History
Independence
Unlike Kenya and, to a lesser extent, Tanzania, Uganda never experienced a large influx of European colonisers and the associated expropriation of land. Instead, farmers were encouraged to grow cash crops for export through their own cooperative groups. Consequently, Ugandan nationalist organisations sprouted much later than those in neighbouring countries, and, when they did, it happened along tribal lines. So exclusive were some of these that when Ugandan independence was discussed, the Baganda people considered secession.
By the mid-1950s, however, Lango school teacher Dr Milton Obote managed to put together a loose coalition headed by the Uganda People’s Congress (UPC), which led Uganda to independence in 1962 with the promise that the Buganda kingdom would have autonomy. The kabaka (king), Edward Mutesa II, became the president of the new nation, and Milton Obote became Uganda’s first prime minister.
It wasn’t a particularly favourable time for Uganda to come to grips with independence. Civil wars were raging in neighbouring Sudan, the DRC and Rwanda, and refugees streamed into Uganda, adding to its problems. Also, it soon became obvious that Obote had no intention of sharing power with the kabaka. A confrontation loomed.
Obote moved in 1966, arresting several cabinet ministers and ordering his army chief of staff, Idi Amin, to storm the kabaka’s palace in Kampala. The raid resulted in the flight of the kabaka and his exile in London, where he died in 1969. Following this coup, Obote proclaimed himself president, and the Buganda monarchy was abolished, along with those of the Bunyoro, Ankole, Toro and Busoga kingdoms. Meanwhile, Idi Amin’s star was on the rise.
IDI AMIN: BUTCHER OF UGANDA
Regarded as one of Africa’s most notorious and ruthless dictators, the name Idi Amin continues to be synonymous with Uganda despite it being nearly four decades since he was ousted as president. Following his defeat in the Uganda–Tanzania war in 1979, Amin fled the country never to return, heading to Libya and Iraq before living in exile in Saudi Arabia, where he died from kidney failure in 2003, aged 78. He never faced justice for the atrocities he committed, with an estimated 300,000 losing their lives under his rule. President from 1971 to 1979, Amin will be remembered not only for executions, human-rights violations and ethnic persecution, but for corruption and the transformation of the once prosperous Ugandan economy into financial ruin.
Amin was a highly charismatic leader who had the ability to charm everyone he met. Physically imposing at 1.91m, with a broad build, Amin was a champion boxer who held Uganda’s light heavyweight boxing championship from 1951 to 1960. To many Africans, Amin was (and, for many, remains) highly respected for his fierce nationalism and courage to stand up to colonial powers.
On the flipside, he was also known for his wild mood swings and paranoia. Henry Kyemba, one of Amin’s most trusted ministers at the time, states in his autobiography State of Blood that Amin dabbled with cannibalism and blood rituals. Persistent rumours from exiled Ugandans also suggest that he kept the heads of his most prized enemies in a freezer, which he would take out on occasion to lecture them on their evil ways.
The Amin Years
Under Milton Obote’s watch, events began to spiral out of control. Obote ordered his attorney general, Godfrey Binaisa, to rewrite the constitution to consolidate virtually all powers in the presidency and then moved to nationalise foreign assets.
In 1969 a scandal broke out over US$5 million in funds and weapons allocated to the Ministry of Defence that couldn’t be accounted for. An explanation was demanded of Amin. When it wasn’t forthcoming, his deputy, Colonel Okoya, and some junior officers demanded his resignation. Shortly afterwards Okoya and his wife were shot dead in their Gulu home, and rumours began to circulate about Amin’s imminent arrest. It never came. Instead, when Obote left for Singapore in January 1971 to attend the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM), Amin staged a coup. Uganda’s former colonial masters, the British, who had probably suffered most under Obote’s nationalisation program, were among the first to recognise the new regime. Obote went into exile in Tanzania.
So began Uganda’s first reign of terror. All political activities were quickly suspended and the army was empowered to shoot on sight anyone suspected of opposition to the regime. Over the next eight years an estimated 300,000 Ugandans lost their lives, often in such brutal ways as being bludgeoned to death with sledgehammers and iron bars. Among those who suffered most were the Acholi and Lango people, who were decimated in waves of massacres; whole villages were wiped out. Next Amin turned on the professional classes. University professors, doctors, cabinet ministers, lawyers, businesspeople and even military officers who might have posed a threat to Amin were dragged from their offices and shot or simply never seen again.
Also targeted was the 70,000-strong Asian community. In 1972 they were given 90 days to leave the country. Amin and his cronies grabbed the billion-dollar booty the evictees were forced to leave behind squandering it on ‘new toys for the boys’ and personal excess. Amin then turned on the British, nationalising US$500 million worth of investments in tea plantations and other industries without compensation.
Meanwhile the economy collapsed, industrial activity ground to a halt, hospitals and rural health clinics closed, roads cracked and became riddled with potholes, cities became garbage dumps and utilities fell apart. The prolific wildlife was machine-gunned by soldiers for meat, ivory and skins, and the tourism industry evaporated. The stream of refugees across the border became a flood.
Faced with chaos and an inflation rate that hit 1000%, Amin was forced to delegate more and more powers to the provincial governors, who became virtual warlords in their areas. Towards the end of the Amin era, the treasury was so bereft of funds it was unable to pay the soldiers. One of the few supporters of Amin at the end of the 1970s was Colonel Gadaffi, who bailed out the Ugandan economy in the name of Islamic brotherhood (Amin had conveniently become a Muslim by this stage) and began an intensive drive to equip the Ugandan forces with sophisticated weapons.
The rot had spread too far, however, and was beyond the point where a few million dollars in Libyan largesse could help. Faced with a restless army beset with intertribal fighting, Amin looked for a diversion. He chose a war with Tanzania, ostensibly to teach that country a lesson for supporting anti-Amin dissidents. It was his last major act of recklessness, and in it lay his downfall.
War with Tanzania
On 30 October 1978 the Ugandan army rolled across northwestern Tanzania virtually unopposed and annexed more than 1200 sq km of territory. Meanwhile, the airforce bombed the Lake Victoria ports of Bukoba and Musoma.
Tanzanian President Julius Nyerere ordered a full-scale counterattack, but it took months to mobilise his ill-equipped and poorly trained forces. By early 1979 he had managed to scrape together a 50,000-strong people’s militia, composed mainly of illiterate youngsters from the bush. This militia joined with the many exiled Ugandan liberation groups – united only in their determination to rid Uganda of Amin. The two armies met. East Africa’s supposedly best-equipped and best-trained army threw down its weapons and fled, and the Tanzanians pushed on into the heart of Uganda. Kampala fell without a fight, and by April 1979 organised resistance had effectively ceased.
Amin fled the country and eventually ended up in Saudi Arabia where he died in 2003, never having faced justice.
OPERATION ENTEBBE: 1976 HOSTAGE RESCUE
The site of one of the most well-known hostage-rescue missions, Uganda’s international airport in Entebbe was where a hijacked Air France flight landed on 27 June 1976. Carrying 248 passengers, the flight from Tel Aviv en route to Paris was hijacked by Palestinian and German terrorists and diverted to Libya, before eventually being given permission to land in Entebbe by Idi Amin, a pro-Palestine supporter. Demanding the release of 53 Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) prisoners in return for the release of the hostages, terrorists held passengers in the main hall of the airport building (now the old terminal building, and a popular site for Israeli tourists) for over a week. Eventually all non-Jewish passengers were released, leaving around 105 hostages onboard.
In what’s considered one of the most daring and dramatic hostage operations to ever take place, the covert operation comprised an Israeli taskforce of around 100 commandos touching down in Entebbe at 11pm in a C-130 Hercules cargo plane. Several Mercedes rolled off the plane to give the appearance of being part of Idi Amin’s entourage, from where Israeli commandos emerged to storm the terminal. Within 30 minutes, seven terrorists and around 40 Ugandan soldiers were killed, while three Israeli hostages also died in the crossfire. The freed hostages were loaded on to the plane while Ugandan soldiers fired away, resulting in one Israeli soldier being killed: the brother of Israeli prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu. In the meantime more than half of Uganda’s air force planes were destroyed by the Israelis to prevent retaliatory air strikes upon Israel. In response Amin ordered the killing of 75-year-old Dora Bloch, a British-Jewish hostage who remained in Kampala recovering in hospital following the ordeal.
Post-Amin Chaos
The Tanzanian action was criticised, somewhat half-heartedly, by the Organisation for African Unity (OAU, now called the African Union), but most African countries breathed a sigh of relief to see Amin finally brought to heel. All the same, Tanzania was forced to foot the entire bill for the war, estimated at US$500 million, a crushing blow for an already desperately poor country.
The rejoicing in Uganda was short-lived. The Tanzanian soldiers, who remained in the country, supposedly to assist with reconstruction and to maintain law and order, turned on the Ugandans when their pay did not arrive. They took what they wanted from shops at gunpoint, hijacked trucks arriving from Kenya with international relief aid and slaughtered more wildlife.
Once again, the country slid into chaos and gangs of armed bandits roamed the cities, killing and looting. Food supplies ran out and hospitals could no longer function. Nevertheless, thousands of exiled Ugandans began to answer the call to return home and help with reconstruction.
Yusuf Lule, a modest and unambitious man, was installed as president with Nyerere’s blessing. But when he began speaking out against Nyerere, he was replaced by Godfrey Binaisa, sparking riots supporting Lule in Kampala. Meanwhile, Obote bided his time in Dar es Salaam.
Binaisa quickly came under pressure to set a date for a general election and a return to civilian rule. Obote eventually returned from exile to an enthusiastic welcome in many parts of the country and swept to power in what is widely regarded as a rigged vote.
It was 1981 and the honeymoon with Obote proved short. Like Amin, Obote favoured certain tribes. Large numbers of civil servants and army and police commanders belonging to the tribes of the south were replaced with Obote supporters belonging to the tribes of the north. The State Research Bureau, a euphemism for the secret police, was re-established and the prisons began to fill once more. Obote was on course to complete the destruction that Amin had begun. More and more reports of atrocities and killings leaked out of the country. Mass graves unrelated to the Amin era were unearthed. The press was muzzled and Western journalists were expelled. It appeared that Obote was once again attempting to achieve absolute power. Intertribal tension was on the rise, and in mid-1985 Obote was overthrown in a coup staged by the army under the command of Tito Okello.
The NRA Takeover
Okello was not the only opponent of Obote. Shortly after Obote became president for the second time, a guerrilla army opposed to his tribally biased government was formed in western Uganda under the leadership of Yoweri Museveni.
A group of 27 soon swelled to a guerrilla force of about 20,000, many of them orphaned teenagers. In the early days few gave the guerrillas, known as the National Resistance Army (NRA), much of a chance, but the NRA had a very different ethos to the armies of Amin and Obote. New recruits were indoctrinated in the bush by political commissars and taught they had to be servants of the people, not oppressors. Discipline was tough. Anyone who got badly out of line was executed. Museveni was determined that the army would never again disgrace Uganda. A central thrust of the NRA was to win the hearts and minds of the people, who learnt to identify with the persecuted Baganda in the infamous Luwero Triangle, where people suffered more than most under Obote’s iron fist.
By the time Obote was ousted and Okello had taken over, the NRA controlled a large slice of western Uganda and was a power to be reckoned with. Museveni wanted a clean sweep of the administration, the army and the police. He wanted corruption stamped out and those who had been involved in atrocities during the Amin and Obote regimes brought to trial.
The fighting continued in earnest, and by January 1986 it was obvious that Okello’s days were numbered. The surrender of 1600 government soldiers holed up in their barracks in the southern town of Mbarara brought the NRA to the outskirts of Kampala itself. With the morale of the government troops low, the NRA launched an all-out offensive to take the capital. Okello’s troops fled, almost without a fight, though not before looting whatever remained and carting it away in commandeered buses. It was a typical parting gesture, as was the gratuitous shooting-up of many Kampala high-rise offices.
During the following weeks, Okello’s rabble were pursued and finally pushed north over the border into Sudan. The long nightmare was finally over.
Rebuilding
Despite Museveni’s Marxist leanings, he proved to be a pragmatist after taking control. He appointed several arch-conservatives to his cabinet and made an effort to reassure the country’s large Catholic community.
In the late 1980s, peace agreements were negotiated with most of the guerrilla factions who had fought for Okello or Obote and were still active in the north and northeast. Under an amnesty offered to the rebels, as many as 40,000 had surrendered by 1988, and many were given jobs in the NRA. In the northwest of the country, almost 300,000 Ugandans returned home from Sudan.
With peace came optimism: services were restored, factories that had lain idle for years were again productive, agriculture was back online, the main roads were resurfaced, and the national parks’ infrastructure was restored and revitalised.
The 1990s
The stability and rebuilding that came with President Museveni’s coming to power in 1986 was followed in the 1990s with economic prosperity and unprecedented growth. For much of the decade Uganda was the fastest-growing economy in Africa, becoming a favourite among investors. One of the keys to its success was the bold decision to invite back the Asians who, as in Kenya, had held a virtual monopoly on business and commerce. Not surprisingly, they were very hesitant about returning, but assurances were given and kept, and property was returned.
The darkness didn’t end for northern Uganda, however, due to the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), the last remaining rebel group founded during the time of the NRA rebellion. Its leader, Joseph Kony, grew increasingly delusional and paranoid and shifted his focus from attacking soldiers to attacking civilians in an attempt to found a government based on the Biblical Ten Commandments.
His vicious tactics included torture, mutilation (slicing off lips, noses and ears), rape and abducting children to use as soldiers and sex slaves. Eventually over one million northerners fled their homes to Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) camps and tens of thousands of children became ‘night commuters’, walking from their villages each evening to sleep in schools and churches or on the streets of large and (sometimes) safer towns. In their half-hearted fight against the LRA, government forces reportedly committed their own atrocities too.
In 1993, a new draft constitution was adopted by the National Resistance Council (NRC). One surprising recommendation in the draft was that the country should adopt a system of ‘no-party’ politics. Given the potential for intertribal rivalry within a pluralist system, it was a sensible policy. Under the draft constitution, a Constituent Assembly was formed, and, in 1994, elections for the assembly showed overwhelming support for the government. Also, in 1993, the monarchies were restored, but with no actual political power.
Democratic ‘no-party’ elections were called for May 1996. The main candidates were President Museveni and Paul Ssemogerere, who had resigned as foreign minister in order to campaign. Museveni won a resounding victory, capturing almost 75% of the vote. The only area where Ssemogerere had any real support was in the anti-National Resistance Movement (NRM) north.
Museveni’s election carried with it great hope for the future, as many believed Uganda’s success story could only continue with a genuine endorsement at the ballot box. But Museveni’s period as a democratically elected leader has been far less comfortable than his leadership period prior to the elections. At home, one corruption scandal after another has blighted the administration, though Museveni has so far stayed clean. Museveni's focus seemed to drift from the homefront and he has played a heavy hand with events in the DRC and Rwanda. Despite this, Museveni remained popular for the stability he brought to the lives of average Ugandans and he was re-elected in 2001.
Into the New Millennium
Eventually Museveni shifted his position on political parties, and in July 2005 a referendum was held that overwhelmingly endorsed the change. This political shift was of much less concern to the average Ugandan than the other that occurred the same month; parliament approving a constitutional amendment scrapping presidential term limits. Museveni himself had put the two-term limit in place, but had regrets as the end of his tenure drew closer. It was alleged that MPs were bullied and bribed into voting for the change. International criticism was strong and even many Ugandans who back Museveni remain angry at his move. The ‘Big Man’ school of African politics is better known to Ugandans than most, and plenty of people are worried he is setting himself up to be president for life. Some even draw unflattering comparisons with Robert Mugabe. Museveni convincingly won his fourth election in 2011 with 68.4% of the vote.
By early in the 2000s the LRA’s campaign of terror had ebbed, though certainly not ceased. In 2002 the LRA lost its Sudanese support and the Ugandan military launched Operation Iron Fist, attacking the LRA’s bases across the northern border. The mission failed and an angered Kony not only increased attacks in Uganda but expanded his targets to areas such as Soroti that had not previously been affected. In the years that followed there were various ceasefires and nominal peace talks, but little progress was made until 2005, when the LRA fled to Garamba National Park in the DRC. The following year the Juba Peace Talks commenced and, though things progressed slowly, they showed genuine promise. Museveni guaranteed Kony amnesty (a move supported in Uganda as practical) and a legitimate ceasefire began in September. After on-again, off-again talks a peace deal was reached in February 2008, though Kony then broke his promise to sign it and the LRA began abducting more child soldiers and even attacked a Sudanese army base. Although the LRA hasn’t threatened Uganda since 2007, most northern Ugandans remain too terrified to return to their homes.
Uganda Today
Leading into the 2016 presidential elections Museveni has announced he will be running again. Though his popularity wanes, no credible opposition has arisen. A new potential candidate emerged in Amama Mbabazi, the former prime minister who was sensationally sacked by Museveni in September 2014. Even if Mbabazi does run, it's considered unlikely he will challenge Museveni.
Addressing the nation in his 52nd anniversary of Independence Day speech, Museveni drew attention to the fact that since the disarmament of the Karamojong in 2012, it was the first time Uganda has been at peace for 114 years. A rare moment of positivity for a nation beseiged by confict and violence.
Though there's been no further incident since the horrific bombings in Kampala in 2010 that left 74 dead, threats of terrorism remain a concern. The ongoing involvement of Ugandan troops in peace-keeping missions in Somalia have put the nation firmly in the targets of the Al-Shadab militia group. In light of the Nairobi attacks in 2013, Kampala remains on high alert with thorough security checks at malls, bars and restaurants now an everyday part of life.
Tensions have also bubbled to the surface with ethnic clashes involving kingdom disputes. An incident in Kasese and Bundibugyo regions in July 2014 saw 100 killed in ethnic uprisings; though these remain an isolated incident.
Uganda's controversial anti-gay bill also keeps the country in the international media spotlight for all the wrong reasons (Click here). The 'miniskirt law' is another worrying sign of Draconian measures, in which under the vague 'anti-pornography' bill, women would effectively be banned from wearing skirts above the knees. The bill was misinterpreted by many, which led to ugly scenes with vigilantes taking to the streets to harass and abuse women wearing short skirts. Fortunately it's an aspect of the bill that since seems to have been relaxed, with no further incident.
Meanwhile efforts continue to find and bring Kony to justice. In March 2014 the US deployed special operation troops and military aircraft to tackle the LRA in the Central African Republic (where Kony is believed to be hiding), the DRC and Sudan, to go with the 5000 African Union troops already on the ground. President Obama has also announced US$5 million reward for Kony's capture. The much publicised documentary Kony 2012, a slick campaign produced by Gulu-based Invisible Children, succeeded in bringing the atrocities of the LRA to the attention of a worldwide audience when it went viral as a YouTube sensation – but didn't suceed in its objective to get its man.
The Culture
The National Psyche
Despite the years of terror and bloodshed, Ugandans are a remarkably positive and spirited people, and no one comes away from the country without a measure of admiration and affection for them. Most Ugandans are keen debaters, discussing politics and personality in equal measure. They are opinionated and eloquent during disagreements, yet unfailingly polite and engagingly warm.
Ugandans will often greet strangers on public transport or while walking in rural areas. The greeting comes not just with a simple ‘hello’ but also with an enquiry into how you and your family are doing – and the interest is genuine. In fact, you risk offending someone (though Ugandans would likely never show it) if you don’t at least ask ‘How are you?’ before asking for information or beginning a conversation.
Many Ugandans fear a fractured future. The country has had a remarkable run since 1986 when Museveni saved the nation, but nationalism has never taken hold. Tribe comes first. In fact, many Baganda still desire independence. This tribal divide has always manifested itself in politics, but the re-emergence of political parties is exacerbating the problem. Recently, even opposition to a vital land reform bill fell largely along tribal not economic lines.
There is also a serious north–south divide, and it doesn’t appear to be closing with the advent of peace. Without Joseph Kony around to blame any more, northerners seem to be turning their resentment for the lack of prosperity and education opportunities towards the south; and not without some justification. During the war, many military officers used their power to swipe land, and today many of the new businesses in the north are owned and new jobs taken by carpetbaggers. Even most of the students in the vast new Gulu University, opened in 2002, come from the south.
Daily Life
Life in Uganda has been one long series of upheavals for the older generations, while the younger generations have benefited from the newfound stability. Society has changed completely in urban areas in the past couple of decades, but in the countryside it’s often business as usual.
Uganda has been heavily affected by HIV/AIDS. One of the first countries to be struck by an outbreak of epidemic proportions, Uganda acted swiftly in promoting AIDS awareness and safe sex. This was very effective in radically reducing infection rates throughout the country, and Uganda went from experiencing an infection rate of around 25% in the late 1980s to one that dropped as low as 4% in 2003.
But things have changed. Due in large part to pressure from the country’s growing evangelical Christian population, led on this issue by Museveni’s outspoken wife (though the president himself has taken her lead), Uganda has reversed its policy on promoting condoms and made abstinence the focus of fighting the disease. The result is that the infection rate has since risen to 7.2%.
Education has been a real priority in Uganda and President Museveni has been keen to promote free primary education for all. It’s a noble goal, but Uganda lacks the resources to realise it, and one-third of the population is illiterate. While more pupils are attending class, often the classes are hopelessly overcrowded and many teachers lack experience.
Agriculture remains the single most important component of the Ugandan economy, and it employs 75% of the workforce. The main export crops include coffee, sugar, cotton, tea and fish. Crops grown for local consumption include maize, millet, rice, cassava, potatoes and beans.
Population
Uganda’s population is estimated at 37 million, and its annual growth rate of 3.6% is one of the world’s highest. The environmental impacts resulting from this population boom, such as deforestation and erosion, will only get worse with time. The median age is 15, with a life expectancy of 59 years.
Uganda is made up of a complex and diverse range of tribes. Lake Kyoga forms the northern boundary for the Bantu-speaking peoples, who dominate much of east, central and southern Africa and, in Uganda, include the Baganda (17%), Banyankole (9.5%), Basoga (8.4%) and Bagisu (4.6%). In the north are the Lango (6%) near Lake Kyoga and the Acholi (4.7%) towards the Sudanese border, who speak Nilotic languages. To the east are the Iteso (6.4%) and Karamojong (2%), who are related to the Maasai, and also speak Nilotic languages. Small numbers of Twa (Batwa) people live in the forests of the southwest. Non-Africans, including a sizeable community of Asians, compose about 1% of the population.
Environment
Uganda suffers the same environmental problems as the rest of the region: poaching, deforestation and overpopulation.
Currently the biggest threat to Uganda’s national parks and other protected areas comes from the oil industry. Significant oil finds in the Kabwoya Wildlife Reserve on Lake Albert have spurred invasive searches for more black gold in the Ishasha sector of Queen Elizabeth National Park and the delta area at Murchison Falls National Park. Providing the drilling companies explore and extract responsibly, then there is hope for a sustainable marriage of interests; but conservationists are sceptical.
PRIMATE HABITUATION
When it comes to tracking mountain gorillas in the wild, one common question is how it’s possible to safely get mere metres from these beautiful, yet intimidating beasts that can weigh in excess of 200kg and have the strength to rip your arms out of their sockets? The simple answer lies in whether the gorilla group is habituated or not. Habituation is the process by which a group of primates (or other animals) are slowly exposed to human presence to the point where they regard us neutrally. While habituated and nonhabituated gorillas are both considered wild, the latter are truly wild in the sense that they’re unaccustomed to human presence, so they’re either likely to flee into the forest or be downright dangerous and aggressive. Thankfully neither of these are the case when tracking gorillas in Bwindi – even though you might get the odd mock charge from a grumpy silverback.
The process of habituating gorillas is a long and patient affair that takes around two to three years. It’s even longer for chimpanzees – normally around seven years before they’re fully habituated. It involves spending time with a group every day and eventually winning over their trust, which is done by mimicking their behaviour: pretending to eat the same food as they do at the same time, grunting and even beating one’s chest when they do. With gorillas, the first few weeks are fraught with danger for the human habitué, with repeated charges commonplace.
Habituation took place well before someone had the bright idea of charging tourists US$600 a pop to see the gorillas. It’s a vital process for research that allows primatologists to observe the behavioural patterns of gorillas, chimps, golden monkeys, baboons etc. Some hold the view that the process of habituation is unethical: subjecting the creatures to our presence each day interferes with nature by changing their behavioural patterns. One example of things going wrong occurred in Busingiro on the edge of Murchison Falls National Park, where chimp tracking had to be abandoned when chimps lost their fear of humans and started raiding local farms. It also puts primates at risk of contagious ailments and disease while making them more susceptible to attacks from poachers or non-habituated ‘wild’ groups. But, pure and simple, had there not been habituation of gorillas (and the tourist trade to go with it), there’s every chance the species would’ve been wiped out by poachers decades ago.
The Land
Uganda has an area of 241,038 sq km, small by African standards, but similar in size to Britain. Lake Victoria and the Victoria Nile river, which cuts through the heart of the country, combine to create one of the most fecund areas in Africa. Most of Uganda is a blizzard of greens, a lush landscape of rolling hills blanketed with fertile fields, where almost anything will grow if you stick it in the soil. The climate is drier in the north and some of the lands of the far northeast are semi-desert.
The tropical heat is tempered by the altitude, which averages more than 1000m in much of the country and is even higher in the cooler southwest. The highest peak is Mt Stanley (5109m) in the Rwenzori Mountains on the border with the DRC.
Wildlife
Uganda can’t compete with Kenya or Tanzania for sheer density of wildlife, but with 500 species of mammal it has amazing diversity. You have a good chance of spotting all the classic African animals including lions, elephants, giraffes, leopards, hippos, zebras, hyenas, and up north, cheetahs and ostriches. Furthermore, with the opening of the Ziwa Rhino Sanctuary, the Big Five are all here again.
It's main attraction however are mountain gorillas. Uganda is home to more than half the world’s mountain gorillas, and viewing them in their natural environment is one of Uganda's highlights. On top of this, Uganda has a good number of chimpanzees and there are several places where you can track them. With well over 1000 species recorded inside its small borders, Uganda is one of the best birdwatching destinations in the world.
Gorilla Tracking
Gorilla tracking is one of the major draws for travellers in Uganda. These gentle giants live in two national parks: Bwindi Impenetrable and Mgahinga Gorilla.
Chimpanzee Tracking
Chimpanzee tracking is a very popular activity in Uganda, with Kibale National Park, Budongo Forest Reserve in Murchison Falls National Park, Kyambura Gorge in Queen Elizabeth National Park and Toro-Semliki the main areas.
Birdwatching
Uganda is one of the world’s best birdwatching destinations, a twitcher’s fantasy offering 1041 species; that’s almost half the total found in all of Africa. Even non-birdwatchers will be enthralled by the diversity of beauty among Uganda’s birdlife.
A good starting point is Uganda Birding (www.birding-uganda.com), an excellent online resource with all there is to know – from birding hotspots, recommended tour operators, to info on the birds themselves. Bird Uganda (www.birduganda.com) also has plenty of good info. The country’s top guides are members of the Uganda Bird Guides Club (www.ugandabirdguides.org).
National Parks & Reserves
Uganda has an excellent collection of national parks and reserves. Twenty percent of your admission fees benefit local communities for things such as construction of schools and health clinics, so you earn a warm fuzzy for every park you visit.
The Uganda Wildlife Authority (UWA;
MAP
GOOGLE MAP
; 
%0414-355000; www.ugandawildlife.org; 7 Kira Rd; 
h8am-5pm Mon-Fri, 9am-1pm Sat) administers all Uganda’s protected areas. It’s the place to make bookings to see the gorillas in Bwindi Impenetrable National Park, and should be the first port of call for those needing to book permits. It’s also the place to reserve accommodation in the parks. Some other activities, such as chimpanzee tracking, the launch trips in Murchison Falls and Queen Elizabeth national parks can also be reserved here, though activities such as nature walks are arranged at the parks. Payments are accepted in shillings, US dollars, euros and pounds in cash or Amex travellers cheques (1% commission). While credit cards aren't accepted, a new cashless 'smartcard' system was introduced to allow one to load up entry fees in Kampala before heading off to the main national parks.
Most national parks charge US$35 to US$40 (US$5 to US$20 for children aged five to 15) and admission is valid for 24 hours. Other charges, which can add up quite fast, include vehicle entry (USh10,000/20,000/30,000 per motorcycle/car/4WD) for locally registered vehicles. If you’re coming in with a foreign registered vehicle, the prices are very expensive (US$30/50/150 per motorcycle/car/4WD). Nature walks cost US$30 per person and rangers for wildlife-watching drives are US$20. Most prices are lower for Ugandan residents and much lower again for Ugandan citizens. For the most up-to-date prices, check the UWA website.
If you’re pressed for time, or money is no issue, you can charter flights to most of the parks.
Safari Operators
By far the most convenient way to visit the parks is on an organised safari, with a good range of options that cover most budgets.
Amagara Tours SAFARIS
(%0752-197826; www.amagaratours.com; Kabale; budget)
Based out of Engagi Guesthouse in Kabale, which also manages the wonderful Byoona Amagara on Lake Bunyonyi, this budget-focused company has great packages for all the national parks in the southwest, and a great option for the gorillas too.
Bird Uganda SafarisSAFARIS
(%0777-912938; www.birduganda.com; Kampala; midrange)
Herbert Byaruhanga, one of Uganda’s pioneering birdwatchers, leads most of the trips himself but also enlists local guides at all of the sites to ensure top spotting. Gorilla tracking and other wildlife encounters can be added to the mix.
Classic Africa SafarisSAFARIS
(%0414-320121, in the US 304-724-8235; www.classicuganda.com; midrange to top end)
One of the best luxury companies in Uganda, Classic offers excellent service both in trip planning and in the parks. Top end.
Great Lakes SafarisSAFARIS
(%0414-267153; www.safari-uganda.com; budget to top end)
One of the better all-round safari companies in Uganda, it offers a wide variety of safaris and cultural encounters at prices for every pocket.
Gorilla ToursSAFARIS
(%0414-200221; www.gorillatours.com; 21/22 Quality Shopping Mall, Kampala; midrange)
Gorillas are the speciality, but this company has itineraries covering all the major parks of southwest Uganda. The trips offer very good value, and it manages some of the country’s best midrange hotels.
Kombi Nation ToursSAFARIS
(
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; www.kombitours.com; 13 Bukoto St, Kampala; budget to midrange)
Though style may outweigh practicality, the opportunity to get around Uganda in a vintage '70s VW Kombi (complete with all original parts) makes this one of the coolest tour companies in the country. They offer both tailor-made trips and scheduled tours, and also have Land Cruisers for 4WD accessible parts of the country.
Matoke ToursSAFARIS
(
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; %0312-202907; www.matoketours.com; 1 Senfuka Rd, Kampala; midrange)
The Dutch-run Matoke team stands out for excellent and enthusiastic service for a midrange clientele, with trips ranging from classic safaris to more intrepid overland journeys to Kidepo Valley National Park and Karamojaland.
Red Chilli HideawaySAFARIS
(%0312-202903; www.redchillihideaway.com; budget to midrange)
An excellent choice for budget safaris to Murchison Falls and Queen Elizabeth national parks. Also very affordable car-hire rates too.
Road Trip UgandaSELF-DRIVE TOURS
(
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; %0773-363012; www.roadtripuganda.com; Grace Musoke Rd, Kampala; budget to midrange)
Popular with a younger generation of traveller, this Dutch-owned company fills in a much needed market by providing an affordable option for self-drive (or guided) tours in fully equipped RAV4s. They offer a good selection pre-booked self-drive routes, which include accommodation bookings and detailed itineraries. Full camping equipment is available for an extra US$5 per day.
Food & Drink
Local food is much the same as elsewhere in the region, except in Uganda ugali (a food staple usually made from maize flour or, rarely, cassava) is called posho, and is far less popular than matoke (cooked plantains). Rice, cassava and potatoes are also common starches and vegetarians travelling beyond the main tourist destinations will end up eating any of these with beans quite often, although Western, Indian and Chinese food is available at most hotels frequented by tourists. Kampala, Jinja and Entebbe (as well as the top hotels in many provincial towns) offer other international flavours such as Italian, Greek, Japanese and Mexican. One uniquely Ugandan food is the rolex, a chapati rolled around an omelette. Grasshoppers are very popular during April and November and are sold by many street vendors.
Like all East Africans, Ugandans love their beer. Uganda Breweries and Nile Breweries are the two main local brewers, and they produce some drinkable lagers such as Nile, Club and Bell.
Waragi is the local millet-based alcohol and is relatively safe, although it can knock you around and give you a horrible hangover. It’s similar to gin and goes down well with a splash of tonic. In its undistilled form it’s known as kasezi bong and would probably send you blind if you drank enough of it.
Imported wines are quite expensive and not common beyond the tourist trail. Imported spirits are relatively cheaper, although, like wine, availability is somewhat restricted.
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oBanda Island ResortGUESTHOUSE
