The footnotes contain a selection of books and articles in English used in the preparation of the first volume of Det svenska jordbrukets historia (Welinder 1998). An additional selection of titles printed in English after 1995 is to be found in the bibliography of the present volume. A few recent dissertations on landscape archaeology (in Swedish with English summaries) are Borna-Ahlkvist 2002; Thedéen 2004; and Hallgren 2008; while Andersson 2004 is in English.
For an earlier overview of the agricultural history of southernmost Sweden, see Berglund 1991.
For an international survey of the introduction of agriculture, see Gebaur & Price 1992.
The availability model is presented in Zvelebil & Rowley-Conwy 1984.
Before 1998 there were few publications in English on the occurrence of domesticated plants and animals (Olausson 1992; Ahlfont et al. 1995; Kristensson et al. 1996), since when only excavation reports in Swedish have been published.
For a general overview of long-houses, see Tesch 1993.
Swidden cultivation (Göransson 1988); arable fields from the Late Bronze Age (Windelhed 1984); and ard furrows beneath grave-mounds (Kristiansen 1990); digging-sticks (Broadbent 1978); harvesting implements (Juel Jensen 1990); horse-trappings (L. Larsson 1975); husbandry (During 1986; Jonsson 1988); the interaction between woodland and man (Regnéll 1989); vegetation dynamics (Berglund et al. 1991; Almquist-Jacobson 1994; Lagerås 1996); pollen diagrams (Digerfeldt & Welinder 1988; Berglund et al. 1996); the Ystad Project (L. Larsson et al. 1992); the Early Neolithic economy (Welinder 1982); early agriculture in the North (Segerström 1990); the Middle Neolithic economy (L. Larsson 1989); the Neolithic and Early Bronze Age economy in the North (Königsson 1986); and the Late Bronze Age economy (Gaillard et al. 1994; Lagerås et al. 1996).
Households and gender-related work are discussed in Murdock & Provost 1973; Ullén 1994; and Bellamy et al. 1994.
An example of everyday ritual is described in Ullén 1996.
‘The Ystad Project’, Berglund 1991.
The discussion of long-term change uses the demographic changes and cultural ecology described in Welinder 1984; Olsson 1991; and Stjernqvist 1992; social structure and ideology is more to the fore in T. Larsson 1989.
For southernmost Sweden, see Berglund et al. 1991, 417 and passim; for biodiversity, see Berglund et al. 2008; for northern Sweden, see Engelmark 1976, 99.
Grigg 1974, 152; Myrdal 2006a, 117.
Myrdal 1984; Olausson 1999; for the broad European context, see Roymans 1999; and Zimmerman 1999.
For Östergötland, see Petersson 2001; for Uppland, see Apel et al. 2007; and for Skåne, see Welinder 2009.
Myrdal 1984; Zimmerman 1999.
Lagerås 2002, 406–407.
On the clearance of alder carrs, Berglund et al. 1991, 430, write that it was ‘probably for hay-cutting and grazing as well as for fuel’. Some researchers have interpreted this as a natural development while others have seen it as a deliberate clearance to create hay-meadows or pastures (Iversen 1973; Göransson 1977). Rasmussen 2005 documents such changes around 650 BC on Funen, Denmark’s third-largest island, and interprets them as the creation of hay-meadows. For the specific evidence, based on species composition, see Lagerås 2002, 406–407; and Gaillard et al. 1994, 62.
Brongers 1976; Bradley 1978; Fries 1995; Spek et al. 2003; Kooistra & Maas 2008; and Lang 2007, 96–105.
For Gotland, see Lindquist 1974; and Carlsson 1979; for Denmark, Nielsen 1984; for Skåne, Nordholm 1937; Hannerberg 1958; and Martens 2008.
Pedersen & Jönsson 2003; Skoglund 2005; Lagerås 2002; and Lagerås & Regnell 1999.
Changes in Iron Age crops have been treated by Hjelmqvist 1979; Engelmark 1992; van der Veen & Palmer 1997; Willerding 1980, 135; Viklund 1998; Skoglund 1999; and Robinson 2003. Engelmark 1992 argues that the reason for the increase in hulled barley was that it responded better to manure, cf. Lagerås & Regnéll 1999.
Brink 2008a.
Penack 1993.
For Iron Age bread in Sweden, see Hansson 1997 and Bergström 2007; for Helgö and rotary querns, see Zachrisson 2004; for the Tune stone, see Brink 2008b.
Bender Jørgensen 1986, 1992.
For Gotland, see Lindquist 1974; for Öland, see Fallgren 1993.
Benecke 1994a; id. 1994b.
Widgren 1983.
Stone walls were in use throughout the first millennium AD and into historic times. The direct stratigraphic datings that can be firmly connected to the spatial organization described here are still few, and are frequently contradictory. Petersson 2008 argues that the dry-stone wall enclosures might be considerably younger, cf. Widgren in MS.
Eklund 2007.
Widgren 1990; Connelid & Rosén 1997.
Gren 2003 makes the case for bush fallowing and hoeing; Lagerås & Bartholin 2003 interpret the farming system in a clearance-cairn field as one based on manuring and the use of ards; Pedersen & Jönsson 2003 also argue for ard tillage; see also Hammar 2003.
Liedgren 1992.
Widgren 1998 lays out this categorization in detail, using analyses provided by Odner 1972; Enckell et al. 1979; Fallgren 1993; Herschend 1993; and Olausson 1997.
Stenberger 1955, 1168; Carlsson 1979; id. 1984.
Berglund 1991.
Widgren 1983.
See Iversen 2005 and Skre 2001 for overviews of the Norwegian debate.
For the text and possible interpretations of the rune inscriptions, see Sven B.F. Jansson 1987; for an interpretation of the Malsta stone, see also Brink 1999.
Berg 2005; Brink 1999.
Kulturhistoriskt lexikon för nordisk medeltid 1–22 and a catalogue of its articles on agriculture in Myrdal 1982. Generally on agriculture, see Myrdal 1985; and Myrdal 1999a.
For ‘source pluralism’ as a method, see Myrdal 2008.
Söderberg & Myrdal 2002; for village maps, see Tollin 1991.
Ganshof in 1944 formulated the defence of the ‘narrow’ definition, and Reynolds 1994 has been foremost among critics of this narrow definition. French historiography has been more positive to fiefs as a core concept of ‘feudalism’. Articles in Poly & Bournazel 1998 give not only a European overview but also examples from other cultures.
Bloch published in French 1939–1940 an important book translated into English in 1961; see also the foreword by Postan 1961.
Hilton 1992, 9–11 for a broad definition, but in the Marxist tradition; Bois 1992, 84–5 has a similar approach and stresses the role of the market economy. From a non-Marxist view-point Hatcher & Bailey 2001, 76–7 explain that to equate serfdom with feudalism is a gross simplification.
For an overview of medieval data, see Myrdal 2010b; for early modern data, see Palm 2000; and Edvinsson 2009, whose figures are closer to Myrdal 1999a, 222, though the difference between Palm and Edvinsson is not dramatic.
Recent archaeological and palaeo-ecological research is summarized in Lagerås 2007; for studies of individual villages, see Åstrand 2007 for south Sweden; and Svensson 2008 for central Sweden.
Duby 1968, 87, 164–5, 198–200.
Wallerström 1995.
For the granges of Alvastra, see Holmström & Tollin 1990.
For the European famine, see Jordan 1996; for Scandinavia, see Hybel 1997; for cattle plagues in Europe, including Denmark, see Newfield 2009. Sweden was hit by the cattle plague in 1315.
Mogren 2000 gives both archaeological and literary evidence.
Medieval plagues in Sweden and their effects on population trends have been examined in Myrdal 2006b and Myrdal 2009, which build on Myrdal 2003. For a European overview, see Cohn 2003 and Benedictow 2004, who differ totally in their interpretation of the nature of the disease.
Raihle 1990; Myrdal 1999a, 23, 392.
Myrdal 2003.
For technological complex, see Astill, Langdon & Myrdal 1997, 1–10; and Myrdal 1997, 161. A detailed description of agricultural technology is given in Myrdal 1985.
For medieval ploughing implements, see Myrdal 1985; Myrdal 1997; Lerche 1994. For ecological factors behind the diffusion of different ploughing implements, see Gadd 2009a.
Myrdal 1999a, 56; Lerche 1994, 187–92.
For wear on ploughs, see Lerche 1994; for wear on scythes, see Myrdal 2005.
Myrdal & Söderberg 1991, 414–15.
For medieval fallow systems, see Myrdal 1985, 70–5; for a European context, see Frandsen 1999.
Poulsen 1997, 135–6; Myrdal 1985, 114–15; Myrdal 2003, 128–129; Øye 2002, 335–6.
Generally, Myrdal 1999a, 77, 365; for Danish mills, see Fischer 2004.
Myrdal & Bäärnhielm 1994 catalogue all 600 Swedish miracles; ibid. 49, more than one-tenth of child accidents in Swedish miracles were children lost in the woods; for English miracles and child accidents, see Finucane 1977, 109–110.
Methods for swidden are described at length in sixteenth-century sources, see Myrdal & Söderberg 1991.
Myrdal 1988.
Myrdal 2008; for European professionalization of shepherding, see Jacobeit 1987.
Sten 1994.
For new research on slavery in Scandinavia, see Lindkvist & Myrdal 2003; and Sindbæk & Poulsen, forthcoming. Karras 1988 plays down the role of slavery in Scandinavia; for criticism of her standpoint, see Iversen 1994.
Lindkvist 1979.
Myrdal 1989; Ericsson 2008; Ericsson, forthcoming.
For terminology and legislation concerning slaves and freedmen, see Nevéus 1974.
For the European system, see Verhulst 2002, 33; Bavel 2010, 75–6; for the Swedish equivalent, see Rahmqvist 1996; and Tollin 2010.
Larsson 1985, 72; in 1560 the proportions had changed somewhat as the freehold peasants then owned 54 per cent, the nobility 19 per cent and the Crown 24 per cent (Ferm 1990, 28–9). A wave of changes followed, with increasing control by the nobility in the seventeenth century, and then an increase in peasant landholding in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.
Augustsson 1995; Svensson 2008.
Myrdal, forthcoming, on the Middle Ages; Söderberg & Myrdal 2002 on the early modern period.
Bloch 1966, 167–8, on the growth of the village community; Chapelot & Fossier 1985, 140–1, on the connection with technological change, such as iron tools; see also Bavel 2010, 93–7.
Kardell 2004.
Myrdal 1999a, 365.
Sporrong 1985.
For Swedish by-laws, see Ehn 1991.
For the great Roman–European wave of taxes–no taxes–taxes (in which Scandinavia was only affected by the last part of the wave, of course), see Wickham 2005.
Dovring 1951 is still the classic on medieval taxes; see also articles in Kulturhistoriskt lexikon. For societal change in Sweden in the High Middle Ages, see Lindkvist 1995.
Myrdal, forthcoming; cf. European horse breeding and studs, Gladitz 1997, 149–50.
Myrdal 1999a, 144–5; and Myrdal 2003, 193–4; Ericsson, forthcoming.
Bois 1984; for Germany, see Rösener 1985.
Myrdal 1999a, 146–9.
Generally on building activity in the Middle Ages, see Myrdal 1999a, 160, 393; Lovén 1996 is the main source for castles in Sweden proper, with some European parallels; for England, see Dyer 1989, 102.
Myrdal 2005.
Myrdal 1999a, 152–68, 367; for European comparisons see, for example, Dyer 1989.
For the social contract in a European perspective, see Blickle, Ellis & Österberg 1997.
For state organization, see Rian 2000; and Hallenberg 2001. For Swedish feudalism in the period see, for example, Lindegren 1980; and Myrdal 1999a, 210–18, 369. For the absolutist state described as feudalism with Sweden as a prime example, see Anderson 1974, 172–91. The concepts ‘organized feudalism’ or the ‘fiscal–military state’ have been used to describe this change, see Glete 2002.
For a summary of both climate indicators and prices in the late medieval and early modern period, see Edvinsson, Leijonhufvud & Söderberg 2009; for a comparison of Sweden with England, see Campbell 2009.
Myrdal & Söderberg 1991, 356–77.
Österberg 1981, 219; Myrdal 1987.
Myrdal & Söderberg 1991, 245–58.
Bengtsson & Oeppen 1993; Myrdal 1999a; Palm 2000; Edvinsson 2009.
The classic on food consumption in Sweden is Morell 1989.
Arcini 1999; Werdelin, Myrdal & Sten 2000. Koepe & Baten 2005 provide a survey of Europe, but are unreliable when it comes to Scandinavia (for example, they show a dip in the thirteenth century, which is not borne out by the data).
Söderberg & Myrdal 2002; Dahlström 2006; and Larsson 2009.
For all tithe registers for 1540–1680 and accounts from a number of manors, see Leijonhufvud 2001; cf. Olsson 2005 on Skåne; and Edvinsson 2009 on the debate about tithes.
Estimations presented in Leijonhufvud, forthcoming.
Myrdal & Söderberg 1991; Leijonhufvud 2001.
Edvinsson & Söderberg 2010, 439.
Lundmark 1984; Mulk 1994.
For details of agricultural technological change in the sixteenth century, see Myrdal 1999b.
For the industrious revolution in Europe, see Vries 2008; for the reduction of the number of work-free days in Sweden, see Malmstedt 1994.
The large, winged share was nothing like the small, winged shares of the Iron Age (see p. 68).
Söderberg & Myrdal 1991.
Bieleman 2010.
Dalhede 1999; Söderberg & Myrdal 2002.
For patterns of grain cultivation, see Leijonhufvud 2001; and Vestbö-Franzen 2004. Recent archaeological research is summarized in Karg 2007.
The rise of the Swedish empire is discussed in depth in Roberts 1979; see also Englund 1998; for a discussion of the flow of grain to the centre of the empire, see Myrdal 2007.
For taxes and rent in Sweden, see Herlitz 1974; Lindegren 1980; and examples in Hegardt 1982; see also Myrdal 1999a, 328–34, 373. For calculations of production and tax revenue in Skåne, see Olsson 2005.
Myrdal 1999a, 230, 309–317.
Magnusson 1985; Nilsson 1990.
Villstrand 2000.
Villstrand 1992; Sundberg et al. 1994; and articles in Liljewall 1996.
Myrdal 2007.
Gadd 2000, 15–16. For more detailed references, see Gadd 2000, on which this chapter is mainly based.
Wallerstein 1974, 312; Berend & Ránki 1982; cf. Reis 2000.
Heckscher 1949, i. 201.
Bairoch 1976, 286; Schön 2000, 223–4; Krantz & Schön 2007, 55–6. Maddison 2003, 58–63, who gives higher levels of GDP per capita for Sweden in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries than previous authors, indicates a lower but nevertheless comparatively high growth rate after 1870.
Berend & Ránki 1982, 146.
SCB 1955; Palm 2000.
Gadd 2000, 23–42.
Sjöberg 1993; Granér 2002; Gaunt 1998, 316–7.
Heckscher 1949, ii: statistical appendix, 49.
Gadd 2000, 42–50; Winberg 1990.
Gadd 2000, 43, 64–5.
Wolf 1966, 3–4; Scott 1998, 3; Herlitz 1974, 154; Lindström 2008, 22–3.
Gadd 2000, 23, 85; Lindström 2008, 21–3.
Isacson 1979, 170; Holmlund 2007; Lindström 2008, 134–5; Hallén 2009, 165; Gadd 2000, 73.
Carlsson 1973, 76–90; Bäck 1984; Emilsson 1996.
Gadd 2000, 93–4, 108–109.
Wolf 1966, 30–4.
Ibid., 33–4; Grigg 1974, 159, 162–3; Langton 1998, 383–4.
Gadd 2000, 167–75.
Ibid., 231, 372, 379.
Ibid., 51.
For open-field systems, see, for example, Orwin & Orvin 1954; Dahlman 1980.
Gadd 2000, 138–41.
Sporrong 1973; Gadd 2000, 120–3.
Lindgren 1939; Gadd 2000, 128–30; Gadd 2005, 65–7.
Weimarck 1953; Gadd 2000, 125.
Gadd 2009a.
Guteland et al. 1975, 47; Winberg 1975, 211–46; Lundh 1997; Lundh 2002; Bengtsson & Dribe 2006; Gadd 2000, 51–3.
Björkman 1974, 164–5; Winberg 1975, 43, 207; Eriksson & Rogers 1978, 63, 83, 97; Gadd 2000, 79–80.
Gadd 2000, 51.
Kautsky 1899, 10; Wolf 1966, 37–8; Seyler 1983, 29; Ellis 1988, 9–10, 136.
Hanssen 1977, 29; Gadd 1991, 22, 345; Gadd 1997.
Campbell 1950, 21–3, 255–6.
Gadd 2000, 54–8.
Gadd 1990; Sandberg 1979, 225; Elmér 1963; Koblik 1974.
Gadd 1990; Zanden 1991; Reis 2000.
Gadd 2006, 295.
Hallén 2009, 127–9, whose inquiry is based on probate inventories, compares his results for Sweden with those presented earlier by Dessureault et al. 1994 for Canada and Normandy.
Guteland et al. 1973, 46; Wrigley & Schofield 1981, 230; Perrenoud 1984; Milward & Saul, 135; SCB 1955, 141; Hultkrantz 1927.
Gadd 1991, 345–8; Hallén 2003, 126–37.
Gadd 1991, 337–44; for examples, see Gadd 1997.
Gadd 1991, 331–49.
Brenner 1987; Vries 1976, 55–75; Rösener 1994, 117–18.
Gadd 2000, 45–50; Herlitz 1974, 160–1; Wirilander 1964, 15–16.
Jörberg 1972, i. 8–13.
Herlitz 1974, 278–9; Bäck 1984; Gadd 2000, 195–7.
Herlitz 1974, 190, 282, 352–3.
Rydeberg 1985; Kyle 1987; Gadd 2000, 198–205.
Gadd 2000, 64.
Winberg 1990, 63
Herlitz 1974, 349–50; Magnusson 2000, 23; Rantanen 1998; Olsson 2005, 172–5.
Gadd 2000, 214–20; Magnusson 1980; Magnusson 1983.
Gadd 2000, 220.
Winberg 1990; Gadd 2000, 202–203.
Gadd 1983, 193–4.
For the complicated, eighteenth-century, Swedish monetary system, see Jörberg 1972, 1. 78–85.
Elgeskog 1945; Rantanen 1997; Gadd 2000, 85–9.
Gadd 2000, 47, 91–2; Lindström 2008, 56–8.
Winberg 1975, 208–10.
Utterström 1957, i. 806–7; Furuland 1962; Eriksson & Rogers 1978.
Winberg 1975, 269; Hofsten 1986, 166–7.
Söderberg 1978; Jonsson 1980; Gadd 2000, 229–30.
Hannerberg 1971, 26; Winberg 1975, 96; Olai 1983, 246–7; Larsson 1983; Palm 2000. For western Europe, see Richards 1990.
Herlitz 1974, 358–60; Gadd 2000, 231–9; Gadd 2006, 292.
Heckscher 1949, i. 161; Utterström 1957, 256; Jörberg 1972, 1. 337; Sandberg & Steckel 1980; Gadd 2000, 342–5.
Utterström 1957, 110–11, 127, 132, 183; Bringéus 1963, 6–7; Gadd 1983, 131–2, 259–60; Gadd 1998, 85.
Marshall 1961, 537–9; for Marx’s views, see Rösener 1994, 3–5; Rösener 1994, 183; for an overview, see Svensson 2006.
Hoffman 1998, 193–205; Robisheaux 1998, 115; Vries 2001.
Gadd 1998.
Bringéus 1962; Wiking-Faria 1981; Gadd 1998, 108–30.
Hallén 1999, 40–55; Hallén 2003, 105–111, 189.
Gadd 1983, 259–60; Rogin 1931, 28; Köll 1983; Peterson 1989; Gadd 1998, 112–27.
Gadd 1998, 131–7.
Smith 1937, 160.
Gadd 2000, 255–61; Willner 1999, 165–215, 277–9, 293–5.
McCloskey 1975; Fenoaltea 1976.
Utterström 1957, i. 532–3; Hanssen 1977, 28.
Pettersson 1983, 17–18; Aronsson 1992, 317–20; Granér 2002; Gadd 2000, 274–5, 283–5.
Helmfrid 1961; Olai 1983; Bäck 1984; Olai 1987; Gadd 2000, 269, 275–82.
Weibull 1923; Dahl 1942; Bjurling 1947; Utterström 1957, i. 532–3, 550–1; Hemfrid 1961; Pettersson 1983; Bäck 1992; Gadd 2000, 283–304.
Hannerberg 1971, 30–1.
Jörberg 1972, ii. 337.
Herlitz 1988; Hoppe & Langton 1994.
Linné 1960, 154–5.
Gadd 1998, 178–201, 218–19.
Gadd 2000, 315–16.
Gadd 1983; Schön 1995; Gadd 1998, 201–204; Gadd 2000, 305–14.
Gadd 1998, 217–18; Winberg 1975; Olai 1983.
Utterström, ii.; Ahlberger 1988; Schön 1979, 123. Gadd 193, 285; Gadd 1998, 217–18.
Gadd 1998, 141–74.
Carlsson 1976.
Martinius 1970; Svensson 2001; Gadd 2000, 326–8; Morell 2001, 310.
Hellström 1995, 57.
Gadd 2000, 319–28.
Åmark 1915.
Gadd 2007, 331–6.
Gadd 2000, 190–3; Schön 1989, 19–21.
Gadd 2000, 189–90.
Berend & Ránki 1982, 136–60; Senghaas 1985, 71–94; Schön 2000, 148–50; Gadd 2000, 367–68.
Gadd & Jonsson 1990, 29.
Isacson & Magnusson 1987.
SCB 1969, Tables 2 and 23; LU MADD 1850–2000, Table I.
Estimations of based on Gadd 2009b (grain production); SCB 1959, Tables E43–4 (animal produce); SCB 1969 (population); and LU MADD 1850–2000, Table V.
Kuuse 1970; Kuuse 1974.
Cf. Just 2009; Morell & Olsson 2010.
Morell 1994; Juréen 1956.
Grigg 1992, 73–6; Morell 2001, 94–7.
Cf. Morell & Olsson 2010.
Niskanen 1995, 17.
Bagge et al. 1933; Nannesson 1942.
SCB BISOS N 1870–1911; SOS Jordbruksräkningen 1927–1944.
The Swedish bonde (pl. bönder) has–like the German Baur–different connotations from the English peasant. Historically a bonde was the owner or tenant of a cadastral land holding (see p. 122). It was also a social category denoting a farmer who stood below the nobility in rank and did not count among burghers, but was clearly above the landless or semi-landless. In principle the bonde was obliged to transfer at least part of his surplus produce to the nobility or the Church as rent, or to the Crown as taxes. By the ninteenth century the term bonde gave way first to hemmansägare (lit. holding owner) as far as freeholding peasants were concerned, and later to lantbrukare (agriculturalist or farmer), which was a purely occupational and professional label. However, particularly the well-to-do farmers for political reasons, especially since the rise in about 1890 of National Romanticism, referred to themselves–and were referred to by others–as bönder, or peasants. Thus the modern agrarian party formed in 1921 was called Bondeförbundet (lit. the Peasant Association). Conservative writers and politicians at the turn of the twentieth century often referred to the traditional peasantry, the bondeklass, in glowing terms. Therefore, while the term peasant from a strict economical standpoint was obsolete by the twentieth century, it is still a key to understanding political and cultural developments. For Sweden, see Liljewall 1994, 47–66; Morell 2001, 21–29; Wohlin 1910. For definitions of peasantry, see Chayanov 1986; Wolf 1966; Shanin 1988; Djurfeldt 1994; and Morell 1993.
Prawitz 1951.
Wohlin 1909; SOU 1938:15; SOU 1944:65; cf. Seyler 1983, 131–7.
Cf. van Bavel et al. 2010.
Morell & Olsson 2010.
Olsson 2002; Morell & Olsson 2010.
Djurfeldt 1994; Morell 1993; Morell 1998; cf. Edling 1998.
Morell 2001, 35–6.
Cf. Morell & Olsson 2010.
Flygare 1999, 60 ff.; for Austria, see Berkner 1972.
Björkman, Nordenborg & Hessel 1938, 440; Björkman & Hessel 1938, 642; Björkman & Hessel 1939, 86.
Holmlund 2007, 113–16, 137–40.
Flygare 1999, 78–82, 166 ff.; Hellspong & Löfgren 1976.
Wohlin 1909; Thomas 1941; SOU 1944:65.
Cf. Winberg 1975; Persson 1992.
Morell 2001, 48; cf. Jonsson 1980; and Gustafsson 1949.
The data for this and the following paragraph is taken from Nordiska Museet, EU, NM 21 and NM 60; Flygare 1999; Löfgren 1982; Perlinge 1995; Sjöberg 1996; and Zetterberg 1954. It is evident that women were more involved in agricultural work in the north than in the south, and the more so the smaller the farm.
Sjöberg 1996.
Flygare 1999. For categories of child labour, see, for example, Hedenborg 2006.
For statare in Skåne, see Lundh & Olsson 2006, who question and slightly modify the concept of the statare, referring to an influential school of realist literature that emerged in the 1930s. They acknowledge that statare living conditions were harsh, but argue that they were not necessarily any worse off than other labourers at the turn of the nineteenth century. It was Ivar Lo-Johansson who coined the expression ‘white whip’ for the much-hated milking duties in his novel Bara en mor (1939) (published in English in 1991 as Only one mother) (see Olsson 1994). I am indebted to Mats Olsson for the observation that Lo-Johansson’s obsession with the white whip, which he considered a threat to mothers’ ability to manage their households and care for their children, in a way expresses the then common view that women should concentrate on domestic work and not on agriculture–that their concern should be reproductive rather than productive work.
Cf. Jonsson 1980; and Köll 1983.
Furuland 1962.
Back 1961.
Niskanen 1993.
Stensgård 1943/44.
Back 1961.
Olsson 1991.
SOU 1944:65.
SCB 1969, Tables 43–6; Hofsten & Lundström 1976, 139–140.
Kälvemark 1972; Edling 1996, 50 ff., 91 ff., 190 ff.; Wicksell 1910.
Thomas 1941; Gadd 2009b.
Thomas 1941, 253 ff.; SOU 1944:65, 44 ff.; Gulbrandsen 1957, 111 ff.; Bäcklund 1988, 90 ff.
Emigrationsutredningen 1910, bilaga V, 7*–9*; SOU 1938:15, 21; Thomas 1941, 253 ff.; SOU 1944:65, 36 ff.; Odhner 1953, 127.
Generally Norborg 1968. For the regional differences in age composition and factors behind the strong natural population increase in the north, see Hofsten and Lundström 1976; Thomas 1941; and Uhnbohm 1939. For agricultural expansion in the north and the backlash in the post-war era, see Bäcklund 1988.
See figure in Morell 2001, 193 based on Holgersson 1974; cf. Höijer 1921; SOS 1920, Jordbruk och boskapsskötsel; SOS Jordbruksräkningen 1927–1951.
Estimate in Morell 2001, 193.
Lennqvist 2008.
Runefelt 2008a.
For bog cultivation and its promotion, see Runefelt 2008.
Löfroth 1991, 37.
For Norrland, see Bäcklund 1988, 140–2; for Gotland, see Mårald 2000, 208; Gotlands hushållningssällskap 1945, 297 ff.
For the Bog Cultivation Association and land clearance in Norrland, see Johansson 2008.
Bog cultivation continued in some totalitarian states. In Germany reclaimed land was farmed using forced labour from the concentration camps (Runefelt 2008b, 297–9).
For what follows, see Lägnert 1955.
Utterström 1957, ii. 28–30; Larsson 2009, 358–373.
The proportion of land used for different grains by region is found in Höijer 1921; and SOS Jordbruksräkningen 1927–1944. National figures for land use are given in SCB 1959, Table E6.
Cf. Bäcklund 1988, 66–67, 104 who instead argues that northern small-holdings’ problem keeping abreast of technological developments in arable farming was the factor behind a specialization in animal husbandry.
Lägnert 1956, 2; Mårald 2000, 205–9.
Estimated from SCB 1959, Table E27 (note that the figures for grain and potatoes early in the period have been raised by a percentage point, as suggested in Gadd 2009b). The total harvest was measured in ‘harvested units’, based on the nutritional values of the various crops, including pasture on arable, fodder crops, etc.
Cf. Jansson 1962. Crop rotations and the supply of nitrogen have been much discussed in the economic history of the Agricultural Revolution (cf. Allen 2008; Chorley 1981; and Clark 1992).
Juhlin Dannfelt 1923, 804; Osvald 1946.
Cf. Cserhalmi 2004; Israesson 2006.
Szabo 1970; Myrdal 1994; Wallin 1936; Nordiska Museet, EU, NM 60.
See Morell 2001, 232–4, 353–4.
For summer farms, see Larsson 2009.
Wallin 1936.
Morell 2001, 242–9; Peterson 1997; Jonsson 1997.
Morell 2001, 248; Swärdström 1959.
Norborg 1968, 213–16; Johansson, Hallgren & Olsson 1962; Rendel 1994.
Jordbruksverket 2005a, Table 2.6; Juréen (undated).
Egg production according to estimates in Lindahl et al. 1937, ii. 112–6; and Jordbruksverket 2005a, Table 2.10.
Fjellström 1985; Kjellström 1986; Lundmark 1998; Lundmark 2008. The number of reindeer fluctuated between c. 230,000 and 300,000 from the 1860s to the 1930s. Occasionally figures were lower. See Lindahl et al. 1937, ii. 1023; and SCB 1959, Table E47.
What follows summarizes Morell 2001, 262–91, which primarily uses probate inventories from the entire country (some of which are excerpted by Harald A:son Moberg) and Kuuse 1970; Moberg 1989, Morell 1993; Morell 1997; and Perlinge 1995.
For threshers associations, see Olsson 1987.
Morell & Myrdal 1997.
Morell 2009a.
For rural electrification, see Modig 1984; Olsson 1987; Garnert 1989; and Zetterberg 1954.
Holmström 1962; Moberg 1989; Thunström 2000.
Hedenborg & Morell 2008. Cf. the arguments put forward by the ‘horse lobby’ in the US that motorization caused the overproduction crisis of the 1930s (see Olmstead & Rhode 1994).
Cf. David 1971.
Cf. Nannesson 1923.
Moberg 1989.
For the equivalent in the US, see Clarke 1990.
Cf. Tveite 1990.
Thunholm 1969.
Martinius 1970; the author’s own excerpts of probate inventories from the counties of Uppsala and Västmanland.
The feminization of the horse began in the immediate post-war period, and when riding for pleasure later became popular it was generally women who tended and rode the horses (Hedenborg & Morell 2008).
Sommestad 1992
Morell 2009a; SOU 1944:65.
Grabö 1951. There are objections to this account as, ironically, the data is largely based on self-reporting men (cf. Flygare 2008a; Flygare 2008b; Niskanen 1998).
Morell 2009a.
Grabö 1951.
For the transformation of the urban, female labour market in the inter-war years, see Schön 2000.
Carlsson 1956.
Back 1961.
Edling 1996.
Morell 2001, 127–41; Edling 1996.
Hedlund & Lundahl 1985; Morell 2009b.
Just 2009; Morell 2009b; Thullberg 1977; Rydén 1998.
Kylebäck 1979.
Hellström 1976.
Cf. Morell 2009b; Rothstein 1992.
Morell 2009b.
Hellström 1976.
Morell 2002.
WVS (1981–2008).
Kervanto Nevanlinna 2007; Thullberg 1974.
Flygare 2008.
Unless otherwise stated, the data is drawn from Jordbruksverket (2005) and the relevant years of Jordbruksverket (1970–).
See Isacson 1994.
Jordbrukets utredningsinstitut (1970).
Flygare 1999.
SOU 1946:42; Proposition 1947:75.
Proposition 1945:336.
Ivarsson 1977; Holmström 1983.
SOU 1944:6.
Agricultural policy in post-war western Europe shared many of the same ideological stand-points (cf. Haan 1994, 121 ff.). Political rhetoric in the Netherlands was strikingly similar to Sweden when it came to family farming and modernity (see also Haan 1993).
Flygare 2008.
Flygare 2006.
Proposition 1947:75.
Proposition 1967:95, 69.
Bäcklund 1988.
Flygare 1999, 60 ff.; Thorsen 1993; Inhetveen; and Blasche 1983.
For the international literature on technology, see Morell 2001.
Morell 2001, 222.
For further references, see Flygare & Isacson 2003, 350–1.
Isacson 1994.
Perlinge 1995; Andersson 1979; Kirby 1987.
SOU 1966:30–1.
The term ‘family farming’ has been much discussed in both the social sciences and political economics. For an overview, see Gasson & Errington 1993; Gasson & Errington 1994; Djurfeldt 1996a; Djurfeldt 1996b; and Errington 1996. A central figure who has contributed much to the theory of modern family farming is Harriet Friedman (see Friedman 1980; and Friedman 1987). For an overview, see Gasson & Errington 1993.
Eriksson 2004.
Protokoll AK 1967:35.
Gender historians worldwide have pointed out that the categories used in agricultural statistics are determined by men, on the basis of what men have defined as work. The result is that women’s activities by definition fall outside the categorization and are thus rendered invisible (see Sachs 1996; Shortall 1992); concerning Sweden, see Nyberg 1993; Nyberg 1989.
Flygare 2008.
Carson 1962; Palmstierna 1968; Borgström 1965.
Protokoll FK 1967:35, 1967:82; see also Anshelm 1995.
See Flygare 2006.
Flygare 1999; Jansson 1987; Perlinge 1995.
The term genuskontrakt (gender contract) to discuss conditions in Sweden was first used by Yvonne Hirdman (see Hirdman 1998).
See also Nyberg 1989.
Proposition 1983/84:76.
Rydén 2007.
Jordbruksverket (2010), s.v. ‘Mark du kan få gårdsstöd för’.
The law (SFS 1979:230, Jordförvärvslagen) still applies, but it has been revised somewhat; SFS 2005:522 specifies the thinly populated areas to which a stricter defence policy applied.
Land Lantbruk, 2 February 2010.
Flygare 2006.
Land Lantbruk, 30 February 2009.
Flygare 2008, interviews by the author as part of the project ‘Generational change and property transfer in farming 1870–2000’, in collaboration with Aztalos Morell, Flygare, Grubbström, and Morell.
This is typical of much Western agriculture. Farm transmission between generations has in recent years been the subject of extensive research (Rossier & Wyss 2008; Melberg 2008; Grubbström 2009; Asztalos Morell 2009; Abrahams 1991; Haan 1994; and Errington & Lobley 2002).
See also Persson, Sätre Åhlander & Westlund 2003; Herlitz 1998; and Cloke, Marsden & Mooney 2006.
See Netting 1993; cf. collaboration over the commons discussed in Ostrom 1990; and Gibson, McKean & Ostrom 2000.
Locally produced food is increasingly in demand, an international trend that some argue will see the food industry coalesce so that small-scale and large-scale food production exists side by side (see Murdoch & Miele 2002).
Wiktorsson 1996.
FAO 2009.
IFPRI 2009.
For frost-free seasons in Europe in the 1930s, see Bacon et al. 1948, 10–11; and generally Duckham 1970, though he describes a system with fodder crops well after the period when natural hay was the main fodder.
Lomakka 1958–1960, and a personal communication from Lars Ericson, former head of the Department of Agricultural Research for Northern Sweden at the Swedish University of Agricultural Sciences.
The classic work on varieties of crops and their history is Osvald 1959.
Mazoyer & Roudart 2006, 127.
Sigaut 2004.
Chapelot & Fossier 1985, 223–5; Dyer 2000, 140–1, 150–5.
Grigg 1974, 152.
Whittlesey 1936.
Federico 2005, 13–14, systemization criticized, and ibid. 9, systemization used.
Bray 1984, 325; Bray 1986, 114–55.
Jan de Vries has launched the idea that people were impelled to work harder by what he terms the ‘Industrious Revolution’, which was driven by a new mode of consumption that evolved from the sixteenth century onwards, see Vries 2008. My interpretation is that this process had been going on for a much longer time, with leaps forward in a self-disciplinary process of which the ‘industrious revolution’ was one of the leaps.