an extended essay on the Tuscan commander).
10 Suvanto, Wallenstein, 158-9, reconstitutes the text of the Gollersdorf agreement with great ingenuity. His argument is reinforced, from other sources, by Lutz, 'Wallenstein, Ferdinand II. und der Wiener Hof.
11 See the interesting details reproduced from a contemporary pamphlet by A. Hollaender, 'Some English documents on the end of Wallenstein', Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, XL (1958), 358-90. Of course, Oxenstierna too was 'a subject become a soveraigne', but few seem to have resented that.
12 How serious was Wallenstein about his 'peace initiative'? Duke Franz-Albrecht of Saxe-Lauenburg, one of the general's closest associates, who was captured three days after his master's death, had no doubt about the matter: 'den praetext der friedens nur vorwendete' he told his captors. And the balance of modern opinion inclines to the view that peace was indeed only a 'pretext' - a bargaining counter that Wallenstein was prepared to exchange for an appanage in the Empire like Bernard of Saxe-Weimar's duchy of Franconia, or like his own duchy of Mecklenburg. On the other hand, it would not have been entirely ridiculous for Wallenstein to dream of becoming king of his native Bohemia. His remote relative, George of Podebrad, had been elected in 1458; Frederick of the Palatine had been elected in 1619 (and, conveniently, had died in 1632); and, in between, the kingdom had elected rulers from the Jagiellonian and Habsburg dynasties. The young Wallenstein had spent some time in northern Italy, mostly at Padua: he cannot have been unaware of the state-building activities of condottieri such as Francesco Sforza, Sigismondo Malatesta and Cesare Borgia. No doubt in Padua itself he admired Donatello's flattering statue of the city's chief mercenary captain, Gattamellata. In the age of Oliver Cromwell, one cannot ignore the political careers open to successful soldiers. (See the sensitive analysis of F.H. Schubert, 'Wallenstein und der Staat des 17. Jahrhunderts', Geschichte in Wissenschaft und Unterricht, XVI [1965], 597-611; reprinted in Rudolf, Dreissigjdhrige Krieg, 185-207.)
13 Mutio Vitelleschi, Superior-General of the Jesuit Order, to Lamormaini, 1 April 1634, quoted by Bireley, Religion and Politics, 203. Wedgwood, Thirty Years' War, 346-60, provides a fine set-piece, reconstructing Wallenstein's end through meticulous use of the printed sources. See also the more recent account of C. Kampmann, Reichsrebellion.
14 See G. Rystad, Kriegsnachrichten und Propaganda wahrend des dreissigjährigen Krieges: die Schlacht bei Nördlingen in den gleichzeitigen gedruckten Kriegsberichten (Lund, 1960). There are illustrations of the battle in Angela and Geoffrey Parker, European Soldiers 1550-1650 (Cambridge, 1977), 46-55. On the battlefield itself, the traces of the gun emplacements thrown up on the Altbuch the night before the battle are still clearly visible, and there is a small memorial column: the site is, like Liitzen, well worth a visit.
15 Quotations from Roberts, 'Oxenstierna in Germany', 86, 98 n. 15.
16 William V quoted by Altmann, Landgraf Wilhelm V, 84.
17 See the admirable summary of the terms in Theologische Realenzyklopddie, IX (Berlin, 1981), 180 (by K. Repgen). Four of the nine 'Nebenrezesse' have never been published: see Bierther, 'Zur Edition' (page 264 below).
18 Quoted by Repgen, Römische Kurie, 337 n. 124, 333 n. 116 and 335-6.
1 A. Leman, Urbain VIII et la rivalité de la France et de la maison d'Autriche de 1631 à 1635 (Lille and Paris, 1920), 492.
2 Acta Pads Westphalicae, I, 18-20: Louis XIII to Richelieu, 4 August 1634. The royal views were classified 'top secret': 'âme qui vive ne les a veues', the document states.
3 Leman, Urbain VIII et la rivalité, 382.
4 A.J. du Plessis, Cardinal de Richelieu, Mémoires, ed. J.F. Michaud and J.J.F. Poujoulat, 2nd ser., VIII (Paris, 1838), 437: 'une longue guerre dans ses entrailles ...
5 Acta Pads Westphalicae, I, 47 (Feb./March 1637).
6 Richelieu, Mémoires, 620: 'parce que Sa Majeste n'ayant point de guerre declarée contre l'Empereur ...'.
7 Montglat gives figures for the relative size of the armies and losses: Montglat, Memoires, ed. J.F. Michaud and J.J.F. Poujoulat, 3rd ser., V (Paris, 1838), 27, 30. For the finance minister's estimates of the total size of the French army: Bonney, The King's Debts, 173 n. 3.
8 Acta Pads Westphalicae, I, 47.
9 Richelieu used the term 'Finnish' (finnois) but this was a play on the word for 'cunning' (finaud). See Avenel, ed., Lettres, instructions diplomatiques, IV, 735.
10 Montglat, Mémoires, 41-2.
11 Bonney, The King's Debts, 306-7. Conversions based on J.J. McCusker, Money and Exchange in Europe and America, 1600-1715 (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1978).
12 Montglat, Mémoires, 38.
13 Avenel, Lettres ... de Richelieu, V, 965.
14 AMAE, Mémoires et Documents: France, vol. 820 f. 131: Bullion and Bouthillier to Richelieu, 22 February 1636.
15 See, for example, Montglat's comment that the elder Condé, 'quoi-que grand politique, n'entendoit point la guerre ...' (Montglat, Memoires, 41).
16 Livet, L'intendance d'Alsace sous Louis XIV, 68, 78-9.
17 AMAE, Mémoires et Documents: France, vol. 834 f. llv. Bullion to Richelieu, 1639, following the death of Bernard of Saxe-Weimar, who, in Bullion's view, had 'dans l'esprit les fantazie[s]'.
1 KrA, Historiska planscher, 1648, 24 folio: 'Amore pads: geographische Carten von gantz Teutschland', reproduced here as Plate 17. The manuscript original is in Kungliga Bibliotheket, Stockholm, Kartavd. Y50. An inferior version of the map, but with its commentary in full, was republished in J.G. von Meiern, Acta Pads Westphalicae publica, VI (Hannover, 1736; reprinted Osnabriick, 1969), 'Beylage'. The location of the garrisons is revealing. The Swedish army had nineteen garrisons in Alsace, Franconia and Swabia; twenty-nine in the Bohemian lands; twenty-four in Saxony, Brandenburg and Magdeburg; nineteen in Westphalia and the Palatinate; and no less than twenty-seven in Pomerania. The French were all in the south-west; the Hessians all in the north-west. Only the Swedes were everywhere. Imperial bases in 1648 are shown on the map included in the thesis of Hoyos, 'Ernest von Traun'.
Note: All dates in the correspondence cited in the notes to this section are in old style: for New Style, add ten days.
1 Oxenstierna to the Council of State, 4 February 1633, Alxel] Olxenstiernas] S[krifter och] B[revvexling], 1st series, VIII, 162; cf. ibid., XII, 324-5 (Memorandum for Johan Oxenstierna, 28 August 1634).
2 Oxenstierna to Baner, 28 October 1634: AOSB, 1st series, XII, 633.
3 Oxenstierna to the Council of State, 7 January 1635: AOSB, 1st series, XIII, 27.
4 Svenska riksradets protokoll (Handlingar rörande Skandinaviens Historia, 3rd series), VII, 423, 427 (22 January 1639); and VIII, 315 (14 November 1640), where this dictum is quoted.
5 Svenska riksradets protokoll, IV, 253 (4 December 1634); VI, 185 (25 April 1636).
6 Ibid., VI, 504 (30 July 1636).
7 See the study of the French subsidies paid to Sweden, and how they were employed, by Lorenz: 'Schweden und die franzosichen Hilfsgelder' (page 268 below).
8 In the debate in the Council of State on 21 November 1640 Oxenstierna told them: 'I may now say, what I have never said here openly before - and what perhaps many think that I do not believe - that there can well come a time when we could retire from the German war and let it go at any price, not retaining a foot of land. I should indeed be prepared to be persuaded easily to that, and had long since advised you to it, if the contempt which some of those out there have for us had not been so great, and if it could have been done with reputation and safety.' And a little later in the same debate: '[Pomerania] is not so important as gaining and retaining the Princes' affection and restoring them to their former condition': Svenska riksradets protokoll, VIII, 330, 333.
9 Ibid., VIII, 571-3 (16 April 1641). It should be noted that Oxenstierna's views reflected the general sense of the meeting.
1 Haan, Kurfürstentag, 163-4: 'votum' of George William at the eighteenth session.
2 Springell, Connoisseur, 105-10, gives an admirable account of this bizarre episode. The book-trade as a whole was 'down' in 1637: only 408 new works were published in Germany that year, compared with 1,757 titles in 1618 (see R. Engelsing, Analphabetentum und Lektiire. Zur Sozialgeschichte des Lesens in Deutschland zwischen feudaler und industrieller Gesellschaft [Stuttgart, 1973], 42).
3 The revolt was led by Martin Aichinger (or Laimbauer), who claimed to be the Messiah and to be proof against bullets. He was captured after the defeat of his peasant army at Frankenburg in May 1636. The banners of his troops survive in the Linz Museum. See F. Wilflingseder, 'Martin Laimbauer und die Unruhen im Machlandviertel, 1632-6', Mitteilungen des oberdsterreichischen Landesarchivs, VI (1959), 136-208.
4 Sir Thomas Roe, in January 1639, quoted by E.A. Beller, 'The mission of Sir Thomas Roe to the conference at Hamburg, 1638-40', English Historical Review, XLI (1926), 61-77, at p. 74; cannibalism reported in Kuczynski, Geschichte des Alltags des deutschen Volkes, I, 87-8, and in Wedgwood, Thirty Years' War, 410-12.
5 Details from A. Ernstberger, 'Plünderung des Leipziger Messgeleites Niirnberger und Augsburger Kaufleute am 26. Januar 1638 bei Neustadt an der Heid', Jahrbuch für fränkische Landesforschung, XXII (1962), 101-20. Nuremberg had also suffered severe dislocation and destruction during the siege of 1632: see page 117 above.
6 Weber, Würzburg und Bamberg im dreissigjährigen Krieg, 171; Müller, Der schwedische Staat in Mainz, 140, 237-8.
7 F. Herrmann, ed., Aus tiefer Not: hessische Briefe und Berichte aus der Zeit des dreissigjährigen Krieges (Friedberg, 1916), 115: Denkschrift of 19 December 1634. H. Börst et al., 'Die evangelischen Geistlichen in und aus der Grafschaft Nassau-Saarbrücken', Zeitschrift für die Geschichte der Saargegend, XXIII-XXIV (1975-6), 39-93, at pp. 39f.
8 See von Hippel, 'Bevölkerung und Wirtschaft'. In fact, the duchy's economy was especially vulnerable, for it had never produced enough foodstuffs to achieve self-sufficiency: instead, fine wine from the vineyards around Stuttgart was exported to buy grain. The war destroyed both the production and 3ie trade. Many of the peasants died; many more took refuge abroad, above all in Switzerland. (See Stritmatter, Die Stadt Basel, 75. The 7,561 refugees in Basel in 1638 almost outnumbered the native residents.)
9 Data taken from F. Mager, Geschichte des Bauerntums und der Bodenkultur im Lande Mecklenburg (Berlin, 1955), 137-40; W. Zahn, Die Altmark im dreis-sigjährigen Krieg (Halle, 1904: Schriften des Vereins für Reformations-geschichte, XXI/3), 560; F. Schroer, Das Havelland im dreissigjährigen Krieg. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Mark Brandenburg (Cologne and Graz, 1966: Mitteldeutsche Forschungen, XXXVII), 118-20, 127-31; and Faden, Berlin im dreissigjahrigen Krieg, 232.
10 See E. Sparmann, Dresden während des dreissigjährigen Krieges (Dresden, 1914), 15-19; and G. Lammert, Geschichte der Seuchen, Hungers- und Kriegsnoth zur Zeit des dreissigjährigen Krieges (1890; reprinted Wiesbaden, 1971), 87, 233. Not all the demographic losses were due to the troops, of course: between 1631 and 1634 few parts of Germany escaped the ravages of plague. At Amberg, capital of the Upper Palatinate, for example, eighteen Jesuit Fathers in the newly opened college died of the plague in the year 1634. (See Gegenfurtner, 'Jesuiten in Oberpfalz', 170.)
11 For an indication of the prevailing burden of tax see Weber, Veit Adam von Gepeckh, Fürstbischof von Freising, 129-32. One hundred and twenty Romermonate were imposed on the Bavarian Circle at the peace of Prague in 1635, 120 at the Electoral Meeting of 1636, 75 at the Circle Assembly of 1638, 120 at the Imperial Diet of 1641: 435 Römermonate in all, in just six years! Cf. the level of pre-war taxation, noted on page 15 above.
12 P. Antony and H. Christmann, eds, Johann Valentin Andreä: ein schwäbischer Pfarrer im dreissigjährigen Krieg (Hildesheim, 1970: Schwäbische Lebensläufe, V), 128.
13 Springell, Connoisseur, 113 n. 96. See also the data on pages 186-92 above.
14 See A. Leman, 'Urbain VIII et les origines du Congres de Cologne de 1636', Revue d'histoire ecclésiastique, XIX (1923), 370-83; and Beller, 'The mission of Sir Thomas Roe'. The Anglo-Danish treaty of Hamburg, which was directed primarily against the Dutch, formed part of the campaign conducted (since 1637) by the Danish government to define more precisely and restrictively its territorial rights over the seas around it. It has been suggested that Denmark's policies may have been prompted by the publication of John Selden's Mare clausum in 1635-6. (See S. Dalgård, 'Ostersa, Vesters0, Nords0. Dominium maris Baltici et maris septentrionalis 1638', Historisk Tidsskrift [Dansk], 11th series, V [1956-9], 295-320.1 am grateful to Professor E.L. Petersen for this reference.) Charles I was also hostile to Sweden at this point because the Stockholm government was supplying arms to his Scottish rebels - many of them veterans from Gustavus's army.
15 Further details in R. Leffers, Die Neutralitiitspolitik des Pfalzgrafen Wolfgang Wilhelm als Herzog von Jülich-Berg in der Zeit von 1636-1643 (Neustadt, 1971: Bergische Forschungen, VIII). There was a parallel attempt by Frederick William of Brandenburg, the Elector's heir, to arrange a truce in Cleves in 1637, but it also failed (see Opgenoorth, Friedrich Wilhelm: der grosse Kurfürst, chapter 3). In 1639, the Lower Saxon Circle also tried to secure neutrality, with more success (see Magen, 'Die Reichskreise', 451-2). The secret peace talks of Bavaria with France, at Einsiedeln in January 1640, are noted on page 152 above.
16 The Regensburg settlement thus superseded the peace of Prague, which had only suspended the Edict; but it was modified in its turn by the peace of Westphalia, which fixed the 'normative date' at 1624 (far less favourable to the Catholics than 1627).
17 On Brandenburg's neutrality, and its consequences, see Opgenoorth, op. cit., and Schröer, Das Havelland. See also Kretzschmar, Gustavus Adolfs Pläne und Ziele, for the early stages of Brunswick's alliance with Sweden; and M. Reimann, Der Goslarer Frieden von 1642 (Hildesheim, 1979: Quellen und Darstellung zur Geschichte Niedersachsens, XC), for the end.
18 The Swedish campaigns of these years, so often overlooked, are admirably described (with the aid of helpful plans) in Tingsten, Johan Baner och Lennart Torstensson. I am grateful to Professor Michael Roberts for assistance in assessing the importance of Baner's operations.
19 See K. Schweinesbein, Die Frankreichpolitik Kurfürst Maximilians I. von Bayern, 1639-1645 (Munich, 1967), chapters 3—4. The papacy was unable to play an active role in this peace initiative, because in 1642 Urban VIII opened hostilities against the duke of Parma. Within two years, Urban squandered some 6 million thalers on 'the war of Castro' and in July 1644, broken in spirit, he died. (See the figures in Grisar, 'Päpstliche Finanzen', 208.)
1 AGS, Contaduria Mayor de Cuentas, 3a epoca 949, gives the level of Spanish spending in Germany in 1635—43. 2.3 million thalers were received by the 'Treasury General of Germany' in 1635-40, but only 1.2 million in 1640-3. See also H. Ernst, Madrid and Vienna.
2 'It seems to me that we have no choice but to look for a general peace, or at least a settlement in one or two of the wars in which the House of Austria is at present engaged.' Onate to Olivares in 1640, quoted by Stradling, Europe and the Decline of Spain, 104.
3 Roberts, The Swedish Imperial Experience, 25.
4 L. Stein, 'Religion and patriotism in German peace dramas during the Thirty Years' War', Central European History, IV (1971), 131—48. Perhaps the author's link between Lutheran pietism and German patriotism in this period is overdrawn, but the material he presents is both important and unusual.
5 'Vox Caesaris', a phrase used by the Elector of Mainz's councillor in 1646, quoted by Wolff, Corpus evangelicorum, 179; Salvius's letter of April 1643 quoted by Dickmann, Der Westfalische Frieden, 115. On the Frankfurt 'Deputationstag' in general, see Dickmann, chapters 3 and 5, and R. von Kietzell, 'Der Frankfurter Deputationstag von 1642-1645. Eine Untersuchung der staatsrechtlichen Bedeutung dieser Reichsversammlung', Nassauische Annalen, LXXXIII (1972), 99-119.
6 See Bohme, Bremische-Verdische Staatsfinanzen, 13-165, and H. Eichberg, Militiir und Technik. Schwedenfestungen des 17. Jahrhunderts in den Herzogtiimern Bremen und Verden (Dusseldorf, 1976: Geschichte und Gesellschaft. Bochumer historische Studien, VII).
7 B.P. von Chemnitz, Königlichen schwedischer in Teutschland geführten Kriegs vierter Teil (Stockholm, 1859), 168. Chemnitz, who wrote his account in the 1650s, was a noted anti-Imperialist.
8 On the campaigns of 1643-5 in the south-west, see H.H. Schaufler, Die Schlacht bei Freiburg-im-Breisgau 1644 (Freiburg, 1979). The battle of Freiburg was described by a Bavarian commander, Johann Werth, as the worst he had ever seen: 'In the twenty-two years I have been involved in the carnage of war,' he claimed, 'there has never been such a bloody encounter.' (Quoted ibid., 7.)
9 The emperor was in Prague, and he left the city on 7 March, the day after the battle: see P. Broucek, Der schwedische Feldzug nach Niederdsterreich 1645/46 (Vienna, 1967: Militarhistorische Schriftenreihe, VII), 11. On the 1645 campaign in general, see also Ruppert, Kaiserliche Politik, chapter 3, part II, and Chesler, 'Crown, lords and God', 209-10.
10 Quotation from C.T. Odhner, Die Politik Schwedens im Westphäilischen Friedenscongress und die Griindung der schwedischen Herrschaft in Deutschland (Gotha, 1877; reprinted Hannover, 1973), 97n. The agreement at Kötzschenbroda was in fact only a truce for six months, but in April 1646, at Eilenburg, it was prolonged to the war's end. Saxony was made to pay contributions to the Swedish army and to allow Swedish garrisons in Leipzig and Torgau; but three of the Saxon regiments in the Imperial army were permitted to remain there, provided they did not fight against Sweden.
11 On the Dutch-Spanish negotiations, see the classic account of J.J. Poelhekke, De vrede van Munster (The Hague, 1948). An English survey is conveniently provided by Israel, The Dutch Republic and the Hispanic World, 347-74.
12 Details from F. Bosbach, Die Kosten des Westfalischen Friedenskongresses. Eine strukturgeschichtliche Untersuchung (Munster, 1984: Schriftenreihe der Vereinigung zur Erforschung der neueren Geschichte, XIII), 14,16, 33, 57,110, 168, 196, 211 and 224ff.
13 The delegates' attention to procedural detail has often been ridiculed by historians, but the experience of the abortive peace of Regensburg in 1630 and the treaty of Wismar in 1636 (pages 102-3 and 142-3 above), when an agreement signed by plenipotentiaries was later repudiated by their government, remained fresh in men's minds. No one wanted a repetition at Westphalia. See O'Connell, 'A cause celebre in the history of treaty-making'.
14 Bosbach, Kosten, 1,167-8; Philippe, Wiirttemberg, 1.
15 Quoted in Heckel, 'Zur Historiographie des Westfalischen Friedens', 324.
1 Quoted in Kuczynski, Geschichte des Alltags des deutschen Volkes, 117. For the 1646-7 campaign see P. Broucek, Die Eroberung von Bregenz am 4. Jänner 1647 (Vienna, 1971: Militärhistorische Schriftenreihe, XVIII).
2 Avaux quoted by Philippe, Wiirttemberg und der Westfälische Friede, 54; Oxenstierna quoted by G. Schmid, 'Konfessionspolitik und Staatsräson bei den Verhandlungen des Westfälischen Friedenskongresses über die Gravamina Ecclesiastica', Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte, LIV (1953), 203-23, at page 206.
3 Imperial instructions quoted by Ruppert, Kaiserliche Politik, 134.
4 Bosbach, Kosten, I, 15-16; Ruppert, Kaiserliche Politik, 251.
5 Schmid, 'Konfessionspolitik', 209. This most interesting article is based on documents from the archives of ducal Saxony, whose delegates were among the Protestant hard-liners.
6 The originality of this compromise, enshrined in Article V paragraph 52 of the 'Instrumentum Pacis Osnabrugense', and known as 'Itio in Partes', has not always been appreciated: an age which normally revered the majority principle sanctioned an alternative method for reaching decisions on certain key issues. Admittedly, the principle of parity between two unequal groups had been accepted a century before by the Swiss Confederation; the Holy Roman Empire, however, was so much larger, and therefore the formula of 'Itio in Partes' was correspondingly more difficult to operate. But operate it did. Constitutional lawyers in the eighteenth century saw the arrangement as the masterwork of the peace-makers - 'the foremost bulwark of Freedom and Equality, built with so much blood' - because confessional dualism strengthened and protected the political balance established in Germany between emperor and princes. (See C.G. Hoffman, Griindliche Vorstellung deren in dem Heiliger Romische Reiche... Religions-Beschwerden [1722], quoted by Heckel, 'Itio in Partes'; see all of Heckel's penetrating analysis at pp. 291-308 of his article entitled 'Itio in Partes'.) For an interesting study of the precedents for 'amicable composition', see K.J. Seidel, 'Zentrale Standevertretung'. The achievement of the Congress is further considered on pp. 192-5 above.
7 Quoted by Seaton, Literary relations of England and Scandinavia, 81. Note also the sentiments of Sir Edward Peyton, The Divine Catastrophe, or the rise, reign and ruine of the house of Stuarts (London, 1652): 'God raised Gustavus Adolphus to turn the scales to the United princes' side; yet, in conclusion, the Swedes have sought more their own interest than God's.'
8 Sten Bielke to the council, 9 February 1647, quoted by Odhner, Die Politik Schwedens, 4n.
9 This important aspect of French policy in Germany during the 1640s is played down by Dickmann, Der Westfälische Frieden. Most other, less monumental German studies of this phase of the war also tend to belittle the role of Mazarin. See the helpful comments of D. McKay and H.M. Scott, The Rise of the Great Powers, 1648-1815 (London, 1983), 4-5.
10 Quotations from Odhner, op. cit., 163n; Aldea, España, el Papado y el Imperio, 78-80; and Müller, Der schwedische Staat in Mainz, 19 n. 66.
11 See Heinisch, Salzburg im dreissigjährigen Krieg, 195-6; on the last Imperial campaign of the war see Hoyos, 'Ernst von Traun', part II. On the policy of Cologne at this time see J.F. Foerster, Kurfürst Ferdinand von Köln. Die Politik seiner Stifter in den Jahren 1634-1650 (Munster, 1976: Schriftenreihe der Vereinigung zur Erforschung der neueren Geschichte, VI).
12 A. Cheruel, ed., Lettres du Cardinal de Mazarin, III (Paris, 1883), 173-81: Mazarin to Servien, 14 August 1648.
13 Chesler, 'Crown, lords and God', 209-10; Evans, Habsburg Monarchy, 76. Uncertainty concerning the fate of the New Order in Bohemia continued almost until the end of the war. As late as 1645, Countess Cernin (one of the arrivistes) could write: 'The dice are still on the board, and who knows who will reap the profit from what we possess?' (Quoted by O. Odložilfk, 'The nobility of Bohemia, 1620-1740', East European Quarterly, VII [1973], 15-30, at p. 19.) See also the discussion in R.J.W. Evans, 'The significance of the White Mountain for the culture of the Czech lands', Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, XLIV (1971), 34-54, at p. 44 (a most important article).
14 The fighting overseas, particularly in Asia, continued for some time longer, however. Israel, Dutch Republic, 336, notes that 'the very last battle of the Eighty Years' War was fought on Ternate on 18 July 1649, more than a year after the ratification of the treaty of Munster, but before official publication of the news in parts of the East'.
15 Odhner, Die Politik Schwedens, 238, reports the Swedish plenipotentiaries' complaint, as late as January 1648, that 'the cause of Spain' was 'the emperor's guiding star in the German negotiations'. Ruppert, Die kaiserliche Politik, 350-8, describes the emperor's anguish at having to make peace without Spain.
16 Philippe, Wiirttemberg, passim; and Welt im Umbruch. Augsburg zwischen Renaissance und Barock, I (Augsburg, 1980), 409ff. In 1645 Augsburg, whose population before the war had numbered 33,000, contained only 21,000 people: 14,000 Lutherans, 6,000 Catholics and 1,000 soldiers.
17 See details in Bosbach, Kosten des Friedenskongresses, 224ff. The author makes the point that, for some territories, the cost of the conference could equal, and even exceed, the 'satisfaction of the soldiery'. Thus Brandenburg had to find 134,522 thalers for the diplomats and 162,692 for the Swedish army, while the Imperial City of Bremen had to pay 88,413 for the former against only 28,480 for the latter. But for most areas, the proportions were reversed.
18 Heinisch, Salzburg im dreissigjahrigen Krieg, 196ff. All Archbishop Lodron and his vassals obtained in return for their money was freedom from quartering. The rest of the Empire was equally heavily burdened: see G. Buchstab, 'Die Freie Reichsstadt Koln und die schwedische Armeesatisfaktion', in Repgen, ed., Forschungen und Quellen, 149-62.
19 On the Swedish demobilization, see the admirable vintage study of T. Lorentzen, Die schwedische Armee im Dreissigjährigen Kriege und ihre Abdankung (Leipzig, 1894), chapters 6 and 7. More recent data is presented in G. Buchstab, Reichsstädte, Städtekurie und westfälischer Friedenskongress (Münster, 1976: Schriftenreihe der Vereinigung zur Erforschung der neueren Geschichte, V), 170-7. On the Imperialists' demobilization, see part III of Hoyos, 'Ernst von Traun' (which has been printed in Der dreissigjährige Krieg, 169-232); and Elster, Die Piccolomini Regimenter, 104ff.
20 Quoted in Glaser, ed., Wittelsbach und Bayern, II/2, 483. Pages 483-90 of this magnificent catalogue describe and illustrate items made to celebrate the outbreak of peace.
1 There are, of course, exceptions: most notably, the Krigsarkiv in Stockholm. Furthermore, important military archives may turn up in unlikely places. For example, the detailed records of Wallenstein's life-guards (the foot regiment of Count Julius of Hardegg) are today preserved in the Niederosterreichische Landesarchiv, Vienna, Herrschaft Stetteldorf, Kartons 1-6. See the admirable article based on them: F. Hausmann, 'Das Regiment hochdeutscher Knechte des Grafen Julius von Hardegg, seine Geschichte, Fahnen und Uniform', in Der dreissigjährige Krieg, 79-167. See also Dubois, 'Die Teilnahme des Walliser Regiments de Preux'. These are the only modern histories known to me of regiments which fought in the war. The Piccolomini papers, formerly preserved in the castle of Nachod and now in the State Archive, Zamrsk, enabled Otto Elster to prepare in 1903 a short but interesting study of the regiments raised by Ottavio Piccolomini between 1629 and 1650 (see Elster, Die Piccolomini Regimenter).
2 On uniforms, see Hausmann, art. cit., 129-35. Reconstituted military costumes of the period are displayed in several museums of Europe, especially in the 'Thirty Years' War Room' of both the Heeresgeschichtliches Museum in Vienna and the Armemuseum in Stockholm.
3 There is a fine collection of Thirty Years' War colours captured from Imperial and League forces in the Statens Trofe Samlung (a part of the Armemuseum) in Stockholm. The collection includes some 4,000 objects, almost all from the period 1610-1720, of which forty-five, including the Thirty Years' War pennants, are displayed.
4 H.C. Lavater, Kriegsbüchlein. Das ist grundtliche Anleitung zum Kriegswesen (Zürich, 1651; 2nd edn, 1667), 63; André, Michel le Tellier, 339.
5 Gallas's order and samples are presently on display in a case in the Heeresgeschichtliches Museum in Vienna. Pearl-grey was adopted as the colour of all uniforms in the Austrian army in 1708.
6 Redlich, Military Enterpriser, I, 456.
7 Information from J. Lindegren, Utskrivning och utsugning. Produktion och repro-duktion i Bygdeå 1620-1640 (Uppsala, 1980: Studia Historica Upsaliensia, CXVII), 256-7, and from further details kindly supplied to me by Dr Lindegren in January 1980. Denmark also introduced conscription in 1627, but only for defence: see Petersen, 'Defence, war and finance', 33.
8 G. Parker, The Army of Flanders and the Spanish Road 1567-1659 (Cambridge, 1972), 46-7, on Spanish jail recruiting; Calendar of State Papers Domestic 1628-9, 395, 568 on the English parallel.
9 R. Chaboche, 'Les soldats frangais de la guerre de Trente Ans: une tentative d'approche', Revue d'histoire moderne et contemporaine, XX (1973), 10-24.
10 H. Jessen, Der Dreissigjährige Krieg in Augenzeugenberichten (2nd edn, Munich, 1964), 335.
11 A nine-page 'Sprachbüchlein' of military terms, many of them bizarre and improbable, was included in H.M. Moscherosch, Wunderliche und warhafftige Gesichte Philanders von Sittewald (2 vols, Strasbourg, 1640-2), 'sechsters Gesichte: Soldaten Leben'. See also the sources noted in Langer, The Thirty Years' War, 100.
12 Monro, Expedition, II, 62-3, 75; Dukes, 'The Leslie family'; H.L. Rubinstein, Captain Luckless. James, first duke of Hamilton 1600-1649 (Edinburgh, 1973), 26-37; and I. Grimble, Chief of Mackay (London, 1965), 81-105.
13 Turner, Memoirs of his own life and times, 14. It is notable, for example, that five of Wallenstein's murderers were, like Turner, subjects of Charles I: Lesley, Devereux, Geraldine, Gordon and Butler.
14 Redlich, Military Enterpriser, I, 426; K.R. Bohme, Bremische-Verdische Staatsfinanzen 1645-76 (Uppsala, 1976), 34. The palaces of generals, such as Wrangel (at Skökloster, north of Stockholm) or Wallenstein (in Prague, Mnichovo Hradiště and Jičin), testify even today to the wealth that could be gained through war. The newly rich generals brought with them a style of expenditure that few had seen before in northern Europe: Marshal de la Gardie boasted circa 1650 that he had introduced luxury into Sweden single-handed.
15 Grimmelshausen, Simplicissimus, book I, chapter XVI, quoted by Redlich, Military Enterpriser, I, 370-1.
16 Andre, Michel le Tellier, 64.
17 The 'Selbstschutzsysteme' is described by I. Bog, Die bauerliche Wirtschaft im Zeitalter des Dreissigjährigen Krieges. Die Bewegungsvorgange in der Kriegswirt-schaft nach den Quellen des Klosterverwalteramtes Heilsbronn (Coburg, 1952), 142-54; and G. Benecke, 'Labour relations and peasant society in North-West Germany, c. 1600', History, LVIII (1973), 350-9.
18 A display cabinet in the 'Thirty Years' War Room' of the Heeresge-schichtliches Museum in Vienna contains the short, thick broad-sword of Tilly, c. 1610, next to the long, thin rapier of Ferdinand III, c. 1635. Both are typical of the styles current in their day.
19 Monro, Expedition, I, 68-75; M. Pusch, Der Dreissigjährige Krieg 1618-1648 (Munich, 1978), 112-13.
20 See M. van Crevelt, Supplying War: logistics from Wallenstein to Patton (Cambridge, 1977), 34ff., and Kroener, Les Routes et les Étapes, passim. Naturally rations due were not always provided. See the complaint of a miserable Imperial soldier at the siege of Miinster in 1634, lamenting to his wife that he only received lib of bread every four days: Kuczynski, Geschichte des Alltags des deutschen Volkes, 100-2.
21 'Streiff' - called after Colonel Johan Streiff von Lauenstein, who sold it to the king in 1631 for 1,000 thalers - was injured at Lutzen and died, probably of wounds, a few months later. The beast was promptly flayed and its hide sent to Stockholm, where it was fitted over a wooden frame and set up in the Royal Palace. It is still there, in the Livrustkammaren, bearing the saddle and harness given to Gustavus by his wife at New Year, 1630.
22 Chaboche, 'Les soldats frangais', notes that only 46 per cent of the Thirty Years' War veterans who later entered the Invalides were, or had been, married.
23 C.A. Campan, ed., Bergues sur le Soom assiegee (1622: 2nd edn, Brussels, 1867), 247; Redlich, Military Enterpriser, I, 521-2.
24 Figures from Fallon, 'Scottish mercenaries'.
25 Monro, Expedition, II, 122.
26 AGRB, Secretairerie d'État et de Guerre, 34, f. 5v: Order of cardinal-infante, 8 July 1634 to pay 50 escudos reward to the peasants who caught nine deserters as they fled through the Valtelline. Example of executions for cowardice are noted on pp. 118 and 136 above.
27 The exception, once again, is the 'Rullor' of the Swedish army, preserved in the Krigsarkiv, Stockholm, which detail desertions and other causes of wastage. But there is, to my knowledge, as yet no systematic study of this source.
28 Sources: Sveriges Krig, IV, 124, 387-8, 453; V, 138, 548-9; VI, 423, 483; Fallon, 'Scottish mercenaries', 246ff.; Hausmann, 'Das Regiment', 166; Kroener, 'Truppenstarken', 197. Data is also available on the loss of English troops in Danish service: 5,013 in November 1626, but 2,472 by February 1627. The force was increased to 4,913 men by June, falling to 4,707 in August, 4,412 in September and 3,764 in October. In May 1628 there were only 1,400 English and 230 Scots left. The average monthly loss was thus 4 per cent. See E.A. Beller, 'The military expedition of Sir Charles Morgan to Germany, 1627-9', English Historical Review, XLIII (1928), 528-39.
29 Monro, Expedition, I, 62, 67, 79-80; II, 35.
30 W. Zahn, Die Altmark im Dreissigjährigen Krieg, 16. Tangermünde, which is today one of the most beautifully preserved seventeenth-century towns in central Europe, had to be entirely rebuilt after the war. A general's headquarters on fourteen occasions, and plundered seven times, its 623 occupied houses of pre-war days had been reduced by 1645 to 228 and its birth-rate had been halved. On Darmstadt see Herrmann, ed., Aus tiefer Not, 123.
31 On Jesuit chaplains during the Thirty Years' War, see Duhr, Geschichte der Jesuiten, II.2, chapter 6 (based on the campaign journal kept by several chaplains); cf. Parker, Army of Flanders, 170-2. On contributions, see ibid., 142-3; and F. Redlich, 'Contributions in the Thirty Years' War', Economic History Review, XII (1959-60), 247-54.
32 L. Mulder, ed., Journaal van Anthonis Duyck, advocaat-fiskaal van den Raad van State 1591-1602 (The Hague and Arnhem, 1862), 636; John Bingham quoted, along with many other works, by W. Hahlweg, Die Heeresreform der Oranier und die Antike (Berlin, 1941), 176. This volume should not be confused with Hahlweg's later edition of John of Nassau's Kriegsbuch, of similar title: Hahlweg, Die Heeresreform der Oranier: das 'Kriegsbuch' des Grafen Johann von Nassau-Siegen (Wiesbaden, 1973: Veroffentlichungen der historischen Kommission fiir Nassau, XX).
33 On Maurice of Nassau and his cousin, see E. Kist's introduction to Jacques de Gheyn, The Exercise of Arms (New York, 1971); on the 'school of war' at Siegen, see L. Plathner, Graf Johann von Nassau und die erste Kriegsschule. E in Beitrag zur Kenntnis des Kriegswesens um die Wende des 16. Jahrhunderts (Berlin, 1913). It was certainly an exclusive school: only twenty students had attended when the Academy closed its doors in 1623! Actually Siegen was not quite first: court-based schools of war had been established at Tübingen, Kassel and Sedan in the late sixteenth century. For the diffusion of Dutch techniques see F. Walker, Niederlcindische Einfliisse aufdas eidgenossische Staatsdenken im spciten 16. und friihen 17. Jahrhundert: Neue Aspekte der Zurcher und Berner Geschichte im Zeitalter des werdenden Absolutismus (Zurich, 1979), chapter 1.
34 von Frauenholz, Heerwesen, I, 41; Sveriges Krig, VIII, 99-100 (quoting a French pamphlet of 1634).
35 Turner, Pallas Armata, 237. The 'double salvo' was certainly used at Breitenfeld in 1631: see The Swedish Intelligencer, I (London, 1632), 124. On leather guns, see Parker, Military Revolution, 33-5.
1 K. Holstein, Rothenburger Stadtgeschichte (Rothenburg ob der Tauber, 1969), 96-7.
2 H. Schmidt, 'Der dreissigjährige Krieg', IV (1956), 71-2; VI (1958), 23.
3 H. Woltering, Die Reichsstadt Rothenburg ob der Tauber und ihre Herrschaft über die Landwehr, I (Rothenburg, 1965), 32 (map).
4 H. Schmidt, 'Dreissigjähriger Krieg', VI (1958), 15-16, 22; Woltering, Reichsstadt Rothenburg, 38.
5 R. Ergang, The Myth of the All-Destructive Fury of the Thirty Years' War (Pocono Pines, Pa., 1956).
6 Franz, Der dreissigjährige Krieg und das deutsche Volk, provides fundamental data. Franz avoids giving overall population estimates for Germany or the Empire, and most other authors follow suit. But the conservative figures provided by C. McEvedy and R. Jones, Atlas of World Population History (London, 1978), 67-72, correctly reflect the most recent trend of thought on the subject.
7 Lammert, Geschichte der Seuchen, 233.
8 Friedrichs, Nördlingen, 47-9, 306-11.
9 W. Schwemmer, Die Schulden der Reichsstadt Niirnberg und ihre Übernahme durch den bayerischen Staat (Nürnberg, 1967), 8.
10 Buchstab, Reichsstädte, Städtekurie und Westfälischer Friedenskongress, 210-11; G. Wunder, Die Burger von Hall: Sozialgeschichte einer Reichsstadt, 1216-1802 (Sigmaringen, 1980),188-9, 269-70.
11 For some parallel data from north-west Germany, see Benecke, 'The problem of death and destruction in the Thirty Years' War', 239-53. For an important critique of Benecke's approach, see Theibault, 'The rhetoric of death and destruction'. See also the data on pages 147-9 above.
12 Bog, Die bäuerliche Wirtschaft, 126.
13 See Rabb, 'The effects of the Thirty Years' War', 40-51.
14 Haan, 'Prosperität und Dreissigjähriger Krieg', 117.
15 Schmidt, 'Dreissigjähriger Krieg', IV (1956), 72.
16 J. Morhard, Haller Haus-Chronik (Schwäbisch Hall, 1962), 136.
17 G. Zillhardt, ed., Der Dreissigjährige Krieg in zeitgenössischer Darstellung: Hans Heberles 'Zeytregister' (1618-1672) (Ulm, 1975), passim.
1 Quoted in M. Walker, German Home Towns, Community, state and general estate 1648-1871 (Ithaca and London, 1971), 14, 15.
2 J.-J. Rousseau, 'Extrait du projet de paix perpétuelle de Monsieur l'Abbé de St Pierre' (1761), in Oeuvres completes de Jean-Jacques Rousseau, III (Paris, Editions de la Pléiade, 1964), 572.
3 Wedgwood, Thirty Years' War, 526.
4 See, for further detail, Vann, The Swabian Kreis.
5 Details in Opgenoorth, Friedrich Wilhelm: der grosse Kurfürst, chapter 4.
6 Quotation and analysis taken from Livet, L'intendance d'Alsace, 123ff.
7 Schmid, 'Konfessionspolitik', 222-3: von Thumshirn, representing Saxe-Altenburg, on 28 November 1648.
8 See J. Vicens Vives, 'La politique europeenne du royaume d'Aragon-Catalogne sous Jean II (1458-79)', Annales du Midi, LXV (1953), 405-15; and J. Wormald, Court, Kirk and Community. Scotland 1470-1625 (London, 1981), 100-2.
9 Documentos inéditos para la historia de España, II (Madrid, 1943), 140: Gondomar to the king, 28 March 1619.
10 See G. Parker and L.M. Smith, eds, The General Crisis of the Seventeenth Century (2nd edn, London, 1997), chapters 1, 2 and 11. For detailed evidence about the climate in Germany during the war years see: W. Lenke, Klimadaten von 1621-1650 nach Beobachtungen des Landgrafen Hermann von Hessen (Offenbach, 1960: Berichte des deutschen Wetterdienstes, nr. LXIII, vol. 9). The landgrave, although he lacked both barometer and thermometer, left a record of continuous observations, at Kassel and (after 1640) at Fulda, four times every day from 1635 until 1650 (except for one missing year: 1645). His data provide clear evidence of a cooler, wetter climate than today, especially in the 1640s. In 1648 there were 157 days of rain, snow or other precipitation; in 1649 there were 147 days, and in 1650, 179.
11 See G. Benecke, Society and Politics in Germany 1500-1750 (London, 1974), 234-9, and pp. 190-2 above.
12 P. Skippon, 'An account of a journey through the Low Countries, Germany, Italy and France', in A. Churchill, ed., A collection of voyages and travels, VI (London, 1732), 418-84. See also Friedrichs, Nordlingen, chapters 2, 4 and 5. Admittedly, the overall standard of living did not regain its pre-war level in most areas until after 1700, but that was largely due to Louis XIV.
13 Bonney, The King's Debts, 126-7, 200, 202-5.
14 See Beck, Der hessische Bruderzwist, for a succinct, recent account of the later stages of the war from the Hessian point of view. As for the Habsburg lands, war was not without deleterious economic effects, but they were less serious than might have been expected. See, for one area, R. Sandgruber, 'Zur Wirtschaftsentwicklung Niederosterreichs im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert', Unsere Heimat, XLV (1974), 210-21.
15 Quoted by L.W. Forster, The Temper of Seventeenth-Century German Literature (London, 1952), 9. See the similar eulogies of political theorists and preachers in England quoted by J.N. Figgis, The Theory of the Divine Right of Kings (London, 1894), chapters 7, 8 and 9.
16 George's peace policy is sensitively discussed by Frohnweiler, 'Die Friedenspolitik Landgraf Georgs II.', especially pp. 163-70.
17 G.R. Potter and E. Simpson, eds, Sermons of John Donne, II (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1955), 250-68. Dr Donne began: 'there is not a more comprehensive, a more embracing word in all Religion, than the first word of this text: NOW.' The preoccupation with Time, and in particular with immediacy, was common to most writers of the day. It is reflected in the popularity of lyric poetry, sonnets and epigrams (all of which aimed at holding fast a momentary emotion, thought or act taken from the stream of Time), and in the epithalamia written to stress the uniqueness of almost every event, however trivial.
18 Details in E.L. Petersen, 'Conspicuous consumption: the Danish nobility of the seventeenth century', Kwartalnik historij Kultury materialnej, I (1982), 64-5.