NOTES 
NOTES 1. Douglas Edward Leach, Flintlock and Tomahawk: New England in King Philip’s War (1958; reprint, New York: Norton, 1966), 166.
2. “Twelve Thousand Years of Maine,” exhibit at the Maine State Museum, Augusta, Maine, 1991. “By the end of 1690, there were only four inhabited English communities, Wells, York, Kittery, and Appledore, left in Maine” (Maine Catalog: Historic American Buildings Survey [Lewiston, Maine: Maine State Museum, 1974], 1).
3. Samuel G. Drake reported about fifty towns partially or wholly destroyed. See Increase Mather, The History of King Philip’s War (1676; reprint, edited by Samuel G. Drake, 1862; Bowie, Md.: Heritage Books, 1990), xxix.
4. Edward Everett, Orations: Speeches on Various Occasions, 7th ed., vol. 1 (Boston: Little, Brown, 1865), 657.
5. Edmund Randolph made this estimate in his report to the Crown; see Francis Jennings, The Invasion of America: Indians, Colonialism, and the Cant of Conquest (New York: Norton, 1975), 324.
6. The number of Algonquian-speaking peoples living in New England at the time of King Philip’s War is purely conjecture. Leach suggests an Indian population in southern New England of around 20,000; see Flintlock, 1. Drake estimates a native population in New England of 30,000 to 40,000; see Mather, History, xxxix. Steven F. Johnson finds population estimates ranging from 21,500 to 60,600; see Johnson, New England Indians (sponsored by Pawtucket-Wamesit Historical Association, 1980). Perhaps the lowest estimate is that of Jennings, who derived a native population of 8,600 in 1674 based on the count of warriors by Daniel Gookin, superintendent of the Indians in Massachusetts prior to King Philip’s War; see Jennings, Invasion, 26. This would represent a decline of as much as 90 percent from Native American population levels in New England in 1600.
7. Benjamin Church, Diary of King Philip’s War, 1675–76 (1716; reprint, with an introduction by Alan and Mary Simpson, Tiverton, R.I.: Lockwood, 1975), 211. Accounts vary slightly as to the precise period of time the skull was exhibited. Cotton Mather, writing about twenty years after the first edition of his father’s History appeared in 1676, noted that he “took off the jaw from the exposed skull . . .” (see Mather, History, 197).
8. William Hubbard, The History of the Indian Wars in New England from the First Settlement to the Termination of the War with King Philip in 1677, from the Original Work by the Rev. William Hubbard (1677), vol. 1 (reprint, edited by Samuel G. Drake, 1865; Bowie, Md.: Heritage Books, 1990), ix.
9. Robert M. Utley and Wilcomb E. Washburn, Indian Wars (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1977), 55.
10. Jill Lepore, The Name of War: King Philip’s War and the Origins of American Identity (New York: Knopf, 1998), 191.
11. Everett, Orations, 669. Everett served as minister at Brattle Street, president of Harvard, governor of Massachusetts, and U.S. secretary of state. He was one of the intellectual giants of his day, and (after Webster, Clay, and Calhoun, who preceded him) its best-known orator. It is a measure of the importance of Bloody Brook to nineteenth-century Americans that Everett would speak there, as he did at the dedication of the Lexington-Concord battle site and (with Abraham Lincoln) at Gettysburg.
1. James Axtel indicates that on June 13, 1660, Wamsutta petitioned the Plymouth authorities for a new name, “desiring that in regard his father [Massasoit] is lately deceased” (see Axtel, The Invasion Within [New York: Oxford University Press, 1985], 168). There is some difference of opinion on the date of Massasoit’s death (see William Hubbard, The History of the Indian Wars in New England from the First Settlement to the Termination of the War with King Philip in 1677, from the Original Work by the Rev. William Hubbard [1677], vol. 1 [reprint, edited by Samuel G. Drake, 1865; Bowie, Md.: Heritage Books, 1990], and George W. Ellis and John E. Morris, King Philip’s War [New York: The Grafton Press, 1906], 36), but the 1660 date is generally accepted. Indeed, as Wampanoag tribal historian Russell Gardner notes, the Pokanoket signed an important deed in April 1660 that did not include Massasoit’s sign, evidence that he was deceased by that time (personal communications with Russell Gardner, 1999).
2. Laurie Weinstein-Farson, The Wampanoag (New York: Chelsea House, 1989), 39. “In southern New England, at least in the first half of the seventeenth century, leadership among the Narragansett and neighboring groups, such as the Pokanoket (or Wampanoag), was invested in a hierarchy of sachems and under-sachems (Simmons 1978: 193). The sachems assigned lands, settled disputes, imposed judgments, presided at ceremonies, protected their followers. For these services they were entitled to tribute of corn, hides, and wampum . . . Although acknowledged as leaders, and enjoying the right to substantial tribute at specified times and on frequent occasions, the sachems’ real power ultimately resided in their ability to persuade others” (William A. Turnbaugh, “Community, Commodities, and the Concept of Property in Seventeenth-Century Narragansett Society,” in Archaeology of Eastern North America: Papers in Honor of Stephen Williams, Archaeological Report no. 25, edited by James B. Stoltman [Jackson, Miss.: Mississippi Department of Archives and History, 1993], 289–290).
3. Estimates of total Narragansett strength vary considerably. Daniel Gookin was told that the Narragansett had declined in strength from five thousand to one thousand before the start of King Philip’s War; see Francis Jennings, The Invasion of America: Indians, Colonialism, and the Cant of Conquest (New York: Norton, 1975), 26. Ellis and Morris believed that the Narragansett had about twelve hundred warriors; see Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 56. Thomas Hutchinson estimated two thousand while Hubbard guessed four thousand; see Thomas Church, The History of Philip’s War, Commonly Called the Great Indian War of 1675 and 1676 (1717; reprint, edited by Samuel G. Drake, 1829; Bowie, Md.: Heritage Books, 1989), 20.
4. Samuel Drake noted that “when Commissioners attempted to establish the bounds between Massachusetts and Rhode Island in 1741, they were bewildered as to what was meant by ‘the Country of the Nipmucs’ and decided that it could not be ascertained” (see Drake, ed., Old Indian Chronicle: Being a Collection of Exceeding Rare Tracts, Written and Published in the Time of King Philip’s War [Boston: Samuel G. Drake, 1867], 141).
5. Jennings, Invasion, 15.
6. Ibid., 29; Jennings derived these estimates from the writings of Daniel Gookin. William Turnbaugh elaborated: “The southern New England tribes generally suffered a rapid demographic decline in the first quarter of the seventeenth century as a result of several epidemics (Dobyns 1983; Ramenofsky 1987). It has been argued that some supposedly European-introduced infectious diseases actually may have been endemic to Native American populations even prior to European contact (Clark et al. 1987). In this view, it was the cumulative consequences of cultural disruption during the early contact period that contributed to the particularly virulent seventeenth-century reactivation of diseases such as tuberculosis. Other infectious agents, such as smallpox, measles, influenza, and plague, were imported diseases that were equally deadly . . . New subsistence strategies, including greater reliance on imported European foods and drink, may have contributed to nutritional stress, which in turn led to a general decline in health and an increase in mortality. Contemporary notices suggest a patterned change in the diet of local Indians, including a preference for sugar and sweet foods, alcohol, and greater proportions of starchy foods as consumption of animal protein decreased (Bartlett 1963: 19, 26, 301, 333; Williams 1936: 11)” (see Turnbaugh, “Assessing the Significance of European Goods in Seventeenth-Century Narragansett Society,” Ethnohistory and Archaeology: Approaches to Postcontact Change in the Americas, edited by J. Daniel Rogers and Samuel M. Wilson [New York: Plenum, 1993], 145–146).
7. Steven F. Johnson, New England Indians (sponsored by Pawtucket-Wamesit Historical Association, 1980), 13.
8. Harvey C. Jorgensen and Alexander G. Lawn, “The Development of the Narragansett Confederacy: An Economic Perspective,” Bulletin of the Massachusetts Archaeological Society 44, no. 1 (April 1983), 3. “European goods rapidly attained importance in Narragansett society. They replaced most native objects in filling technical needs, stimulated new economic relationships, and, as we have shown, were quickly assimilated into Narragansett ritual and belief systems” (Turnbaugh, “European Goods,” 154). Not all English goods were prized, however: “European clothing is one example. European coins provide another: The Indians drilled and suspended them as ornaments, later parting with them for items deemed of little value in European eyes (Gardener, 1901: 23)” (ibid., 143).
9. Jorgensen and Lawn, “Development,” 3.
10. Ibid., 4. “The Narragansett played a pivotal role in the classic ‘triangle’ trade that developed by the second quarter of the seventeenth century (Ceci 1977: 278–279). First, inexpensive goods from Europe were exchanged for wampum produced primarily by the Narragansett or obtained by them from their allies or neighbors; then, traders transported their wampum inland and exchanged it for furs which, finally, were returned to Europe to be sold at great profit. As the ‘minters’ (Wood 1977 [1634]: 81) of the wampum and as primary recipients of European goods, the Narragansett controlled two of the three classes of commodities.” (Turnbaugh, “European Goods,” 288).
11. Emerson W. Baker, The Clarke and Lake Company: The Historic Archaeology of a Seventeenth-Century Maine Settlement, Occasional Publications in Maine Archaeology, no. 4 (Augusta, Maine: Maine Historic Preservation Commission, 1985), 14.
12. Patrick M. Malone, The Skulking Way of War: Technology and Tactics among the New England Indians (Lanham, Md.: Madison Books, 1991), 42.
13. Ibid., 35. Even the “fog and dew of the morning” could be enough to extinguish a matchlock (Thomas Church, History, 116).
14. Malone, The Skulking Way of War, 58, 66.
15. Ibid., 66.
16. Douglas Edward Leach, Flintlock and Tomahawk: New England in King Philip’s War (1958; reprint, New York: Norton, 1966), 7.
17. William Cronon, Changes in the Land: Indians, Colonists, and the Ecology of New England (New York: Hill and Wang, 1983), 25–26, 31, 33.
18. Ibid., 53.
19. Carolyn Merchant, Ecological Revolutions: Nature, Gender, and Science in New England (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1989), 70.
20. Eugene Aubrey Stratton, Plymouth Colony: Its History and People, 1620–1691 (Salt Lake City, Utah: Ancestry Publishers, 1986), 169.
21. Jennings, Invasion, 181.
22. Stratton, Plymouth Colony, 169.
23. Leach, Flintlock, 15.
24. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 57.
25. Stratton, Plymouth Colony, 107.
26. Jennings, Invasion, 144–145. If the deals were unfair, they were not always at the expense of the Indians. Roger Williams complained that the Narragansett sachem, Mixanno, and his sons “have long and most barbarously abused the [English] Inhabitants of Rode Iland, about the cutting of Grasse on Qunnunnagut, driving them (for their peace Sake) to hire and pay for, at extreame rates, their owne Grasse” (quoted in Turnbaugh, “Community,” 293).
27. Ibid., 135–136.
28. Mather, History, 46.
29. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 293.
30. Hubbard, History, vol. 2, 71.
31. Ibid., 70.
32. John Raymond Hall, In a Place Called Swansea (Baltimore: Gateway Press, 1987), 62.
33. Ibid., 64. See also Catalog of State Papers, Colonial Service, Whitehall, London, England for 1677–1680, #1349, “Answer to the Inquiries of the Committee for Trade and Plantations about New Plymouth.”
34. George Madison Bodge, Soldiers in King Philip’s War (1906; reprint, Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1991), 45.
35. Jennings, Invasion, 290.
36. There is evidence to suggest that Philip was not Massasoit’s son but his grandson. Treaties signed by Philip in 1662 refer to “this great Sachem Massasoiet, with Moanam his Son,” and “Philip, the son of aforesaid Moanam.” Copies of these treaties were included in accounts of King Philip’s War published in London in 1676 and 1677. Original copies of the treaties have apparently been lost; see Betty Groff Schroeder, “The True Lineage of King Philip (Sachem Metacom),” New England Historical and Genealogical Register 144, no. 575 (July 1990), 211–214. However, Terence G. Byrne and Kathryn Fairbanks believe that Philip’s relationship as grandson of Massasoit—first noted by seventeenth-century traveler and writer John Josselyn, and repeated by Boston merchant Nathaniel Saltonstall—reveals “a basic lack of common information and public record” (see Byrne and Fairbanks, “Sunconewhew: ‘Philip’s Brother’?” Bulletin of the Massachusetts Archaeological Society 57, no. 2 [Fall 1996], 54). Wampanoag tribal historian Russell Gardner agrees, and argues that a careful reading of the records and understanding of Massasoit’s genealogy indicates that Wamsutta—Philip’s brother and Massasoit’s son—himself had a son named Philip. Hence, Massasoit did, indeed, have a grandson Philip, but he should not be confused with King Philip, Massasoit’s son (Personal communications with Russell Gardner, 1999).
37. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 50.
38. Ibid., 51.
39. Ibid., 51–52.
40. Tradition says that Philip was so angered by Winslow for the seizure and death of Alexander that eleven years later, in 1675, Winslow felt compelled to send his wife and children to Salem and placed his home in a complete state of defense throughout the entire war; see Lysander Salmon Richard, History of Marshfield (Plymouth, Mass.: Memorial Press, 1901), 60.
41. M. A. Dewolfe Howe, Bristol, Rhode Island: A Town Biography (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1930), 28.
42. Maurice Robbins, The Monponset Path, Pathways of the Past, no. 4 (Attleboro, Mass.: Massachusetts Archaeological Society, 1984), 6.
43. No other sources place Bradford there.
44. Robbins, The Monponset Path, 5–6.
45. Jennings and others suggest that Wamsutta may have died in 1664; see Jennings, Invasion, 290.
46. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 58–59.
47. John Easton, A Relation of the Indyan Warr (Albany, N.Y.: J. Munsell, 1858), 5–6.
48. Stratton, Plymouth Colony, 109.
49. Leach, Flintlock and Tomahawk, 30.
50. Ibid.
51. Increase Mather, The History of King Philip’s War (1676)(reprint, edited by Samuel G. Drake, 1862; Bowie, Md.: Heritage Books, 1990), 48.
52. Jennings, Invasion, 296.
53. Ibid.
54. Mather, History, 48.
55. Ibid.
56. Ibid.
57. Ibid.
58. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 63. Jennings questions the timing of his death; see Jennings, Invasion, 296.
59. Wampapaquan may have been hanged again; versions of the story differ.
60. Easton, Relation, 12–15.
61. Ibid., 15.
62. Samuel Adams Drake, Nooks and Corners of the New England Coast (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1875), 265.
63. Russell Bourne, The Red King’s Rebellion: Racial Politics in New England, 1675–1678 (New York: Atheneum, 1990), 147.
64. Benjamin Church, Diary of King Philip’s War, 1675–76 (1716; reprint, with an introduction by Alan Simpson and Mary Simpson, Tiverton, R.I.: Lockwood, 1975), 48.
65. Bradford F. Swan, An Indian’s an Indian (Providence, R.I.: Roger Williams Press, 1959; unpaginated), second page.
66. Ibid., last page.
67. Ibid., second page.
68. Clifton Daniel, Chronicle of America (Mount Kisco, N.Y.: Chronicle Publishing, 1989), 134.
69. Swan, An Indian’s an Indian, second page.
70. Ibid., first page.
71. Thomas Church, History, 125.
72. William S. Simmons, The Narragansett (New York: Chelsea House, 1989), 52.
73. Edward Wagenknect, A Pictorial History of New England (New York: Crown, 1976), 43.
74. Hubbard, History, vol. 2, 53.
75. Mather, History, 46.
76. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 59.
77. Washington Irving, Rip Van Winkle and Other Stories (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1955), 193.
78. Ibid.
79. Ibid, 211.
80. William Apes, Eulogy on King Philip (Boston: self-published by Apes, 1836), 26, 52.
81. Drake, Nooks and Corners, 415.
82. Bodge, Soldiers, 378.
83. Leach, Flintlock and Tomahawk, 241.
84. Bourne, Red King’s Rebellion, 8.
1. Thomas Church, The History of Philip’s War, Commonly Called the Great Indian War of 1675 and 1676 (1717; reprint, edited by Samuel G. Drake, 1829; Bowie, Md.: Heritage Books, 1989), 25–27.
2. Ibid., 29.
3. William Hubbard, The History of the Indian Wars in New England from the First Settlement to the Termination of the War with King Philip in 1677, from the Original Work by the Rev. William Hubbard (1677), vol. 1 (reprint, edited by Samuel G. Drake, 1865; Bowie, Md.: Heritage Books, 1990), 59.
4. George W. Ellis and John E. Morris, King Philip’s War (New York: Grafton Press, 1906), 45.
5. “In every frontier settlement there were more or less garrison houses, some with a flankart at two opposite angles, others at each corner of the house; some houses surrounded the palisadoes; others, which were smaller, built with square timber, one piece laid horizontally upon another, and loopholes at every side of the house; and besides these, generally in any more considerable plantation there was one garrison house capable of containing soldiers sent for defense of the plantation, and the families near, whose houses were not so fortified. It was thought justifiable and necessary, whatever the general rule of law might be, to erect such forts, castles, and bulwarks” (Thomas Hutchinson, The History of Massachusetts from the First Settlement Thereof in 1628, Until the Year 1750, 3rd ed., vol. 1 [Boston: Thomas Andrews, 1795], 67).
6. Douglas Edward Leach, Flintlock and Tomahawk: New England in King Philip’s War (1958; reprint, New York: Norton, 1966), 109.
7. Ebenezer Peirce wrote that the Pokanoket had planted about one thousand acres of corn that spring. Had they anticipated war, or the threat of being driven from their peninsula, he does not believe the corn would have been planted. This is one argument to support the claim that Philip was not interested in starting a war, at least in June 1675; see Peirce, Indian History, Biography and Genealogy (North Abington, Mass.: Zerviah Gould Mitchell, 1878), 170.
8. Not only was Church dashing, he was also just plain lucky. He would survive an ambush in Swansea, retreat before meeting a superior force of Wampanoag in the Pocasset swamp (because his men were afraid of rattlesnakes), survive another ambush and siege at Tiverton, Rhode Island, and live through the Great Swamp Fight despite receiving three wounds.
9. Richard Slotkin and James K. Folsom, eds., So Dreadful a Judgment: Puritan Responses to King Philip’s War, 1676–1677 (Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press, 1978), 370.
10. Ibid., 377.
11. A note about dates: At the time of King Philip’s War, England still used the Julian calendar, while other parts of Europe had switched to the Gregorian calendar, our modern method of keeping dates. In the Julian calendar, the year began on March 25 and ended on March 24. This confusion led the New England colonists to use a double-year dating system between January 1 and March 24. Hence, Benjamin Church’s gravestone indicates that he died “January 17, 1717–18.”
12. Leach, Flintlock, 42–43. Leach adds the traditional story that this idea may have been planted by the English to dissuade the Wampanoag from launching a war.
13. Easton, A Relation of the Indyan War (Albany, N.Y.: J. Monsell, 1858), quoted in Richard LeBaron Bowen, Early Rehoboth, vol. 3 (Rehoboth, Mass.: privately printed, 1948), 10–11. Bowen concludes from this report and a second by a contemporary Boston merchant that William and John Salisbury, father and son, were responsible for the Pokanoket death on June 24.
14. George Madison Bodge, Soldiers in King Philip’s War (1906; reprint, Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1991), 59.
15. Moseley was not blind to his excesses. In October 1675 he wrote to Governor Leverett: “I desire to be Excuse if my tongue or pen has out run my witt being in a passion and seeing what mischief had beene done by the Indians which I have beene eye witness to, would make a wiser person than I am, willing to have revenge of aney of them” (ibid., xx).
16. Ibid., 73.
17. Wait Winthrop, “A Letter Written by Capt. Wait Winthrop from Mr. Smiths in Narragansett to Govr. John Winthrop of the Colony of Connecticut,” issued at the General Court of the Society of Colonial Wars in the State of Rhode Island and the Providence Plantations by its governor, Henry Dexter Sharp, and the council of the society, August 8, 1919, Providence. Printed for the society by the Standard Printing Co., from the original manuscript in the Archives of the State of Connecticut, 21.
18. Bowen, Early Rehoboth, vol. 3, 65.
19. Hubbard, History, vol. 2, 41. Old Rehoboth refers to the present-day section of East Providence called Rumford.
20. Bowen concludes that the fort was located “between the southeastern side of this swamp and the shore of Mount Hope Bay on the west” (see Bowen, Early Rehoboth, vol. 3, 71). Modern archaeologists have never discovered the precise site.
21. Thomas Church, History, 36.
22. Eugene Aubrey Stratton, Plymouth Colony: Its History and People, 1620–1691 (Salt Lake City, Utah: Ancestry Publishers, 1986), 112.
23. Bowen, Early Rehoboth, vol. 3, 101–102.
24. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 91.
25. Stephen Saunders Webb, 1676: The End of American Independence (New York: Knopf, 1984), 228. Anne Hutchinson was a leader in the Antinomian movement in Massachusetts Bay Colony. She was banned from the colony in November 1638 and, with William Coddington and John Coggeshall, founded a settlement at present-day Portsmouth, Rhode Island.
26. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 229.
27. Ibid., 296.
28. William D. Williamson, The History of the State of Maine: From Its First Discovery, A.D. 1602, to the Separation, A.D. 1820, Inclusive (Hallowell, Maine: Glazier, Masters, 1832), 529.
29. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 13.
30. Ibid., 124.
31. Michael J. Puglisi, Puritans Besieged: The Legacies of King Philip’s War in the Massachusetts Bay Colony (Lanham, Md.: University Press of America, 1991), 7.
32. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 138.
33. A more detailed discussion of the timing of this event, and of Rhode Island’s role, is given by Douglas Leach in “A New View of the Declaration of War against the Narragansetts, November, 1675,” Rhode Island History 15, no. 2 (April 1956), 33.
34. Many of those who survived carried reminders of the battle for the rest of their lives. It was reported, for example, that Major William Bradford, age seventy-three in 1697, “hath worn a bullet in his flesh above 20 of them” (see Increase Mather, The History of King Philip’s War [1676; reprint, edited by Samuel G. Drake, 1862; Bowie, Md.: Heritage Books, 1990], 109).
35. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 138.
36. Ibid., 302.
37. Ibid., 163.
38. Francis Jennings, The Invasion of America: Indians, Colonialism, and the Cant of Conquest (New York: Norton, 1975), 313.
39. Mather, History, 126.
1. George W. Ellis and John E. Morris, King Philip’s War (New York: Grafton Press, 1906), 245.
2. Stephen Saunders Webb, 1676: The End of American Independence (New York: Knopf, 1984), 238–239.
3. Ibid., 239.
4. Ibid., 241.
5. Russell Bourne, The Red King’s Rebellion: Racial Politics in New England, 1675–1678 (New York: Atheneum, 1990), 194–195.
6. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 245.
7. Some believe this was at Nipsachuck, in Smithfield, Rhode Island.
8. Ebenezer W. Peirce, Indian History, Biography and Genealogy (North Abington, Mass.: Zerviah Gould Mitchell, 1878), 196.
9. Albert Edward Van Dusen, Connecticut (New York: Random House, 1961), 81.
10. Increase Mather, The History of King Philip’s War, 1676; reprint, edited by Samuel G. Drake, 1862; Bowie, Md.: Heritage Books 1990), 196.
11. Benjamin Church, Diary of King Philip’s War, 1675–76, 1716 (reprint, with an introduction by Alan Simpson and Mary Simpson, Tiverton, R.I.: Lockwood Publications, 1975), 110.
12. William Hubbard, The History of the Indian Wars in New England from the First Settlement to the Termination of the War with King Philip in 1677, from the Original Work by the Rev. William Hubbard (1677), vol. 1 (reprint, edited by Samuel G. Drake, 1865; Bowie, Md.: Heritage Books, 1990), 53.
13. Gerald E. Morris, ed., Maine Bicentennial Atlas: An Historical Survey (Portland: Maine Historical Society, 1976), 6.
14. Mather, History, 306. Williamson dates this event September 23; see William D. Williamson, The History of the State of Maine: From Its First Discovery, A.D. 1602, to the Separation, A.D. 1820, Inclusive (Hallowell, Maine: Glazier, Masters, 1832), 540.
15. Ibid., 537.
16. Ibid., 539. Also see Bourne, Red King’s Rebellion, 231–232.
17. Williamson, Maine, 539.
18. Ibid., 542.
19. Ibid.
20. Williamson, Maine, 543.
21. Ibid., 552.
22. Ibid.
23. Williamson, Maine, 553.
24. George Madison Bodge, Soldiers in King Philip’s War (1906; Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1991), 126.
25. Ibid., 262.
26. Ibid., 406.
27. Massachusetts Bay’s quota for the Great Swamp Fight had been 527, though 538 were mustered at Dedham Plain. Plymouth’s quota was 158. Together, 696 veterans (or their heirs) from the combined colonies would have been eligible for land grants. According to Bodge (p. 412), in April 1733 Massachusetts (combined Massachusetts Bay and Plymouth as of 1686) accepted 840 grantees.
28. Bodge, Soldiers, 441–442.
29. Mattapoisett and Old Rochester, Massachusetts, 3rd ed., 1907 (produced by the Mattapoisett [Mass.] Improvement Association, 1950), 16.
30. Michael J. Puglisi, Puritans Besieged: The Legacies of King Philip’s War in the Massachusetts Bay Colony (Lanham, Md.: University Press of America, 1991), 46.
31. Ibid., 47, and Eugene Aubrey Stratton, Plymouth Colony: Its History and People, 1620–1691 (Salt Lake City, Utah: Ancestry Publishers, 1986), 118.
32. Stratton, Plymouth Colony, 189.
33. William S. Simmons, The Narragansett (New York: Chelsea House, 1989), 51.
34. Ibid., 54.
35. Van Dusen, Connecticut, 82.
36. Indians of Little Compton, an interim report by members of the Little Compton Historical Society, 1988, 5.
37. George Howe, Mount Hope: A New England Chronicle (New York: Viking, 1959), 59.
38. Ibid., 61.
39. Indians of Little Compton, 6.
40. Laurie Weinstein-Farson, The Wampanoag (New York: Chelsea House, 1989), 35, 58.
41. Daniel R. Mandell, Behind the Frontier: Indians in Eighteenth-Century Eastern Massachusetts (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press 1996), 2–3.
42. Colin G. Calloway, The Abenakis (New York: Chelsea House, 1989), 73.
43. Ibid., 76.
44. Bodge, Soldiers, 405.
45. Webb, 1676, 221.
46. Ibid., 235–236.
47. Ibid., 236.
48. Puglisi, Puritans Besieged, 143.
49. Ibid., 144.
50. James Deetz, In Small Things Forgotten: The Archaeology of Early American Life (New York: Anchor Books/Doubleday, 1977), 38.
1. William Hubbard, The History of the Indian Wars in New England from the First Settlement to the Termination of the War with King Philip in 1677, from the Original Work by the Rev. William Hubbard (1677), vol. 1 (reprint, edited by Samuel G. Drake, 1865; Bowie, Md.: Heritage Books, 1990), 50.
2. Ibid., 40.
3. Ibid., 50.
4. Maurice Robbins, The Monponset Path, Pathways of the Past, no. 4 (Attleboro, Mass.: Massachusetts Historical Society, 1984), 3.
5. Robbins, The Monponset Path, 6.
6. Cynthia Hagar Krusell and Betty Magoun Bates, Marshfield: A Town of Villages, 1640–1990 (Marshfield Mills, Mass.: Historical Research Associates, 1990), 10.
7. James Deetz, In Small Things Forgotten: The Archaeology of Early American Life (New York: Anchor Books/Doubleday, 1977), 94–95.
8. Francis Baylies, An Historical Memoir of the Colony of New Plymouth, part 3 (Boston: Hilliard, Gray, Little, and Wilkins, 1830), 18, quoted in Samuel Drake, ed., Old Indian Chronicle: Being a Collection of Exceeding Rare Tracts, Written and Published in the Time of King Philip’s War (Boston: Samuel G. Drake, 1867), 69.
9. The woods on the west side of Dighton Avenue and south of Baker Road were once known as “Trotter’s Woods.” Tradition held that if a person placed his ear to the ground he could hear the sounds of Indian mounts trotting along their old hunting trails; see Joseph Everett Warner, Spirit of Liberty and Union, 1637–1939 (Taunton, Mass.: Joseph Everett Warner, 1947), 102.
10. Baylies, New Plymouth, quoted in Drake, ed., Old Indian Chronicle, 69.
11. Ibid. James Brown was a Swansea resident and friend of Philip. Mr. Williams was undoubtedly Roger Williams.
12. Correspondence with Lisa Compton, director, Old Colony Historical Society. Local historian Charles Crowley notes that there were no streets north of Main Street until the Revolution because this land was part of Taunton’s Training Field, and that there may have been more than one training field since Cohannet Street is sometimes called the road between the old and new training field; correspondence with Charles Crowley, 1992.
13. Samuel Hopkins Emery, History of Taunton, Massachusetts (Syracuse, N.Y.: D. Mason & Co., 1893), 90.
14. Ibid., 99.
15. Quarter Millennial Celebration of the City of Taunton, Massachusetts (Taunton, Mass.: Taunton City Government, 1889), 38.
16. Emery, History of Taunton, 403. The rectory is also known as the McKinstrey House.
17. Drake, ed., Old Indian Chronicle, 70.
18. Warner, Spirit, 72.
19. Quarter Millennial Celebration of the City of Taunton, 223.
20. Emery, History of Taunton, 203.
21. Ibid., 204.
22. Ibid.
23. Quarter Millennial Celebration of the City of Taunton, 223.
24. Baylies, New Plymouth, 19.
25. Ibid., 384.
26. Drake, ed., Old Indian Chronicle, 71.
27. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 55.
28. Emery, History of Taunton, 93.
29. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 84.
30. Local historian Charles Crowley believes that a fourth garrison (“the Powderhouse”) may have been located on Powderhouse Hill, on the east side of the Taunton River in the Weir section of town, between Plain Street and Berkley Street, east of Beacon Street; correspondence with Charles Crowley, 1992. However, no record of this structure was found until after the Revolution. Emery, History of Taunton, 595.
31. Emery, History of Taunton, 403.
32. Ibid.
33. Ibid.
34. James Phinney Baxter, “Early Voyages to America,” Collections of the Old Colony Historical Society, no. 4 (Taunton, Mass.: C. H. Buffington, 1889), 64.
35. Warner, Spirit, 82.
36. Pere Forbes, “A Topographic Description of Raynham, in the County of Bristol, February 6, 1793,” Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society for the Year 1794, vol. 3, 1st series, Boston, 172. In 1835, a nonagenarian remembered fishing there as a boy; Fanny Leonard Koster, Annals of the Leonard Family (Taunton, Mass.: self-published, 1911), 59. Taken together, these two reports suggest a rather dramatic transformation of the pond from being a fish-bearing body of water in 1760 to having fifty-foot pines and cedars in 1794.
37. Emery, History of Taunton, 384.
38. Ibid., 387.
39. Ibid., 405.
40. Ibid., 388.
41. Ibid., 405.
42. Hubbard, History, vol. 2, 42.
43. Bodge, Soldiers, 405–406.
44. James Bell, [first name unknown] White, Israel Dean, and William Hoskins are also listed as Taunton residents participating in the Great Swamp Fight; see Emery, History of Taunton, 386.
45. Ebenezer W. Peirce, Indian History, Biography and Genealogy (North Abington, Mass.: Zerviah Gould Mitchell, 1878), 122.
46. Quarter Millennial Celebration of the City of Taunton, 226–229.
47. William Bradford Browne, The Babbit Family History (Taunton, Mass.: n.p., 1912), 23.
48. Vicki-Ann Gay, “City Crews Put Chain Saws to Ancient King Philip Oak,” Taunton Daily Gazette, February 1, 1983, 1.
49. Ibid.
50. Bob Williams, “Son of King Philip’s Oak Thriving at Church Green,” Taunton Daily Gazette, February 9, 1983, 1.
51. Personal communication, Taunton Parks and Recreation Department, 1991.
52. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 62.
53. Ibid.
54. Ibid.
55. Ibid., 63.
56. Thomas Weston, History of the Town of Middleboro, Massachusetts (Cambridge, Mass.: Riverside Press, 1906), 17.
57. Newspaper clipping, no date or source, Old Colony Historical Society, Box 68.
58. Peirce, Indian History, 215–216.
59. Warner, Spirit, 87. Wampanoag tribal historian Russell Gardner notes that a number of Massasoit’s descendents, through Lydia Tuspaquin and her son, Benjamin, live in the Saundersville, Rhode Island, area. Gardner calls this an “absolute, unquestionable connection” from Massasoit to the twenty-first century.
60. Personal correspondence with Helen Pierce, 1991.
61. Job Winslow’s property is described in the Proprietors Records for the Town of Swansea. A description of the Ennis property is found in the Town of Warren Land Records, Book 26, page 406. The land was purchased by Ennis in 1884. These two documents clearly describe the same location, and agree with Ellis and Morris’ contention that Job Winslow’s home was on the property “now the farm of Mr. Edward Ennis” (see George W. Ellis and John E. Morris, King Philip’s War [New York: Grafton Press, 1906], 57).
62. John Raymond Hall, In a Place Called Swansea (Baltimore: Gateway Press, 1987), 116.
63. Ibid., 121.
64. Correspondence with Helen Pierce, 1991. The site of the garrison is based on tradition. Also see Otis Olney Wright, ed., History of Swansea, Massachusetts 1667–1917 (published by the town of Swansea, 1917), 7–8.
65. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 59.
66. Hall, Swansea, 103.
67. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 187.
68. Hall, Swansea, 124.
69. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 71.
70. Benjamin Church, Diary of King Philip’s War, 1675–76 (1716; reprint, with an introduction by Alan Simpson and Mary Simpson, Tiverton, R.I.: Lockwood, 1975), 34–35.
71. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 66. Also see Benjamin Church, The History of King Philip’s War, with an introduction and notes by Henry Martyn Dexter (Boston: John Kimball Wiggin, 1865), 23–24. Guy Fessenden is more precise in saying that the remains were “doubtless near the Pound, on Kickemuit River. The pound did not then exist, but was first built, as it now stands in 1685” (Guy M. Fessenden, History of Warren, R.I. [Providence, R.I.: H. H. Brown, 1845], 70).
72. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 71.
73. Correspondence with Helen Pierce, 1991.
74. Ibid.
75. As the marker at the site of the Miles garrison indicates, the names of the men who died are now known.
76. Justin Winsor, ed., The Memorial History of Boston, vol. 1 (Boston: James R. Osgood, 1882), 250.
77. This story may be more fiction than fact; see George Sheldon, “The Traditional Story of the Attack Upon Hadley and the Appearance of Gen. Goff, Sept. 1, 1675: Has It Any Foundation in Fact?” New England Historic Genealogical Register 28 (October 1874), 389. Douglas Wilson disputes Sheldon and offers his own interpretation; see Wilson, “Web of Secrecy: Goffe, Whalley, and the Legend of Hadley,” New England Quarterly 60, no. 4 (December 1987), 539ff.
78. Annie Haven Thwing, The Crooked Narrow Streets of the Town of Boston, 1630–1882 (Boston: Marshal Jones, 1920), 5.
79. Ibid.
80. Winsor, ed., Memorial History of Boston, 246.
81. Ibid., 250–251.
82. Thwing, Boston, 7.
83. Laurie Weinstein-Farson, The Wampanoag (New York: Chelsea House, 1989), 33.
84. Thwing, Boston, 7.
85. Ibid., 198.
86. Ibid., 18.
87. Abel Bowen, Bowen’s Picture Book of Boston (Boston: P. Otis, Broaders, and Co., 1838), 238.
88. Ibid., 52.
89. Winsor, ed., Memorial History of Boston, 231.
90. Ibid., 237.
91. Ibid., 537.
92. Thwing, Boston, 135.
93. Bodge, Soldiers, 59.
94. David Arnold, “The Island’s Gone Inside Out,” Boston Globe, July 24, 1991, 65. “Native Americans gathered on Deer Island yesterday to honor the memory of ancestors who were imprisoned there and voice opposition to MWRA construction over the sacred burial ground. Musketaquid Remembrance Day marks the 318th anniversary of the closing of the internment camp at Concord (formerly Musketaquid) and the forcible transfer of Native American internees to Deer Island said members of the Muhheconneuk Intertribal Committee. Sam Sapiel, a member of the Penobscot Indian Nation, said over 3,000 Indian people died while interned on the island. The remembrance is about ‘the history and all the things that were done to Indian people in the 1600s—all of the catastrophe the Indian people had to go through,’ said Sapiel . . . During yesterday’s ceremonies, the committee hosted a series of commemorations and retraced the route of the internees from Musketaquid through Charlestown to Deer Island. Native Americans have lobbied against construction of the Massachusetts Water Resources Authority sewage treatment plant because of Deer Island’s historical significance. Native Americans countered that the Island is the site of burial grounds.” Julie Ross, “Native Americans Honor Ancestral Deer Isle Victims,” Boston Herald, February 22, 1994, 11.
95. Bowen, Picture Book of Boston, 271.
96. Winsor, ed., Memorial History of Boston, 552.
97. James Raymond Simmons, The Historic Trees of Massachusetts (Boston: Marshall Jones, 1919), 3.
98. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 200. Also see Winsor, ed., Memorial History of Boston, 553.
99. Samuel Barber, Boston Common (Boston: Christopher Publishing House, 1914), 29.
100. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 164.
101. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 200.
102. Barber, Boston Common, 37.
103. National Register of Historic Places document, 1990.
104. Attleborough Bi-Centennial Anniversary, Official Souvenir Programme (October 18–19, 1894), 17.
105. John Daggett, A Sketch of the History of Attleborough (Boston: Samuel Usher, 1894), 97.
106. Ibid., 98.
107. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 144.
108. National Register of Historic Places document, 1990.
109. Ibid.
110. Eugene Aubrey Stratton, Plymouth Colony: Its History and People, 1620–1691 (Salt Lake City, Utah: Ancestry Publishers, 1986), 109.
111. Daggett, Attleborough, 91.
112. Their main campsite is known as Wapnucket and has yielded artifacts from the Paleo-Indian, Archaie, and Woodland Periods; see Weinstein-Farson, The Wampanoag, 12–14.
113. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 47. The precise location is known but not usually publicized to avoid vandalism.
114. Church, Diary, 144.
115. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 275.
116. Ibid.
117. Church, Diary, 146.
118. Ibid.
119. Weston, History of the Town of Middleboro, 86.
120. Stratton, Plymouth Colony, 101.
121. Weston, History of the Town of Middleboro, 74. The Middleboro Historical Society reported forty-eight men living in Middleboro at the time of King Philip’s War (personal correspondence with MHS, 1992).
122. Stratton, Plymouth Colony, 101.
123. Weston, History of the Town of Middleboro, 74.
124. Thomson, with Benjamin Church’s father, built the first framed meetinghouse in Plymouth. Thomson arrived in Plymouth in August 1623, one of the “First Comers”; see Elroy S. Thompson, History of Plymouth, Norfolk, and Barnstable Counties, Massachusetts, vol. 1 (New York: Lewis Historical Publishing Company, 1928), 107.
125. Hubbard, History, vol. 2, 41.
126. Thompson, History, vol. 1, 110.
127. “The Story of the Thompson Gun,” undated letter from Warren and Marion Whipple to the Old Colony Historical Society, Taunton, Massachusetts.
128. Thompson, History, vol. 1, 112.
129. There is a story told about an almost identical event which was supposed to have taken place in Dartmouth during the war; see below, “Attack on Old Dartmouth, Massachusetts.” Visitors to Buckman Tavern in Lexington, Massachusetts, can also see “Long John,” a gun attached to yet a third, nearly identical story, this one set on the Sudbury River a half century later.
130. Thompson, History, 112.
131. Travel three-tenths of a mile east on Sachem Street from Route 105. Walk along the right-of-way cut for the power lines, past the large metal pole where the lines intersect, to pole E33. Here, the path narrows and turns right. Follow this directly to the rock.
132. Thompson, History, vol. 1, 109.
133. Hubbard, History, vol. 2, 40. Recent research indicates that the story of Danson’s death is inaccurate. In fact, Danson not only survived the war but lived for many years afterward in Boston as a “loaf bread baker” (personal communications with Russell Gardner, 1999).
134. Church, Diary, 115.
135. Mattapoisett and Old Rochester, Massachusetts, 3rd ed., 1907 (produced by the Mattapoisett [Mass.] Improvement Association, 1950), 17.
136. Church, Diary, 119.
137. Ibid.
138. Franklyn Howland, A History of the Town of Acushnet (New Bedford, Mass.: self-published, 1907), 17.
139. Our Country and Its People: A Descriptive and Biographical Record of Bristol County, Massachusetts, prepared and published under the auspices of the Fall River News and The Taunton Gazette with the assistance of Hon. Alanson Borden of New Bedford (Boston: Boston History Co., 1899), 39.
140. George H. Tripp, “The Town of Fairhaven in Four Wars,” Old Dartmouth Historical Sketches, no. 5 (June 27, 1904), 9.
141. Donald R. Bernard, Tower of Strength: A History of Fort Phoenix (New Bedford, Mass.: Reynolds-DeWalt, 1975), 16.
142. James L. Gillingham et al., A Brief History of the Town of Fairhaven, Massachusetts (1903), 12.
143. Howland, Acushnet, 21.
144. Ibid.
145. Church, Diary, 51. Compare this to a similar event in Middleboro; see above, “Attack on Middleboro, Massachusetts.”
146. Church, Diary, 89–90.
147. Ibid., 91.
148. Ibid., 92.
149. Mattapoisett and Old Rochester, 14. Also see Dexter in Benjamin Church, History, 96.
150. Maurice Robbins, “The Sandwich Path: Church Searches for Awashonks,” Pathways of the Past, no. 3 (Attleboro, Mass.: Massachusetts Archaeological Society, 1984), 8.
151. Ibid., 8–9.
152. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 84.
153. Richard LeBaron Bowen, Early Rehoboth, vol. 3 (Rehoboth, Mass.: privately published, 1948), 73.
154. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 87.
155. Bowen, Early Rehoboth, vol. 3, 73.
156. Dexter in Benjamin Church, History, 43–44.
157. A Patchwork History of Tiverton, Rhode Island, Bicentennial Edition (Tiverton, R.I.: Tiverton Historical Society, 1976) 4.
158. Peirce, Indian History, 46.
159. Ibid., 255.
160. Tiverton, Rhode Island, 11–12.
161. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 77.
162. Fall River in History, compiled by the Tercentenary Committee of Fall River (Fall River, Mass.: Munroe Press, 1930), 5.
163. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 77.
164. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 88.
165. Mather, History, 61.
166. Drake gives the location as “two Miles from the Village of Plymouth, at a Place called Eel River” (see Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 179).
167. Douglas Edward Leach, Flintlock and Tomahawk: New England in King Philip’s War (1958; reprint, New York: Norton, 1966), 166.
168. Victoria B. Engstrom, Eel River Valley, Pilgrim Society Notes, no. 23 (Plymouth, Massachusetts: Pilgrim Society, March 1976), 6.
169. Dexter in Benjamin Church, History, 70.
170. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 187.
171. Conversation with staff at Plimoth Plantation and Pilgrim Memorial Hall, 1991.
172. William S. Russell, Pilgrim Memorials, and Guide to Plymouth (Boston: Crosby, Nichols, 1855), 37.
173. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 272.
174. Samuel Adams Drake, Nooks and Corners of the New England Coast (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1875), 278.
175. Nahum Mitchell, History of the Early Settlement of Bridgewater (1840; Baltimore: Gateway, 1970), 38.
176. Mitchell, Bridgewater, 41.
177. Katherine M. Doherty, ed., History Highlights: Bridgewater, Massachusetts: A Commemorative Journal, a publication of the Bridgewater Bicentennial Commission (1976), 28.
178. Mitchell, Bridgewater, 41.
179. William Latham, Epitaphs in Old Bridgewater, Massachusetts (Bridgewater, Mass.: n.p., 1882), 239–240.
180. Conversation with Ken Moore, Bridgewater Independent, 1991.
181. Nathaniel Morton, New England Memorial, 5th ed., edited by John Davis (Boston: Crocker and Brewster, 1826), 454.
182. Ibid.
183. Ibid., 455. The traditions associated with the fate of Philip’s son are many, according to Wampanoag tribal historian Russell Gardner, though none can be supported by historical record. There is a strong tradition that James Keith and his family took Philip’s son into their home for a period of time to shield him from authorities. From there, he may have been smuggled to Martha’s Vineyard, at that time a part of New York. A second tradition—nothing more than speculation, according to Gardner—has Philip’s son being sold into slavery in Bermuda or the West Indies. A third tradition finds Philip’s son having made his way to Canada: A family in present-day Battle Creek, Michigan, has a family Bible that indicates that members of the “Philips” family are direct descendents of King Philip through his son. An entire “House of Seven Crescents” has arisen around the belief that Philip’s son survived and has living descendents to this day. Gardner notes that these traditions are undocumented and unproven, and the best we really know comes from the simple, final line, “Philip’s boy goes now to be sold” (personal communications with Russell Gardner, 1999).
184. Peirce, Indian History, 49.
185. Mather, History, 191.
186. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 264.
187. Mather, History, 191.
188. See Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 264, and Mather, History, 191.
189. Tercentenary Committee, Fall River in History, 6. Warner, Spirit, 84.
190. Peirce, Indian History, 50. Twice elsewhere in the book, however, Peirce writes that Weetamoo’s body was discovered on the Swansea-Somerset side of the Taunton River.
191. Warner, Spirit, 84.
192. Church, Diary, 133–134.
193. Ibid., 124.
194. Ibid., 125.
195. Ibid., 132.
196. Ibid., 136–137. See Drake’s note for a description of the swamp.
197. Ibid., 127.
198. Ibid., 131.
199. Ibid., 134.
200. Ibid., 136–138.
201. Mather, History, 180. It is perhaps only a coincidence that Drake visited Anawan Rock on the 150th anniversary of Anawan’s capture.
202. Dexter in Benjamin Church, History, 175.
203. Mather, History, 137.
204. Obviously with permission, since Bliss acknowledged Drake’s assistance in preparing the History of Rehoboth.
205. Ibid., 104.
206. Dexter in Benjamin Church, History, 166–167.
207. Peirce, Indian History, 19.
208. Ibid., 207. Peirce goes on to challenge Church’s story in total, saying that “this overestimate of the peril in descending was probably on a par with the bragging indulged in when describing the other details of the feat of capturing Annawon, who with his company were very poorly supplied with both arms and ammunition, reduced to a comparative handful in numbers, distressed, dispirited, and every day growing more feeble by constant and continual capture by the enemy and desertions to the English” (see Peirce, Indian History, 208).
209. James C. O’Connell, Inside Guide to Springfield and the Pioneer Valley (Springfield, Mass.: Western Massachusetts Publishers, 1986), 9.
210. James H. McDonald, “Doubts Raised About Indian Site,” Providence Journal, November 26, 1990. Dexter’s account is more accurate when he estimates the rock at 125 feet in length and 75 feet in width, and notes the huge boulders lying at the base; see Dexter in Benjamin Church, History, 167.
211. Bob Sharples, “Anawan Rock Location Under Question,” Rehoboth Reporter 2, no. 9 (October 1990), 10.
212. McDonald, “Doubts.”
213. Conversation with Bob Sharples, 1991.
214. Correspondence with E. Otis Dyer Jr., 1992.
215. Leonard Bliss Jr., History of Rehoboth, Bristol County, Massachusetts: Comprising a History of the Present Towns of Rehoboth, Seekonk and Pawtucket, from Their Settlement to the Present Time, Together with Sketches of Attleborough, Cumberland, and a Part of Swansey and Barrington, to the Time That They Were Severally Separated from the Original Town (Boston: Otis, Broaders, and Company, 1836), 104.
216. Book 5, page 97, Rehoboth Proprietors Land Records. This is the only time Anawan Rock is mentioned in these records.
217. Benjamin Church, History, 142.
218. Dexter finds no evidence that Church kept the belts; see Dexter in Benjamin Church, History, 174.
219. Catalog of State Papers, Colonial Service, Whitehall, London, England for 1677–1680, no. 314.
220. Ibid., no. 1131.
221. Ibid., no. 1349.
222. Notes from Maurice Robbins, given to the author by Bob Sharples, 1991.
223. Personal communication with Bob Sharples, 1991.
224. Benjamin Church, History, 141.
225. Personal communications with Linda Eppich, Rhode Island Historical Society, 1991.
226. Personal communications with Ruth Warfield, Massachusetts Archaeological Society, 1992.
1. William Hubbard, The History of the Indian Wars in New England from the First Settlement to the Termination of the War with King Philip in 1677, from the Original Work by the Rev. William Hubbard (1677), vol. 1 (reprint, edited by Samuel G. Drake, 1865; Bowie, Md.: Heritage Books, 1990), 168.
2. George Madison Bodge, Soldiers in King Philip’s War (1906; Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1991), 34–36.
3. Henry Stedman Nourse and John Eliot Thayer, eds. The Narrative of the Captivity and Restoration of Mrs. Mary Rowlandson (Cambridge, Mass.: J. Wilson and Son, 1903), 95. Local historians Nourse and Thayer, quoted in Mary Rowlandson, The Narrative of the Captivity and Restoration of Mrs. Mary Rowlandson (1682; reprint edited by Robert Diebold, Lancaster, Mass.: Town of Lancaster, 1975), 74. Mary Rowlandson added that they left this camp at Wachusett and “went about three or four miles, and there they built a great wigwam, big enough to hold a hundred Indians, which they did in preparation to a great day of dancing” (see Rowlandson, Narrative, 46). Thayer and Nourse place this second site near the southern end of Wachusett Lake; quoted in Rowlandson, Narrative, 76. This is probably the site mentioned by Leach; see Douglas Edward Leach, Flintlock and Tomahawk: New England in King Philip’s War (1958; reprint, New York: Norton, 1966), 199.
4. George W. Ellis and John E. Morris, King Philip’s War (New York: Grafton Press, 1906), 86.
5. Personal communications with Jeff Fiske, 1991; Jeffrey H. Fiske is the author of Wheeler’s Surprise: The Lost Battlefield of King Philip’s War (Worcester, Mass.: Towaid Printing, 1993), cited below.
6. J. H. Temple, History of North Brookfield, Massachusetts (published by the Town of North Brookfield, 1887), 33.
7. Ibid.
8. Ibid. Ellis and Morris believed that the middle camp was the site of Rowlandson’s third remove; see Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 86.
9. Temple, Brookfield, 30.
10. Levi Badger Chase, Interpretation of Woodward’s and Saffrey’s Map of 1642, or the Earliest Bay Path (Boston: David Clapp & Son, 1901), 4.
11. Temple, Brookfield, 27.
12. Ibid., 30–31.
13. Fiske, Wheeler’s Surprise, 33.
14. Temple, Brookfield, 27.
15. Ibid., 29.
16. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 86.
17. Increase Mather, The History of King Philip’s War (1676; reprint, edited by Samuel G. Drake, 1862; Bowie, Md.: Heritage Books, 1990), 63.
18. John G. Metcalf, Annals of the Town of Mendon, from 1659 to 1880 (Providence, R.I.: E. L. Freeman, 1880), 62.
19. Samuel Drake, ed., Old Indian Chronicle: Being a Collection of Exceeding Rare Tracts, Written and Published in the Time of King Philip’s War (Boston: Samuel G. Drake, 1867), 142.
20. Temple, Brookfield, 92.
21. Ibid., 93.
22. Louis E. Roy, Quaboag Plantation Alias Brookfield: A Seventeenth Century Massachusetts Town (Worcester, Mass.: self-published, 1965), 153. Speaking in 1828, Joseph Foot noted an older tradition: “According to all tradition this place is the hill at the north end of Wickaboag Pond. This Hill appears to have been used as an Indian Cemetery. When it was cultivated by the English after their return, great numbers of Human bones were exhumated” (see Foot, An Historical Discourse Delivered at West Brookfield, Mass., Nov. 27, 1828 [West Brookfield, Mass.: Merriam & Cooke, 1843], 56).
23. Ebenezer W. Peirce, Indian History, Biography and Genealogy (North Abington, Mass.: Zerviah Gould Mitchell, 1878), 196.
24. This is one of the most hotly debated parts of Wheeler’s description: Did “a swamp where the Indians then were” refer to the camp that Ephraim Curtis had visited on August 1, ten miles from Brookfield? Or did it refer to some second location where the Nipmuc could now be found? The following sentence implies the latter—“near the said swamp”—but there is no consensus.
25. Thomas Wheeler’s narrative, as quoted in Lucius R. Paige, “Wickaboag? Or Winnimisset? Which Was the Place of Capt. Wheeler’s Defeat in 1675?” New England Historic Genealogical Register no. 38 (1884), 396.
26. A contemporary account noted that “Captain Hutchinson died, when his wife and son were within twelve miles of him in their journey to see him”; Drake believed the son to be Elisha Hutchinson, grandfather of Thomas Hutchinson, future governor of Massachusetts; see Drake, Old Indian Chronicle, 143.
27. Temple, Brookfield, 94.
28. Paige, “Wickaboag?” 398.
29. Temple, Brookfield, 94.
30. Foot, Historical Discourse, 56.
31. D. H. Chamberlain, “Wheeler’s Surprise, 1675: Where?” A paper read before the Quaboag Historical Society at New Braintree, September 12, 1899, and before the Worcester Society of Antiquity at Worcester, November 14, 1899, held by the Massachusetts Historical Society.
32. Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 2nd series, vol. 8 (Boston: Massachusetts Historical Society, 1899), 280.
33. Paige, “Wickaboag?” 396.
34. Ibid., 397.
35. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 98.
36. Proceedings, 2nd series, vol. 8, 279–280.
37. Bodge, Soldiers, 111.
38. Proceedings, 2nd series, vol. 8, 280–281.
39. Temple, Brookfield, 96.
40. Ibid., 95.
41. Ibid.
42. A contemporary account of the event noted that “the guide that conducted men through the woods, brought them to a swamp not far off the appointed place” (see Drake, ed., Old Indian Chronicle, 142). This description of a site just a short distance from the meeting place also favors Temple’s conclusion. See Temple, Brookfield, 94–95.
43. Temple, Brookfield, 97.
44. Bodge, Soldiers, 66.
45. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 98–99. Hubbard wrote: “Until they came to the place appointed; and finding no Indians, so secure were they, that they ventured along further to find the infidels as their chief town, never suspecting that least danger, but when they had rode four or five miles that way, they fell into an ambush.” Note that Hubbard’s estimated distances are sometimes inaccurate, like when he wrote that the distance from Providence to Nipsachuck was twenty-two miles, more than twice the correct distance.
46. Bodge, Soldiers, 111.
47. Roy, Quaboag Plantation, 154. Roy described it as a point one thousand feet northwest of the present home (in 1964) of Ernest Waterman.
48. We sometimes become so locked into geography by the paths of modern roads that we fail to find the most logical, direct route that a seventeenth-century woodsman might have cut; personal communications with Jeff Fiske, 1991.
49. Fiske, Wheeler’s Surprise, 42–43.
50. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 100.
51. Leach, Flintlock, 78.
52. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 100.
53. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 94.
54. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 104.
55. Mather, History, 68.
56. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 94.
57. Mather, History, 68.
58. Drake writes that Willard and his men had been joined at this point by forty-six troopers under Captain James Parker of Groton, making the total force ninety-four men; see Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 103.
59. Foot, Historical Discourse, 56–57.
60. Mather, History, 76–77.
61. Bodge, Soldiers, 129.
62. The author visited the area with local historian Byron Canney in 1992. There is no convincing local tradition placing the battle.
63. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 104.
64. J. H. Temple and George Sheldon, History of the Town of Northfield, Massachusetts, for 150 Years, with an Account of the Prior Occupation of the Territory by the Squakheags and with Family Genealogies (Albany, N.Y.: Joel Musell, 1875), 74. Temple also described the camp as being near Pine Meadow; see Pocumtuck Valley Memorial Association Proceedings, vol. 2, Field Meeting 1872, 121.
65. Ibid., 75.
66. Personal communication with Rosa Johnston, 1992.
67. This is present-day Maple Street; see Herbert Collins Parsons, A Puritan Outpost: A History of the Town and People of Northfield, Massachusetts (New York: Macmillan, 1937), 44. Epaphas Hoyt wrote that “for some distance the ravine extended along the right of the route, and at the place where it was to be passed it made a short turn to the left, continuing directly to the river. Discovering Beers’ approach, a large body of Indians formed an ambuscade at this place” (see Hoyt, Antiquarian Researches: Comprising a History of the Indian Wars in the Country Bordering Connecticut River and Part Adjacent, and Other Interesting Events [Greenfield, Mass.: Ansel Phelps, 1824], 104).
68. Temple and Sheldon, Northfield, 75. Temple added that “Capt. Beers’ baggage wagon was left about midway of the plain and nearly opposite the present house of T. J. Field, and perhaps marks the spot reached by the rear of the column.”
69. Ibid.
70. The stone markers in town were placed in the mid-nineteenth century under the direction of historian George Sheldon. Their location was based partly on family traditions passed down to Phineas Farm, who owned the land on which the ambush took place. The newer Massachusetts state markers are probably less accurate.
71. Temple and Sheldon, Northfield, 20.
72. Ibid., 75–76. In his 1835 speech at Bloody Brook, Edward Everett noted that no monument marked the site of Beers’ fall, and that only tradition “will hand it down to the latest posterity.” Everett did not mention head and foot stones; see Everett, Orations.
73. Personal communication with Rosa Johnston, 1992.
74. Temple and Sheldon, Northfield, 76.
75. Hoyt, Antiquarian Researches, 104.
76. Temple and Sheldon, Northfield, 77.
77. Ibid., 23.
78. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 111.
79. Temple and Sheldon, Northfield, 22. This is along present-day Orange Road in Warwick State Forest. The precise location is unknown; personal communication with Rosa Johnston, 1992. Mary Rowlandson’s captors passed north through Northfield on their sixth and seventh removes, and south on their fourteenth remove, although this latter site may have been farther north in New Hampshire.
80. Temple and Sheldon, Northfield, 13.
81. Ibid., 13.
82. Pocumtuck Valley Memorial Association Proceedings, Field Meeting 1897, 445–446.
83. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 1112.
84. Mather, History, 85.
85. Everett, Orations, 653–654.
86. Mather, History, 85. The figure commonly used is seven to eight hundred Indians as judged by those few English who escaped; see Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 115. Such a figure was almost certainly overstated.
87. Mather, History, 85.
88. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 112. Edward Everett quoted a Newbury, Massachusetts, tradition which claimed that a man who died there in 1824, at the age of ninety-seven, was acquainted with two of the three men from Lathrop’s company said to have survived the Bloody Brook massacre. Henry Bodwell, his left arm broken by a musket ball, fought his way clear of the ambush. John Tappan hid in a watercourse covered by grass. Robert Dutch of Ipswich, also said to have survived the massacre, was wounded and left for dead but was rescued by Moseley’s troops; see Everett, Orations, 655–656.
89. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 113.
90. Ibid., 112.
91. Hoyt, Antiquarian Researches, 109.
92. There is some confusion on this point. Hoyt wrote in 1824 that the first monument erected near the place of attack was now decayed, with “two plain stone flags, lying near the front of the house . . . its only remains. Several gentlemen have it in contemplation to repair the old, or erect a new monument, near the same spot with an appropriate inscription” (see Hoyt, Antiquarian Researches, 109–110). Whether the current stone slab is one of the original “plain stone flags,” or a second, new memorial is unknown.
93. John Warner Barber, Historical Collections, Being a General Collection of Interesting Facts, Traditions, Biographical Sketches, Anecdotes, etc. Relating to the History and Antiquities of Every Town in Mass. (Worcester, Mass.: Dorr, Howland, 1839), 247–248. Everett reported in 1835 that “the spot has recently been identified by excavation on the roadside, directly in front of the house of Stephen Whitey, Esq., of South Deerfield.” (See Everett, Orations, 656).
94. Barber, Historical Collections, 248.
95. Ibid.
96. Mather, History, 86.
97. Barber, Historical Collections, 248. One wonders if the committee wasn’t counting with history in mind. This number matches precisely Increase Mather’s report of ninety-six Indians killed; see Mather, History, 86.
98. Everett, Orations, 655.
99. This site should not be confused with King Philip’s Stockade, adjacent to Forest Park where Route 5 enters Longmeadow. King Philip’s Stockade was named for the sachem centuries after his death and has no relevance to King Philip’s War.
100. Mason A. Green, Springfield, 1636–1886: History of Town and City (Springfield, Mass.: C. A. Nichols, 1888), 160–161.
101. John P. Pretola, “The Springfield Fort Hill Site: A New Look,” Archaeological Society of Connecticut, Bulletin, no. 48, 37.
102. Personal communications with John Pretola, 1992.
103. Pretola, “Springfield Fort Hill Site,” 38–40.
104. Ibid., 42–43.
105. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 117–118.
106. Ibid., 118.
107. Ibid.
108. Ibid., 120. Hubbard estimated “300 of Phillip’s Indians” were admitted into the fort; see Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 120. An Agawam scout captured at the time estimated the total force to be 270, but others in Springfield felt the force was not more than 100, most of them being Agawam; see Bodge, Soldiers, 145.
109. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 119.
110. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 122.
111. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 119.
112. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 123.
113. Ibid., 206.
114. Mather, History, 253.
115. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 193. The settlers were said to be descending Pecowsic Hill; Proceedings at the Centennial Celebration of the Incorporation of the Town of Longmeadow, October Seventeeth, 1883 (1884), 29.
116. A. Cory Bardswell et al., The Hatfield Book (Northampton, Mass.: Gazette Printing Co., 1970), 3–4.
117. Ibid., 7.
118. Hubbard reported seven hundred, but few later historians use this number; see Hubbard, History, vol. 2, 44.
119. Ibid., 124.
120. Ibid., 125.
121. Daniel White Wells and Reuben Field Wells, A History of Hatfield, Massachusetts (Springfield, Mass.: F. C. H. Gibbons, 1910), 82.
122. Ibid.
123. Ibid.
124. Bardswell et al., Hatfield, 8.
125. Ibid.
126. Hubbard, History, vol. 2, 234. The number sometimes reported is seven hundred and perhaps confuses the first and second attack.
127. Wells and Wells, Hatfield, 90.
128. Bardswell et al., Hatfield, 8.
129. Wells and Wells, Hatfield, 90.
130. Francis Jennings, The Invasion of America: Indians, Colonialism, and the Cant of Conquest (New York: Norton, 1975), 313.
131. Ibid., 314. This was probably overstated. A better estimate might have been four to five hundred; see Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 165–166.
132. Jennings, Invasion, 315.
133. Ibid., 316.
134. Personal communication with Christina Kelly, Schaghticoke town historian, 1991.
135. Ibid.
136. New York had been officially opened to native refugees in May 1676.
137. Personal communication with Christina Kelly, 1991.
138. Jennings, Invasion, 323.
139. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 223.
140. William Barry, A History of Framingham, Massachusetts (Boston: James Munroe, 1847), 24.
141. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 223.
142. Barry, Framingham, 27–29.
143. Ibid., 24.
144. Rowlandson, Narrative, 3–4.
145. Ibid., 371.
146. Personal communication with Herbert Hosmer, 1991.
147. Leach, Flintlock and Tomahawk, 159.
148. Rowlandson, Narrative, ix.
149. Ibid., 7.
150. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 172.
151. Personal communication with Herbert Hosmer, 1991.
152. Rowlandson, Narrative, 63.
153. Exercises at the Bi-Centennial Commemoration of the Burning of Medfield by Indians in King Philip’s War (Medfield, Mass.: George H. Ellis, 1876), 15.
154. The natives wrote: “We come 300 at this Time,” but Hubbard estimated their number to be 500; see Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 171.
155. Ibid., 168.
156. Ibid., 169.
157. Kenneth A. Lockridge, A New England Town: The First Hundred Years (New York: Norton, 1970), 95.
158. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 169.
159. Ibid.
160. William S. Tilden, ed., History of the Town of Medfield, Massachusetts, 1650–1886 (Boston: Geo. H. Ellis, 1887), 82.
161. Ibid., 83.
162. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 170.
163. Tilden described the location as “about fifty rods eastward of the junction of Main and Pound Streets” (see Tilden, Medfield, 83).
164. Conversation with the staff, Medfield Historical Society, 1992.
165. Like most structures of its age, Peak House is not without its controversies. Tilden wrote that Peak House was an addition to Benjamin Clark’s second house and was not built until 1762. “After the decay of the old part, it was moved to its present location” (see Tilden, Medfield, 348). However, Paul Hurd, president of the Medfield Historical Society, wrote in 1991: “The foundation upon which it [Peak House] is built is unarguably of early 18th century construction . . . However, Abbot Lowel Cummings, formerly of the SPNEA [Society for the Preservation of New England Antiquities], swears it [Peak House] was built in the 17th century, and has included its architecture in his book about 17th century framed houses in Massachusetts . . . In researching the building for application to be included in the National Register of Historic Places all deeds, possible to be located, were checked out, and no evidence was found of Benjamin Clark having built another house to replace the one burned by King Philip’s Indians on February 21, 1676, except Peak House.”
166. Bi-Centennial Commemoration of the Burning of Medfield, 16.
167. Ibid., 22.
168. Conversation with the staff, Medfield Historical Society, 1992.
169. Ibid.
170. Ibid.
171. Richard DeSorgher, A Short History of the Indian Attack on Medfield, February 21, 1676 (1976), 5–6.
172. DeSorgher, A Short History, 6.
173. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 171.
174. Tilden, Medfield, 85.
175. Mather, History, 120.
176. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 170. Tilden reported about thirty-two houses burned and about thirty-two left standing; see Tilden, Medfield, 84.
177. DeSorgher, A Short History, 8.
178. Ibid., 9.
179. Ibid.
180. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 171.
181. Bi-Centennial Commemoration of the Burning of Medfield, 16.
182. Ibid.
183. Personal communication with Paul Hurd, 1992.
184. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 171.
185. Rowlandson, Narrative, 13.
186. Mortimer Blake, A History of the Town of Franklin, Mass. (Franklin, Mass.: Committee of the Town of Franklin, 1879), 17–18.
187. Michael J. Puglisi, Puritans Besieged: The Legacies of King Philip’s War in the Massachusetts Bay Colony (Lanham, Md.: University Press of America, 1991), 110.
188. Ibid., 109.
189. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 196–197.
190. Caleb Butler, History of the Town of Groton (Boston: T. R. Marvin, 1848), 82.
191. Personal communication with Robert Beal, 1992.
192. Ibid.
193. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 196.
194. Ibid.
195. Butler, Groton, 83.
196. Ibid.
197. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 198.
198. Ibid.
199. Ibid., 200.
200. Ibid.
201. Ibid., 199.
202. Ibid., 194–195.
203. Butler, Groton, 82.
204. Virginia May, A Plantation Called Petapawag (Groton, Mass.: Groton Historical Society, 1976), 69.
205. Personal communication with Robert Beal, 1992.
206. Puglisi, Puritans Besieged, 99.
207. Bodge, Soldiers, 235.
208. The Reverend John Russell of Hadley estimated one thousand; see Bodge, Soldiers, 236.
209. James Russell Trumbell, History of Northampton, Massachusetts, vol. 1 (Northampton, Mass.: n.p., 1898), 306.
210. Bodge, Soldiers, 236.
211. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 132.
212. Bodge, Soldiers, 236.
213. Mather, History, 122.
214. Trumbell, Northampton, vol. 1, 268.
215. Personal communication with Terrie Korpita, 1992.
216. Trumbell, Northampton, vol. 1, 269.
217. Personal communication with Terrie Korpita, 1992.
218. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 128.
219. Trumbell, Northampton, vol. 1, 269.
220. Ibid.
221. Jacqueline Van Voris, The Look of Paradise (Canaan, N.H.: Phoenix, 1984), 83.
222. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 128.
223. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 132.
224. Ibid.
225. Van Voris, The Look of Paradise, vol. 1, and correspondence with Terrie Korpita, 1992.
226. Trumbell, Northampton, vol. 1, 276–277.
227. Ibid., 308. Trumbell wrote that “it is comparatively easy to name the point of each assault,” but gives no clues as to his sources.
228. Ibid., 306.
229. Bodge, Soldiers, 236.
230. Puglisi, Puritans Besieged, 98.
231. Ibid., 98.
232. Ella A. Bigelow, Historical Reminiscences of the Early Times in Marlborough, Massachusetts (Marlboro, Mass.: Times Publishing Company, 1910), 8.
233. Charles Hudson, History of the Town of Marlborough, Massachusetts, from Its First Settlement in 1657 to 1861 (Boston: T. R. Marvin, 1862).
234. Personal communications with Gary Brown, 1991.
235. Bigelow, Marlborough, 6.
236. Ibid.
237. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 189.
238. Bigelow, Marlborough, 5.
239. Leach, Flintlock and Tomahawk, 172, 175.
240. Mather, History, 127.
241. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 247.
242. Hudson, Marlborough, 74.
243. Bigelow, Marlborough, 9.
244. Personal communication with Gary Brown, 1991.
245. Hudson, Marlborough, 82.
246. Personal communication with Gary Brown, 1991.
247. Hudson, Marlborough, 82.
248. Bigelow, Marlborough, 9.
249. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 208.
250. Laura Scott, Sudbury: A Pictorial History (Norfolk, Va.: Donning, 1989), 31.
251. John C. Powers, We Shall Not Tamely Give It Up (Lewiston, Maine: John C. Powers, 1988), 63.
252. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 208.
253. Powers, We Shall Not Tamely, 65.
254. Alfred Sereno Hudson, The History of Sudbury, Massachusetts, 1638–1889 (Sudbury, Mass.: Town of Sudbury, 1889), 198–200.
255. Ibid., 199.
256. Many of the Sudbury monuments incorrectly list the date of the Sudbury Fight as April 18. This stemmed from William Hubbard’s history of the war, which incorrectly gave the date of the battle; Drake, ed., Old Indian Chronicle, 233.
257. Scott, Sudbury, 31.
258. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 209. Other reports indicated that two survived, making their way successfully to the Haynes garrison; see Powers, We Shall Not Tamely, 64.
259. Hudson, Sudbury, 199, and Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 210.
260. Hudson, Sudbury, 235.
261. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 210.
262. Drake, ed., Old Indian Chronicle, 235.
263. Powers, We Shall Not Tamely, 73.
264. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 213.
265. Scott, Sudbury, 33 (from Hudson).
266. Ibid., 31.
267. Hudson, Sudbury, 200.
268. Scott, Sudbury, 30.
269. Hudson, Sudbury, 198–200.
270. Ibid., 200.
271. Rowlandson, Narrative, 45.
272. Bodge, Soldiers, 238.
273. Ibid., 237.
274. Ibid., 244.
275. Ibid., 242.
276. Personal communication with Richard Colton, 1991.
277. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 226, and Bodge, Soldiers, 243.
278. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 227–228, and Bodge, Soldiers, 244. Turner himself doubted the estimate of only sixty or seventy warriors; see Bodge, Soldiers, 244.
279. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 229.
280. Ibid., 230.
281. Ibid.
282. Ralph M. Stoughton, History of the Town of Gill (published by the town as a bicentennial project, 1978), 7.
283. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 230.
284. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 230.
285. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 233.
286. Bodge, Soldiers, 247.
287. Personal communication with Crawford, 1992.
288. Lucy Cutler Kellogg, History of Greenfield, 1900–1929, vol. 3 (Greenfield, Mass.: Town of Greenfield, 1931), 1400.
289. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 233.
290. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 233.
291. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 234. Hubbard thinks that no fewer than two or three hundred must have perished; see Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 231.
292. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 235.
293. Mather, History, 149.
294. Stoughton, Gill, 34.
295. Rita Reinke, “Seventeenth-Century Military Defenses Uncovered,” Journal of the Massachusetts Historical Commission (Fall, 1990), 3.
296. Mather, History, 155.
297. Ibid., 156.
298. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 245.
299. Mather, History, 156.
300. Ibid., 157.
301. Russell Bourne, The Red King’s Rebellion: Racial Politics in New England, 1675–1678 (New York: Atheneum, 1990), 140.
302. In 1660, forty-one of the fifty-nine members of the High Court of Justice were still alive. Fifteen fled abroad. Nine were captured and put to death; see John Cannon and Ralph Griffiths, The Oxford Illustrated History of the British Monarchy (Oxford, U.K.: Oxford University Press, 1988), 385.
303. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 103.
304. Mather, History, 72.
305. George Sheldon, “The Traditional Story of the Attack Upon Hadley and the Appearance of Gen. Goffe, Sept. 1, 1675: Has It Any Foundation in Fact?” New England Historic Genealogical Register 28 (October 1874), 379.
306. Thomas Hutchinson, The History of Massachusetts from the First Settlement Thereof in 1628, Until the Year 1750, 3rd ed., vol. 1 (Boston: Thomas Andrews, 1795), 201.
307. Sylvester Judd, History of Hadley (Springfield, Mass.: H. R. Hunting, 1905), 139.
308. Sheldon, “Attack Upon Hadley,” 380.
309. Ibid., 381.
310. Ibid., 382.
311. Ibid., 383.
312. Judd, Hadley, 137.
313. Sheldon, “Attack Upon Hadley,” 388.
314. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 104.
315. Leach, Flintlock and Tomahawk, 267.
316. Bourne, The Red King’s Rebellion, 140.
317. Douglas Wilson, “Web of Secrecy: Goffe, Whalley, and the Legend of Hadley,” New England Quarterly 60, no. 4 (December 1987), 539–541.
318. Ibid., 542–543.
319. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 282. Hubbard states that forty-five were killed or captured, and that others died of wounds or sickness after reaching New York; see Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 279.
320. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 280.
321. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 279. The modern spelling of Ausotunnoog is Housatonic. The Dutch River is the Hudson River.
322. Charles J. Taylor, History of Great Barrington, (Berkshire County), Massachusetts (Great Barrington, Mass.: Clark W. Bryan, 1882), 8.
323. Ibid., 10.
324. Personal communications with Lila Parrish, 1992.
1. This spring is sometimes confused with the spring by which Philip was shot and killed. The two are not the same; Philip was killed farther south near Mount Hope.
2. Susan G. Gibson, ed., Burr’s Hill: A Seventeenth-Century Wampanoag Burial Ground in Warren, R.I. (Providence, R.I.: Haffenreffer Museum of Anthropology, 1980), 24.
3. Guy M. Fessenden, History of Warren, R.I. (Providence, R.I.: H. H. Brown, 1845), 71–72.
4. George W. Ellis and John E. Morris, King Philip’s War (New York: Grafton Press, 1906), 68.
5. While lost to nineteenth-century Americans, the site of this burying ground was apparently known to seventeenth-century English settlers. Benjamin Church, ranging about Warren in search of Anawan near the war’s end, wrote that “they heard another gun, which seemed toward the Indian burying place” (see Thomas Church, The History of Philip’s War, Commonly Called the Great Indian War of 1675 and 1676 [1717; reprint, edited by Samuel G. Drake, 1829; Bowie, Md.: Heritage Books, 1989], 130).
6. Laurie Weinstein-Farson, The Wampanoag (New York: Chelsea House, 1989), 39.
7. Gibson, ed., Burr’s Hill, 22.
8. A Patchwork History of Tiverton, Rhode Island (Tiverton R.I.: Tiverton Historical Society, 1976), 11, and Rhode Island Historical Preservation Commission, Tiverton, Rhode Island: Statewide Historical Preservation Report, Preliminary (1983), 4.
9. Church wrote that these tracks were discovered near “the brook that runs into Nunnaquahqat neck.” Drake identifies the brook as “that which empties into the bay nearly a mile southward from Howland’s ferry. The road to Little Compton, here, follows the shore of the bay, and crosses said brook where it meets the bay” (Thomas Church, History, 39).
10. A Patchwork History, 11.
11. Thomas Church, History (ed. Drake), 40.
12. Benjamin Church, The History of King Philip’s War, with an introduction and notes by Henry Martyn Dexter (Boston: John Kimball Wiggin, 1865), 31.
13. Thomas Church, History, 41.
14. Ibid., 42.
15. James E. Holland, “How the Four Corners of Puncatest Came to Be,” Old Rhode Island 5, no. 2 (1995), p. 18.
16. Dexter in Benjamin Church, History, 34.
17. A Patchwork History, 12.
18. Thomas Church, History, 46.
19. Benjamin Church, History (ed. Dexter), 36.
20. Ibid.
21. Ibid.
22. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 76.
23. Richard LeBaron Bowen, Early Rehoboth, vol. 3 (Rehoboth, Mass.: privately published, 1948), 79. One of Philip’s captains killed was Nimrod. A simple gravestone—probably unrelated but intriguing nonetheless—marked “Nimrod, An Indian” sits on a farm near the old Taunton Dog Track off Route 44 in Taunton, Massachusetts.
24. From a report by the Christian Indian George; see Thomas Hutchinson, The History of Massachusetts from the First Settlement Thereof in 1628, Until the Year 1750, 3rd ed., vol. 2 (Boston: Thomas Andrews, 1795), 267.
25. William Hubbard, The History of the Indian Wars in New England from the First Settlement to the Termination of the War with King Philip in 1677, from the Original Work by the Rev. William Hubbard (1677), vol. 1 (reprint, edited by Samuel G. Drake, 1865; Bowie, Md.: Heritage Books, 1990), 90.
26. William Hubbard estimated twenty-two miles.
27. Reprinted in Increase Mather, The History of King Philip’s War (1676; reprint, edited by Samuel G. Drake, 1862; Bowie, Md.: Heritage Books, 1990), 228–229.
28. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 94.
29. On September 3 Richard Smith Jr. reported that the Indians had killed some of his cattle, but in none of his subsequent letters to the commissioners does he suggest that he and his family were seized or in any way molested by the Narragansett.
30. Nathaniel B. Shurteleff and David Pulsifer, eds., Records of the Colony of New Plymouth in New England, vol. 5, 1674–1686 (Boston: 1854), 357.
31. Ibid., 361.
32. Daniel Berkeley Updike, Richard Smith (Boston: Merrymount Press, 1937), 110.
33. Ibid., 110–111.
34. Ibid., 111.
35. Ibid., 111–112.
36. Ibid., 112.
37. Ibid., 113.
38. Shurteleff and Pulsifer, eds., Records, 359.
39. Ibid., 457.
40. J. Hammond Trumbull, The Public Records of the Colony of Connecticut (Hartford, Conn.: F. A. Brown, 1852), 387.
41. W. Noel Sainsbury, ed. Calendar of State Papers, Colonial Series, America and West Indies, 1675–1676 (London: Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1893), 442.
42. Ibid., 158.
43. Personal visit, 1991. A second site in Warwick related to King Philip’s War concerns the death of John Wickes, killed by Narragansett in 1676 when he left the safety of the so-called Stone Castle. The Stone Castle, built entirely of stone in 1649, was located on the site of the present-day Elks Lodge parking lot on West Shore Road. The structure survived King Philip’s War but was demolished in 1795. “Wickes’ decapitated body was found by his companions and buried; his head was found a few days later and was buried in a smaller, separate grave” (see Rhode Island Historical Preservation Commission, Warwick, Rhode Island: Statewide Historical Preservation Report, Preliminary [April 1981], 7). Wickes’ grave can still be seen in the Stone Castle Cemetery off West Shore Road, west of the Elks parking lot and directly north of Webster Street. An overgrown path leads from the parking lot to the cemetery, which is in a state of disrepair.
44. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 145.
45. The precise site of Pumham’s death is unknown. Guesses include present-day Medfield, or even farther southwest in present-day Bellingham. Personal communication with Robert Hanson.
46. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 259.
47. Mather, History, 183.
48. Rhode Island Historical Preservation Commission, North Kingstown, Rhode Island: Statewide Preservation Report (November 1979), 6.
49. Shurteleff and Pulsifer, eds., Records, 412.
50. Howard Millar Chapin, The Trading Post of Roger Williams with Those of John Wilcox and Richard Smith (Providence, R.I.: Society of Colonial Wars, 1933), 13. “The Narragansett sachems invited him [Roger Williams] to establish a post among them. Shortly thereafter, he began trading out of Cocumscossoc, a sheltered cove on the west side of the bay (now Wickford, Rhode Island; Bailyn 1955:59; Chapin 1931:31; Woodward 1971). While maintaining his Providence residence, Williams was joined by two other traders. John Wilcox soon became William’s partner and resident manager (Bailyn 1955:59; Chapin 1931:31, 1933:25). Richard Smith, Sr., eventually bought out both men’s operations, becoming the primary trader in the region after 1651” (see William A. Turnbaugh, “Assessing the Significance of European Goods in Seventeenth-Century Narragansett Society,” in Ethnohistory and Archaeology: Approaches to Postcontact Change in the Americas, edited by J. Daniel Rogers and Samuel M. Wilson [New York: Plenum, 1993], 141). The Brown University Department of Anthropology was actively examining the site in 1991.
51. Rhode Island Historical Preservation Commission, North Kingstown, 7.
52. Ibid., 6.
53. Quoted in William S. Simmons, The Narragansett (New York: Chelsea House, 1989), 89.
54. John Talcott, “A Letter Written by Maj. John Talcott from Mr. Stanton’s at Quonocontaug to Govr. William Leete and the Hond. Council of the Colony of Connecticut” (July 4, 1676; reprint, Providence, R.I.: Society of Colonial Wars, 1934), 11.
55. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 249.
56. Talcott, “A Letter,” 7.
57. The number of wigwams and population density is unclear. Joseph Granger wrote that “the 500 wigwams would yield a general figure of approximately 1,000 families, a number translated to produce a population estimate of nearly 4,000 persons . . . even with refugee populations, a figure of 2,000 individuals seems to be a high estimate for the Great Swamp winter site” (from Joseph E. Granger, “The ‘Brumal Den’: An Archaeological and Ethnohistorical Study of the ‘Great Swamp Fort’ of the Narragansetts” [unpublished], quoted with permission of the author, 42–43).
58. Patrick M. Malone, The Skulking Way of War: Technology and Tactics among the New England Indians (Lanham, Md.: Madison Books, 1991), 73. Perhaps Stonewall John was active in the design or construction of the fort; ibid., 75.
59. This view was challenged by Welcome Arnold Greene in an 1887 analysis of the battle, one of the first critical evaluations of historical accounts. “The term block house may apply to a building no larger than a dog kennel, and that of a flanker, to a rail fence . . . It is a misnomer to call the affair a fort in any sense. It was simply a densely crowded Indian Village, with a line of fence and brush around it” (see Greene, “The Great Battle of the Narragansetts, Dec. 19, 1675,” Narragansett Historical Register 5, no. 4 [December 1887], 333).
60. Stonewall John’s prior relationship with Richard Smith Jr. probably made the Narragansett an ideal ambassador for his people. However, if Stonewall John was the most gifted military engineer among the Narragansett, and Canonchet’s Fort was still in an unfinished state (which the English would supposedly exploit in their attack a few days later), one wonders why he was not in the Great Swamp supervising construction activity.
61. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 128. Hubbard reported that the natives killed “10 Englishmen and 5 women and children but two escaped in all.”
62. Ebenezer W. Peirce, Indian History, Biography and Genealogy (North Abington, Mass.: Zerviah Gould Mitchell, 1878), 196.
63. Quoted in Norman M. Isham, “Preliminary Report to the Society of Colonial Wars of Rhode Island on the Excavations at the Jireh Bull Garrison House on Tower Hill in South Kingstown,” Rhode Island Historical Society Collections 11, no. 1 (January 1918), 2.
64. Mather, History, 105.
65. Isham, “Excavations at the Jireh Bull Garrison House,” 3, 5. Directions are given: “If one follows the Middle Bridge or Tower Hill road down into the valley of the Narrow River and turns to the right, or toward the south, he will see, just before the turn to the bridge, a triangular piece of meadow in the southwest corner of which is a bar-way. Beyond this an old road zig-zags up the hill. By following this road up to and beyond the stone way, one will find a trail toward the left or south which will bring him to the site.” Today, the old road and trail have been replaced by modern homes.
66. Ibid., 5, 7.
67. Ibid., 9, 10.
68. “Report upon the Objects Excavated at the Jireh Bull House and Now in the Museum of the Rhode Island Historical Society,” Rhode Island Historical Society Collections 18, no. 3 (July 1925), 83ff.
69. Society of Colonial Wars, A Plat of the Land of Capt. Henry Bull, Drawn by James Helme, Surveyor, January 8, 1729 (Providence, R.I.: E. L. Freeman, 1927).
70. A marker placed to commemorate the garrison had been removed at the author’s visit in 1991.
71. Hubbard bemoaned the fact that “there was no Shelter left either for Officer or private Soldier” (see Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 143). Peirce wrote that “(their provisions being exhausted and the supply that they had expected to find in Bull’s garrisoned house destroyed by the Indians) the wearied, frost bitten and hungry column recommenced its march” (see Peirce, Indian History, 128–129). However, Winslow knew of the garrison’s destruction well before the march commenced and must have realized that his troops would be exposed to the elements and without additional supplies. Had the Bull garrison remained completely intact and welcomed the soldiers with open arms, there would still have been many hundreds left to sleep in the cold and snow.
72. Society of Colonial Wars, A Record of the Ceremony and Oration of the Occasion of the Unveiling of the Monument Commemorating The Great Swamp Fight, December 19, 1675, in the Narragansett Country of Rhode Island (1906), 31.
73. Thomas Hutchinson, The History of the Colony and Province of Massachusetts Bay (1765; reprint, Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1936), 302.
74. George Madison Bodge, Soldiers in King Philip’s War (1906; Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1991), 174.
75. Among firsthand accounts, neither Captain James Oliver, Joseph Dudley, nor Benjamin Church estimate the distance of the march from Pettaquamscutt to the fort.
76. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 143.
77. Hutchinson, History of the Colony and Province of Massachusetts Bay, 253.
78. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 149.
79. Bodge, Soldiers, 185.
80. Ibid., 173.
81. Leach, Flintlock and Tomahawk, 128.
82. In the 1906 oration that highlighted the dedication of the Great Swamp Fight monument, speaker Rowland G. Hazard noted that the freezing of the swamp so that it would bear the soldiers was “a thing almost unheard of before or since” (Society of Colonial Wars, A Record of [. . .] the Great Swamp Fight, 32).
83. Thomas Church, History, 58.
84. Bodge, Soldiers, 186. Welcome Arnold Greene noted in 1887, “From the northward the firm land projects into the swamp to within a distance of about a mile from the island . . . and if an attack were made on the fort it would probably be from the northern side” (see Greene, “The Great Battle of the Narragansetts,” 335).
85. Bodge, Soldiers, 186. If other reports were true, of course, this water would have been frozen and passable without the log.
86. Samuel Drake, ed., Old Indian Chronicle: Being a Collection of Exceeding Rare Tracts, Written and Published in the Time of King Philip’s War (Boston: Samuel G. Drake, 1867), 182. Were this literally true, Moseley probably would not have been left to report it.
87. For instance, not many months later at Turner’s Falls, Massachusetts, a poorly prepared group of colonial soldiers experienced initial success in attacking an Indian camp, only to take terrible losses on their retreat home.
88. Joshua Tefft, quoted by Roger Williams, “The Winthrop Papers,” Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 4th series, vol. 6, 309.
89. Bodge, Soldiers, 193.
90. Thomas Church, History, 58.
91. Bodge, Soldiers, 193.
92. William Hubbard described Tefft as a “Renegade English man of Providence, that upon some Discontent amongst his Neighbors, had turned Indian, married one of the Indian Squaws, renounced his Religion, Nation and natural Parents all at once, fighting against them” (Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 162). Tefft may have worked as a miller with his father at Pettaquamscutt, though contemporary historians believed he had become a member of the Pokanoket in 1662, marrying a Pokanoket woman. Contemporaries also believed that he assisted the Narragansett with construction of their fort and fought on their side in the Great Swamp Fight. Tefft denied these charges, but after his capture on January 14 was executed as a traitor by the English; see Roger Williams, The Correspondence of Roger Williams, vol. 2 (1654–1682), Glenn W. LeFantasie, ed. (Hanover, N.H.: University Press of New England, 1988), 715.
93. Williams, “The Winthrop Papers,” 310.
94. “James Quanapaug’s Information,” Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 1st series, vol. 6, 206.
95. Ibid., 207. Quanpohit would also estimate that the Narragansett had “seven hundred fighting men, well armed, left” (ibid., 208). This would have meant that the Narragansett had 740 warriors before the Great Swamp Fight.
96. Bodge, Soldiers, 174.
97. A Continuation of the State of New England, Being a Further Account of the Indian Warr. London: Dorman Newman, 1676.
98. News from New-England (London: J. Coniers, 1676; reprint, Boston: Samuel G. Drake, 1850), 7. “Their own confession” probably refers to the Narragansett sachem Potuck, quoted by William Hubbard below.
99. Mather, History, 108–109.
100. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 151–152. One of the factors mitigating the loss of so many Narragansett was the mobile nature of their camps. Patrick Malone wrote: “Warfare often required movement of the entire population of a village or camp with very little notice. Sachems, warned of a possible attack could gather separate groups into one or more easily defensible positions or temporarily scatter their people into mobile bands capable of avoiding their enemies. Southern New England Indians were not nomads, but they were used to seasonal moves and could pack their belongings quickly. Within a few hours’ notice, an entire village could be broken up and the inhabitants on their way to one or more places of refuge” (see Malone, Skulking, 13–14). Hubbard noted that “it seems that there was but one Entrance into the Fort, though the Enemy found many Ways to come out” (see Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 145). Based on accounts of the battle, it would seem that most Narragansett women, children, and old men would have had the opportunity and the ability to flee the village before the wigwams were set on fire.
101. Bodge, Soldiers, 193.
102. Ibid., 174.
103. Thomas Church, History, 61.
104. Malone, Skulking, 10.
105. Granger writes in “The ‘Brumal Den,’ ” 40–41, “As for the reliability of participants observing placement of provisions, it is probable that the three foot high doorways would have deterred colonial soldiers familiar with low fortified doorways and ‘murderer’s holds’ from close inspection, and more consistent to believe that pit storage was practiced.”
106. Personal communication with Joseph Granger, 1994.
107. Drake, ed., Old Indian Chronicle, 183. Drake noted that this seemed “like a rather large story; especially as the fire was in a dense wilderness, and a great snow-storm was all the time prevailing.”
108. Bodge, Soldiers, 174.
109. Douglas Leach wrote, “On the day after the Great Swamp Fight the English troops buried thirty-four of their dead at Wickford, while in the following days still others of the wounded succumbed. A month after the battle the total number of dead was approaching seventy, and both Hubbard and Mather subsequently placed the figure at more than eighty” (see Leach, Flintlock, 132).
110. Many survivors carried reminders of the battle for the rest of their lives. Increase Mather reported that Major William Bradford, age seventy-three in 1697, “hath worn a bullet in his flesh above 20 of them” (see Mather, History, 109). John Bull of Hingham petitioned the Massachusetts legislature for a pension in 1703, explaining that “in the yere 1675 your humble petisinor was impresed in to His magistis servis and marched to Naregansit fort fight under ye Command of Cap Johnson who was there slaine in Battel myself sorely wounded by A bulet being shot into my back aftor I was wounded I was caried some twenty mils in a very could Night and laid in A could chamber, a wooden pillo my covering was ye snow the wind drove on me a sad time to war in to be wounded the (then) in a lettle time I was moved to Rodisland from thence hom to Hingham where I remained two yers and upward helples my diit and tendance cost the cuntery not one peny after I came home had I not bin helped by my Naighbors and frinds I had perished before this day but in time through gods goodness to me I atained to so much strengh that I came to do some small labor thow with much pain by reson the bullit is in my body to this day but now age coming on and natorall forse begin to abate my former pains do increas upon every letel could or chang of wether by reson of my wound” (see Bodge, Soldiers, 484). Dr. Simon Cooper, a resident of Newport, was responsible for attending to many of the men wounded in the Great Swamp Fight. In a letter to the governor and council at Hartford, written shortly after the fight in 1676, Cooper detailed his work: “Captain Mason of Norredge his skull broken I did for him & took out many pieces not Cured & accommodated him. Edward Shippey of Say Brooke shot through ye mouth his upper Jaw broke which the Surgeons would not dress because ye said he was a dead man. Cured. Jacob Perce: wounded in ye Leg & Joshua Basham wounded in ye breast which belongs to your Colony but I do not know what towns almost Cured went home. Mark Makins of Stratford his shoulder blade shot to pieces Cured. Joseph Ginings of Wetherfeeled shot into the head. his Ja[w] broken & many pieces taken out Cured. Joseph Wheeler of Milford wounded in ye arm Cured. John Seargant of Gilford wounded in ye back: Cured. For which I demand 8 pounds sterling money: or money’s worth” (Simon Cooper, “A Letter Written by Dr. Simon Cooper of Newport on the Island of Rhode Island to the Governor and Council of the Connecticut Colony” [June 17, 1676, reprint, Providence, R.I.: Society of Colonial Wars, 1916], 21).
111. Bodge, Soldiers, 174.
112. Quoted in Peirce, Indian History, 135.
113. Ibid., 175.
114. Williams, “The Winthrop Papers,” 308. If Trumbull’s numbers of Mohegan dead are accurate, then clearly the Narragansett were unaware of any such agreement.
115. “James Quanapaug’s Information,” Massachusetts Historical Society, 207.
116. Michael J. Puglisi, Puritans Besieged: The Legacies of King Philip’s War in the Massachusetts Bay Colony (Lanham, Md.: University Press of America, 1991), 22.
117. Justin Winsor, ed., The Memorial History of Boston, vol. 1 (Boston: James R. Osgood, 1882), 91. More than a century before, the Reverend Samuel Niles reported, “The English set the wigwams on fire soon after they entered the fort, so that not only their houses but their treasure also was quickly turned into ashes, and their corn and beans were turned into coal, and great quantities of them remain to this day in their full proportion at a small depth under the surface of the earth” (Samuel Niles, “A Summary Historical Narrative of the Wars in New-England with the French and Indians, in Several Parts of the Country,” Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 3rd series, vol. 6 [Boston: American Stationers’, 1837] 154). Niles was born on May 1, 1674, just a year before the start of King Philip’s War, and died in 1762 at the age of eighty-eight.
118. J. R. Cole, History of Washington and Kent Counties, R.I. (New York: W. W. Preston, 1889), 20.
119. Bodge, Soldiers, 184–185.
120. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 149.
121. In 1887 Welcome Arnold Greene gave this account of the site: “The accounts given of it are, in many respects misleading. The site of the ‘Fort,’ (so called) on which the assault was made is spoken of by some historians, as a ‘hill’ rising in a swamp; by other, and more cautious ones, as ‘a rising ground.’ Now in a swamp any land, to be dry, must be ‘rising,’ above the water line, and in fact the island on which this ‘fort’ stood appeared to be, when standing upon it, to rise just about fifteen inches above the Highwaterline. In June 1885, a party of six of whom the writer was one, rode through the swamp onto the island, and we could not appreciate just where the wheels left the wet grass at the edge of the swamp and entered on the dryland. Of course an area of three or four acres would not be dead level, but not one of us estimated the highest part of the island to be more than three feet above highwater level. My own estimate was as stated, about fifteen inches” (Greene, “The Great Battle of the Narragansetts,” 331). The weakness in Greene’s analysis, of course, is that while he might have described the site of the memorial with great accuracy, he may not have been describing the site of the Great Swamp Fight.
122. Thomas Church, History, 57.
123. News from New-England, 6.
124. A Continuation of the State of New England. Greene commented: “To speak of a clay wall on the island seems to one standing upon it an absurdity. There is no clay on the island. It is a mile through an almost impassable swamp to the nearest dry land, and there is no clay bed known to exist for miles around. To suppose that the Narragansett indians dug that clay miles away, and ‘packed’ it on their backs across the swamp in order to make that clay wall, requires an estimate of Indian character that is based purely on imagination” (see Greene, “The Great Battle of the Narragansetts,” 332).
125. Roger Williams to John Leverett, “The Winthrop Papers,” 307–311.
126. Ezra Stiles, The Literary Diary of Ezra Stiles, vol. 3, 1782–1795 (New York: Scribner, 1901), 23.
127. Granger, “The ‘Brumal Den,’ ” 14.
128. Personal communication with Carl Congdon, 1994.
129. Paul G. Martasian, “Unearth Historic Indian Relics,” unknown publication, September 10, 1959 (held by Rhode Island Historical Society, F.F. Subj. K540, King Philip’s War, 1675–1676).
130. Erwin H. Johnson, “Digging into the Great Swamp Mysteries,” Alumni Bulletin (University of Rhode Island) 40, no. 1 (January–February 1960; held at Rhode Island Historical Society, V.F. Subj. K540, King Philip’s War, 1675–1676).
131. Granger, “The ‘Brumal Den,’ ” 27.
132. Ibid., 31, and personal communication with Paul Robinson (Rhode Island Historic Preservation Commission) and E. Pierre Morenon (Rhode Island College), 1991.
133. Personal communication with Paul Robinson, E. Pierre Morenon, Mary Soulsby (University of Connecticut), and Carl Congdon, 1994.
134. Simmons, The Narragansett, 91, and personal communication with Paul Robinson and E. Pierre Morenon. Many local residents have preserved artifacts from the Great Swamp, though only a small percentage relate to the historic period; see David George et al., Report Archaeological Reconnaissance Survey (South Kingstown, R.I.: Public Archaeology Survey Team, August 1993), 37.
135. Simmons, The Narragansett, 91.
136. George et al., Report, 1–3.
137. Ibid., 40–41.
138. This site is away from the memorial but, for purposes of preservation, has not been identified.
139. George et al., Report, 41.
140. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 189.
141. Noah A. Phelps, History of Simsbury, Granby, and Canton from 1642 to 1845 (Hartford, Conn.: Case, Tiffany and Burnham, 1845), 21.
142. Ibid., 23.
143. Ibid., 24.
144. Ibid., 25.
145. Mather, History, 165.
146. Phelps, Simsbury, 26.
147. Leonard Bliss Jr., History of Rehoboth, Bristol County, Massachusetts: Comprising a History of the Present Towns of Rehoboth, Seekonk, and Pawtucket, From Their Settlement to the Present Time, Together with Sketches of Attleborough, Cumberland, and a Part of Swansey and Barrington, to the Time That They Were Severally Separated from the Original Town (Boston: Otis, Broaders and Company, 1836), 93. Hubbard’s account of whether Canonchet led the attack or not is unclear. Shortly before Canonchet was captured in April 1676, Hubbard wrote that he was “at that Moment divertising himself, with the Recital of Capt. Pierces Slaughter, surprised by his Men a few Days before.” Some take this to mean Canonchet was hearing about the story (for the first time) from men who were actually there; others that he was simply basking in a Narragansett victory. See Hubbard, History, vol. 2, 57.
148. John G. Erhardt, Rehoboth, Plymouth Colony, 1645–1692 (Seekonk, Mass.: John G. Erhardt, 1983), 332.
149. Rhode Island Historical Preservation Commission, Pawtucket, Rhode Island: Statewide Historical Preservation Report P-PA-1 (October 1978), 4.
150. Erhardt, Rehoboth, 328.
151. Bliss, History of Rehoboth, 88.
152. Rhode Island Historical Preservation Commission, Survey of Central Falls (January 1978), 6.
153. Ibid.
154. Bliss, History of Rehoboth, 89.
155. Ibid.
156. Ibid.
157. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 174, and Mather, History, 127.
158. Survey of Central Falls, 3.
159. Ibid., 5.
160. Bliss, History of Rehoboth, 90.
161. Ibid., 91.
162. Ibid., 84.
163. Attleborough Bi-Centennial Anniversary Official Souvenir Programme (October 18–19, 1894), 18.
164. Patrick T. Conley, An Album of Rhode Island History, 1636–1986 (Norfolk, Va.: Donning, 1986), 28.
165. Attleborough Bi-centennial Programme, 19.
166. Personal communication with Albert Klyberg, 1992.
167. Patrick T. Conley and Paul R. Campbell, Providence: A Pictoral History (Norfolk, Va.: Donning, 1982), 73.
168. Ibid., 14.
169. Ibid., 15.
170. Rhode Island Historical Preservation Commission, Downtown Providence, Rhode Island: Statewide Historical Preservation Report (May 1981), 41.
171. Samuel Greene Arnold, History of the State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, vol. 1 (New York: D. Appleton, 1859), 408.
172. Ibid., 408–409.
173. Mather and Hubbard both reported thirty houses burned in their first accounts of the war. Later, Hubbard adjusted this number to eighteen houses burned on June 28, 1675, and fifty-four burned on March 29. He also reported that “most of the rest” were burned when the residents of Providence abandoned the town. See Mather, History, 132, and Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 181, and vol. 2, 47.
174. Leach, Flintlock and Tomahawk, 168.
175. Isaac Backus, A History of New England, with Particular Reference to the Denomination of Christians Called Baptist, 2nd ed., with notes by David Weston, vol. 1 (Newton, Mass.: Backus Historical Society, 1871), 337.
176. Old Providence: A Collection of Facts and Traditions Relating to Various Buildings and Sites of Historic Interest in Providence, printed for the Merchants National Bank of Providence, Providence, R.I., 1918, 2.
177. Rhode Island Historical Preservation Commission, Downtown Providence, 42.
178. Conley and Campbell, Providence, 17.
179. Arnold, Rhode Island, 409.
180. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 90.
181. Bowen, Early Rehoboth, vol. 3, 94.
182. Rhode Island Historical Preservation Commission, East Providence, Rhode Island: Statewide Historical Preservation Report (September 1976), 7.
183. Bliss, History of Rehoboth, 78.
184. See Erhardt, Rehoboth, 337–338.
185. Richard LeBaron Bowen, Early Rehoboth, vol. 2 (Rehoboth, Mass.: privately published, 1946), 8.
186. Ibid.
187. Ibid., 9.
188. Peirce, Indian History, 181.
189. Erhardt, Rehoboth, 337. This was probably exaggerated.
190. Mather, History, 131
191. Erhardt, Rehoboth, 340. Kingsley’s gravestone, which resembles a hitching post, was moved from his farm to the Newman (or Hurst) Cemetery, located at the intersection of Route 114 (Pawtucket Avenue) and Route 152 (Newman Avenue) in East Providence. The stone sits near a tall Newman marker in the north end of the cemetery near the parking lot across from the Newman Church.
192. Personal communication with E. Otis Dyer Jr., 1992.
193. E. Otis Dyer Sr. “Like North, Rehoboth Had Its Garrisons,” Attleboro Sun Chronicle, December 9, 1990, 41.
194. Ibid.
195. Ibid.
196. Sue Ellen Snape, Rising from Cottages (Taunton, Mass.: William S. Sulwold, 1990), 71.
197. Hubbard, History, vol. 2, 56.
198. Ibid., 56–57.
199. Ibid., 57.
200. Ibid., 58.
201. Ibid., 59.
202. Ibid.
203. Ibid., 60.
204. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 202.
205. Hubbard, History, vol. 1, 265.
206. Church, History (ed. Drake), 121.
207. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 271.
208. Church, History (ed. Drake), 123.
209. Mather, History, 194. Ellis and Morris believed he was a “subject of Awashonks” (see Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 272).
210. Church, History (ed. Drake), 125.
211. Ibid.
212. Church, History (ed. Dexter), 150.
213. Church, History (ed. Dexter), 150.
214. Church, History (ed. Drake), 126.
215. Mather reported that Philip’s hands were sent to Boston; see Mather, History, 195.
216. Church, History (ed. Drake), 127.
217. Rowlandson, Narrative, 3.
218. Files of the Fruitlands Museums.
219. From the Utica (?) Daily Gazette (1842), in the files of the Fruitlands Museums.
220. A letter from Mrs. James to the Historical Society of Connecticut in 1876 attempted to retrieve the items; see the files of the Fruitlands Museums.
221. Checkley’s memoirs were published in 1897 when the objects were “said still to remain” at the Connecticut Historical Society; see John Checkley, Memoirs of the Rev. John Checkley, ed. Edmund F. Slafter, in Publications for the Prince Society: John Checkley, 2 vols. (John Wilson, 1897).
222. Lydia Black, “Valuable Indian Relic Stolen from Fruitlands,” Nashoba Free Press, July 2, 1970.
223. Joseph P. Kahn, “Wampanoag War Artifact Finds Trail Back Home,” Boston Globe, June 7, 1995, pp. 1, 16.
224. Checkley, Memoirs, 119.
225. Church, History (ed. Drake), 123.
226. Benjamin Church, Diary of King Philip’s War, 1675–1676 (1716; reprint, with an introduction by Alan Simpson and Mary Simpson, Tiverton, R.I.: Lockwood, 1975), 17–19.
227. Stratton, Plymouth Colony, 127.
228. Little Compton (R.I.) Historical Society, Indians of Little Compton (1988), 3. The report continues: “We do not think that Pocasset lands came any further south than the marshy cove below today’s Seapowet Avenue.”
229. Little Compton Historical Society, Indians of Little Compton, 5. Awashonks’ descendents, however, did not. Wampanoag tribal historian Russell Gardner notes that Awashonks’ son, Peter, was settled after King Philip’s War on the old Watuppa reservation on the east side of Watuppa Pond. This reservation was created in 1686, and Peter’s descendents were still living there when the reservation was repartitioned in 1763. Eventually Massachusetts took the reservation for a watershed area for the city of Fall River. The old reservation is remembered in the name of a nearby road, Indian Town Road. (Personal communications, 1999.)
230. Little Compton (R.I.) Historical Society, Notes on Little Compton (1970), edited, annotated, and arranged by Carlton C. Brownell, from records collected by Benjamin Franklin Wilbour.
231. Church, Diary, 76.
232. Ibid., 77.
233. Ibid., 78.
234. Ibid., 80.
235. Rhode Island Historical Commission, Little Compton, Rhode Island: State Preservation Report, Preliminary (1990), 73.
236. Personal communication with Carlton Brownell, 1991.
1. William Hubbard, The History of the Indian Wars in New England from the First Settlement to the Termination of the War with King Philip in 1677, from the Original Work by the Rev. William Hubbard (1677), vol. 2 (reprint, edited by Samuel G. Drake, 1865; Bowie, Md.: Heritage Books, 1990), 100.
2. Ibid.
3. Ibid., 101.
4. Brunswick, Maine: Two Hundred Years a Town, published by the town of Brunswick (1939), 17.
5. Ibid.
6. Increase Mather, The History of King Philip’s War (1676; reprint, edited by Samuel G. Drake, 1862; Bowie, Md.: Heritage Books, 1990), 202.
7. Hubbard, History, vol. 2, 104.
8. Ibid.
9. Mather, History, 89.
10. George W. Ellis and John E. Morris, King Philip’s War (New York: Grafton Press, 1906), 295.
11. Ibid., 303.
12. Personal communication with Emerson Baker III, 1991.
13. Portland City Guide (Portland, Maine: City Printing Company, 1940), 281.
14. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 306. James Andrews’ Island is now Cushing Island.
15. Hubbard, History, vol. 2, 170.
16. J. B. Stuart and Co. Atlas of the State of Maine (1901); notation made by former city historian on a map held by the York Institute, Saco, Maine.
17. Hubbard, History, vol. 2, 105.
18. Roy P. Fairfield, Sands, Spindles, and Steeples: A History of Saco, Maine (Portland, Maine: House of Falmouth, 1956), 11.
19. Hubbard, History, vol. 2, 106.
20. Ibid., 108.
21. Ibid., 109.
22. Personal communication with Emerson Baker III, 1991.
23. Ellis and Morris wrote that “a large body of Indians” attacked the home; see Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 298.
24. Hubbard, History, vol. 2, 114.
25. Ibid., 115.
26. Personal communication with Emerson Baker III and visit to site, 1991.
27. Hubbard, History, vol. 2, 121.
28. Ibid.
29. An old photograph shows three gravestones at this location. Only one survives today.
30. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 302.
31. Hubbard, History, vol. 2, 157.
32. Russell Bourne, The Red King’s Rebellion: Racial Politics in New England, 1675–1678 (New York: Atheneum, 1990), 227.
33. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 303.
34. Hubbard, History, vol. 2, 163.
35. Emerson W. Baker, The Clarke and Lake Company: The Historical Archaeology of a Seventeenth-Century Maine Settlement, Occasional Publications in Maine Archaeology, no. 4 (Augusta, Maine: Maine Historic Preservation Commission, 1985), 61.
36. Hubbard, History, vol. 2, 72.
37. Russell Bourne wrote that an Abenaki woman seeking shelter was allowed into the fort, and waited until late at night to open the gates; see Bourne, The Red King’s Rebellion, 227.
38. Hubbard, History, vol. 2, 159.
39. Ibid.
40. Ibid., 160.
41. Ibid., 161.
42. Personal communication with Emerson W. Baker III, 1991.
43. Hubbard, History, vol. 2, 224.
44. Ibid., 164.
45. Baker, The Clarke and Lake Company, 17.
46. Ibid., 18.
47. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 304.
48. Baker, The Clarke and Lake Company, 17.
49. Ibid., 21.
50. Ibid., 39.
51. Ibid., 49.
52. Hubbard, History, vol. 2, 130.
53. Ibid., 187.
54. Edward M. Cook Jr., Ossipee, New Hampshire 1785–1985: A History, vol. 1 (Ossipee, N.H.: Peter E. Randall, 1989), 12.
55. Ibid.
56. Hubbard, History, vol. 2, 187.
57. Ibid., 188.
58. Personal communications with Ruth Loring, Ossipee Historical Society, 1992.
59. Cook, Ossipee, 12.
60. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 307.
61. Hubbard, History, vol. 2, 172.
62. Ibid.
63. William S. Southgate, The History of Scarborough from 1633 to 1783, vol. 3 (1853), in Collections of the Maine Historical Society, 109.
64. Ibid., 111.
65. Hubbard, History, vol. 2, 232.
66. Ibid.
67. Ibid., 234.
68. Ibid.
69. Ibid., 235.
70. Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, 312.