1 The life of Juan de Anchieta

Tess Knighton

The present attempt to piece together Anchieta’s life, and the place of his extant works within it, draws as much as possible on primary documentary source material, from payment documents to correspondence by the composer as well as royal ambassadors and members of the royal family he served, and accounts by contemporary chroniclers. Inevitably, this documentation is incomplete, and the correspondence contingent on political and social realities and circumstances that are often difficult to read accurately after so many centuries. Wherever possible, the main aim has been to contextualize the primary sources that refer directly in some way to Anchieta through a wider selection of contemporaneous documentary material relating to the institutions where the composer worked, in order to provide as “thick” a description as possible of the composer’s biography (see Appendix 2 for details of his itinerary while in royal service).¹ The subsidiary aim to make the account as coherent as possible, despite the inevitable gaps in documentation—or indeed because of them—may well prove illusory; hopefully, one day, further information will come to light to elucidate those areas that are still in shadow.

Not all Anchieta’s colleagues in the royal chapels were able to acquire as much wealth, status, and travel experience as the Basque composer, though many facets of his life would have been shared by them or at least been familiar to them. The demands made by the itinerant nature of court life, the search for financial security and social standing through obtaining ecclesiastical benefices, preferably in one’s home town or region, and the difficulties that almost inevitably ensued, can be seen as paradigmatic for a singer-composer of his time. Anchieta’s professional status as a musician could hardly have been higher, but he appears to have made little impact on the international musical stage, which gives rise to important questions about the European integration of musicians born in Spain and the distinctive qualities of the music they composed. Yet, if he was indeed the composer of the motet O bone Jesu, attributed in a printed source to Loyset Compère, at least one of his surviving works entered the mainstream and was taken for a composition by a Franco-Netherlandish composer. Other works may have traveled beyond the Pyrenees anonymously, as will be discussed in Chapter 3. He was one of the relatively few Spanish composers of his time to have traveled extensively outside the Iberian Peninsula, and one of the very few to have been represented in the main section of the Segovia manuscript alongside his Franco-Netherlandish contemporaries. On a personal level, Anchieta owned property (an impressive house built in the mudéjar style that still stands in his native Azpeitia), fathered an illegitimate son even though he was a priest, and strove to secure eternal salvation through the endowment of various masses. He was, in other words, a man of his time, as well as an extraordinarily gifted musician. His surviving works are relatively few and surely represent only a fraction of his output; several manuscripts that assuredly contained works by him have been lost. This is his story.

Anchieta’s date of birth and early years (1450s?–1489)

Most biographers of Anchieta have agreed that he was born around 1462, although no incontrovertible documentary evidence for this has yet been found.² The date of 1462 was proposed by Adolphe Coster based on the belief that Anchieta’s parents were Martín García de Anchieta and Urtayzaga, a member of the Loyola family, who died in 1464.³ However, Anchieta’s more recent biographer, Juan Plazaola, has pointed out that this identification of the composer’s mother is erroneous, and that she was, in fact, María Veraizas (Verayças) de Loyola.⁴ María Veraizas de Loyola was the sister of Ignatius of Loyola’s grandfather, making Anchieta the future saint’s first cousin once removed. Juan had an elder brother, Pedro García de Anchieta, who, Coster assumed, based on Urtayzaga’s supposed marriage to Anchieta’s father in 1460, was born in c1461, and a younger sister, María López de Anchieta, born c1463. Both Juan’s siblings play a part in his later career and legacy, as does his close relative St. Ignatius of Loyola, born of a different generation in October 1491. The date of marriage of Anchieta’s parents is not now known, and so the composer’s date of birth is thrown open, and may go back closer to the middle of the fifteenth century,⁵ which would perhaps sit more easily with the reference to him as being old and unable to reside at court in Charles V’s royal cédula of 15 August 1519 (see later in the chapter). “Old” being a relative term, this is hardly conclusive, though it would make better sense if he was older than the age of fifty-seven posited by Stevenson on the basis of a birth date of c1462.⁶ The exact place of Anchieta’s birth is also undocumented, but is believed to have been at the Anchieta family solar in Urrestilla in the valley of the river Urola near Azpeitia, in the historical region of Guipúzcoa and the present-day Basque Country.⁷ Ignatius de Loyola was born only a few kilometers away in 1491. Intermarriage between the Anchieta and Loyola families, as in the case of Anchieta’s parents, had helped to diminish the age-old feuds and rivalries between them,⁸ although certainly not completely, as will be discussed later.

If Anchieta can be assumed to have been born in the 1450s, he could well have been over thirty when he entered the Castilian royal chapel on 6 February 1489.⁹ This would seem a reasonable assumption, since he would have had to have achieved sufficient skill and experience as a musician to warrant this prestigious royal appointment, but it should be emphasized that even this supposition remains speculative. It would seem likely that he had already been ordained as a priest by this time since he served as “capellán y cantor.”¹⁰ However, nothing is known about how he was trained as a musician. Anglés—and almost every biographer since—assumed that, the style of Anchieta’s music being decidedly “Spanish,” he must have been taught by Spanish musicians.¹¹ Certainly, there is no evidence that he studied outside the Iberian Peninsula, as did, for example, the composer Juan de Cornago, who traveled to Paris to study law,¹² but North European musicians were quite commonly to be found working in Spanish cathedrals and courts in the fifteenth century and their polyphonic repertory circulated there.¹³ Anchieta’s music shows awareness of the international Franco-Netherlandish repertory—both sacred and secular¹⁴—notably in those works included in the Segovia manuscript (c1498), before he traveled to Flanders. His sojourn there and subsequent period of employment in Queen Juana’s chapel alongside Franco-Netherlandish composers such as Pierre de La Rue, Alexander Agricola, and Marbrianus de Orto would have brought him into direct contact with their music. It is nevertheless true that his surviving works reflect specifically Spanish traditions of composition.

It would thus seem likely that he was trained in the cathedral milieu of the Spanish kingdoms, as were so many of his colleagues in the royal chapels. Suggestions as regards his musical training have included entry as a choirboy in Pamplona cathedral,¹⁵ the see to which the small town Azpeitia belonged to in the fifteenth century. However, Anchieta’s name has not as yet come to light in the surviving documentation of Pamplona cathedral, nor can the period of study at Salamanca University, or even the training in the royal chapels, both suggested by Coster,¹⁶ be substantiated.¹⁷ Likewise, Anchieta’s name has not been found, to date, among the musicians in the service of Enrique IV’s chapel.¹⁸ Anchieta’s musical training, wherever it took place—cathedral or chapel—would have followed well-established lines: he would have been taught plainchant (and memorized a large body of chants), polyphony and the art of contrapunto, or improvisation through adding vocal parts to a given melody, whether plainchant or song, according to established rules.¹⁹ Anchieta would presumably have served in a cathedral or chapel as a singer, and perhaps risen to the position of cantor or chapelmaster, before being employed in the Castilian royal chapel.

Anchieta’s entry and service in the Castilian royal chapel (1489–1495)

Anchieta was appointed a chaplain and singer at the end of the Catholic Monarchs’ sojourn of several months in Valladolid (Appendix 3a); on 7 February 1489, the day after his formal appointment, the court moved on to nearby Medina del Campo, en route for Córdoba and the continuation of the reconquest of the kingdom of Granada.²⁰ It was common practice for royal singers to be recruited from institutions local to the place where the monarchs stayed as part of the dynamic of the itinerant existence of the royal households,²¹ so that an early connection with Valladolid should not be ruled out. It is also possible that Anchieta deliberately traveled to that city, where the court had been based since September 1488, to seek employment there. Following his appointment, in the spring of 1489, Anchieta would have journeyed with the queen’s royal entourage to southern Spain, and specifically to the encampment outside Baza, where he surely composed the romance En memoria d’Alixandre to mark the embassy of the Sultan Beyazid II (1447/8–1512).²² This four-voice ballad—which will be discussed in more detail in Chapter 5—is Anchieta’s earliest (and probably his only) datable work and shows that he was an accomplished composer at the time he entered royal service; he must have quickly assumed the role of an official court composer.

The details of Anchieta’s years in the service of the Castilian royal chapel until Isabel’s death in 1504 are well established, and reiterated by every biographer following Barbieri’s introduction to the Palace Songbook of 1890; the following summary brings together all the information gathered from the royal archives to date. Initially, Anchieta was paid an annual salary, as chaplain and singer, of 20,000 maravedís (in the Castilian royal chapel, this corresponded to 8,000 maravedís as a chaplain, and 12,000 maravedís as a singer); he also received an annual clothing allowance (vistuario) of 5,000 maravedís. He clearly rose rapidly in esteem in the Castilian royal chapel, his salary increasing to 25,000 maravedís in 1492 (with a yearly clothing allowance of 6,000 maravedís), and to 30,000 maravedís a year later, in August 1493.²³ In 1496, while in the service of Prince Juan, he was due to be paid 35,000 maravedís (although this amount had still not been paid three years later). Other amounts paid to the singer-composer as “favors he has received” (see Appendix 3a) included 8,000 maravedís for his annual clothing allowance and additional sums from the prince’s household on becoming his music master (15,000 maravedís in 1495, and 25,000 maravedís in 1496). Since Anchieta apparently continued to receive 30,000 maravedís for his service in the queen’s chapel, he was earning up to 55,000 maravedís before the prince died in 1497, far more than other royal singers. Non-specified payments were also made: 12,250 maravedís in 1493, and 10,000 maravedís in 1498.²⁴ The treasurers of the royal household indicated that between the years 1491 and 1498, he received through royal favor (mercedes) a total of 66,000 maravedís, a substantial amount.

It might be tempting to see these extra payments as relating to rewards for specific compositions, particularly that for 1493, around the time when he might have composed the Missa Ea judíos a enfardelar attributed to him by Francisco Salinas, following the expulsion of the Jews by the Catholic Monarchs the previous year. Salinas claimed that the song “was commonly sung when the Jews were expelled by the Spaniards” (“quæ cum ab Hispanis Iudæi fuerunt exterminati, vulgò canebatur”), and that “Juan de Anchieta, who was not un-famous in his own day, composed a mass on this tune” (“Ad cuius thema missam Ioannes Ancheta tunc non in celebris symphoneta composuit”). It would be very helpful to know if this work was indeed commissioned by Ferdinand and Isabel from Anchieta, but Salinas was writing much later in the sixteenth century (his De musica was published in 1577), and no other evidence for the existence of the work has yet come to light: it is quite possible that Salinas was mistaken about its existence and/or authorship (see Chapter 4).²⁵ In any case, it is more likely that the sum of 25,000 maravedís, which was divided between Anchieta and the Chantre de Alcalá in 1493, related to their role as receivers (receptores) or treasurers of the royal chapel.²⁶ Certainly, two further payments in 1493 made by the queen’s personal treasurer, Gonzalo de Baeza (see Appendix 3b),²⁷ can be identified as monies distributed among the royal chaplains for serving on special feast days: thirteen gold ducats (4,875 maravedís) for Epiphany, and 8,000 maravedís for those who celebrated the liturgical hours during Lent. The role of receptor was a responsible one, the designated chaplain (or chaplains) being elected for the period of a year, during which time he (they) would have to reside constantly with the court. Anchieta must have fulfilled the role successfully in addition to his musical duties, and come to the notice of the head chaplain (capellán mayor), and thus probably to the queen herself, as, only two years later, he was appointed chapelmaster to the heir to the throne, Prince Juan.

In the service of the heir to the throne (1495–1497)

In his will, Anchieta described himself as having been chapelmaster (“maestro de capilla”) to Prince Juan, and, interestingly, the post-mortem inventory of his possessions includes a royal provision that served as a kind of appointment certificate (“and other documents that the said Abbot [Anchieta] had as chapelmaster and the annual amounts he received in that position as specified in the provisions”) (Appendixes 3g and 3i).²⁸ Although the document mentioned by Anchieta in his will does not appear to survive, his appointment as chapelmaster to Prince Juan is generally given as 1495; certainly he was paid for serving in the prince’s household from that year.²⁹ The prince turned sixteen in 1495, and his own independent household was established;³⁰ the following year, his parents set about bestowing titles and lands on him: Prince of Asturias and Prince of Girona, as well as Lord of Salamanca, Toro, Logroño, Ronda, Loja, and other towns.³¹ In 1496, the prince was granted his own residence at the castle of Almazán, a small town conveniently situated between Castile and Aragon.³² In the summer of 1496, the monarchs, with the heir to the throne, spent three months in Almazán in the palace of the Mendoza family, and the prince remained there until his wedding to Margaret of Austria in Burgos the following year. In Almazán, he continued his studies with his tutor fray Diego de Deza, and, among other pastimes, played chess,³³ as well as developing his twin passions for hunting and music. In his Libro de la Cámara del Príncipe don Juan, Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo (1478–1555) provides a description of the personnel who made up the prince’s household and noble company in accordance with his royal status as heir to the throne, and summarizes his princely accomplishments: “And in truth his Highness [Prince Juan] was much given to music and hunting and he was very knowledgeable in all things related to them.”³⁴ This followed closely the recommendations for princely pastimes described in detail by the humanist Rodrigo Sánchez de Arévalo in his Vergel de los príncipes (1454), commissioned by Juan’s half-uncle, Enrique IV.³⁵ Music was, however, barely mentioned in the more serious-minded Diálogo sobre la educación del príncipe don Juan, believed to have been commissioned by Isabel from Alonso Ortiz in the early 1490s.³⁶

When Anchieta joined the prince’s household, the employment of musicians and a high degree of musical activity were already established.³⁷ From 1490, a number of instrumentalists were assigned to the prince in the Castilian royal household by the queen, who, according to long-standing tradition, was responsible for the entourage and education of the royal children.³⁸ At least four trumpeters were employed to herald the prince’s presence, including the black trumpeter Alfonso de Valdenebro.³⁹ From 1490, a singer-player by the name of Juan Bernal (tañedor e cantor) was paid in the prince’s household, together with a small group of instrumentalists that included a rebec-player, Juan de Madrid (who was specifically mentioned by Fernández de Oviedo), the vihuelist Pedro García, the dulzaina-player Jaime Rejón, the tambourine-player Pedro de Narbona, and the organist Juan Rodíguez de Brihuega.⁴⁰ It is not clear whether the organist played in both chamber and chapel, but it would seem likely. Apart from a number of chaplains, about four chapel boys (moços de capilla) were also employed in the prince’s chapel from 1490: Martín de Valdés, Johan Vásquez, Antonio de Andino, and Francisco de León, with the expected turnover of personnel in the years to 1497.⁴¹ These boys were probably also trained by Anchieta in the singing of polyphony, as will be discussed later.

The structure and etiquette of Prince Juan’s household, in which Anchieta played no small part, is brought to life in detail and with extraordinary vividness by Fernández de Oviedo, who served the prince as a page (moço de camara) from about 1491 until the prince’s untimely death in 1497. In about 1535, Fernández de Oviedo was, commissioned by Charles V to write a detailed eyewitness account of Prince Juan’s household to serve as a model for the Castilian-style casa he aimed to establish for his own heir, Prince Philip.⁴² The result, which Fernández de Oviedo worked and reworked over a number of years, was finally completed in 1548, with the full title of Libro de la cámara real del príncipe D. Juan e officios de su casa e servicio ordinario. Fernández de Oviedo was fortunately for music historians, a rather prolix writer who loved a good anecdote and some serious name-dropping, and he added the concluding section headed “Minstrels and various musicians” (“Menestriles e diversos músicos”) on the rather whimsical premise that his account might not end like a tragedy (“por que no sea tragedia”) in the light of the young prince’s tragic death. This section provides an invaluable insight into the prince’s passion for music, and into Anchieta’s working environment in the mid-1490s (see Appendix 3c). Although this passage has been cited in both Spanish and English translation on several occasions,⁴³ it is worth presenting in full here for its unusually detailed eyewitness description.

My Lord Prince Juan was naturally inclined to music and he understood it very well, although his voice was not as good, to all intents and purposes, as he was persistent in singing; but it would pass with other voices. His chapelmaster was Juan de Anchieta, who taught him in the art, and he established the custom that during the siesta, especially in summer, the said Juan would go to the palace with five or six boys from his Highness’s chapel, skilled boys with fine voices, among whom was Corral, who later became an excellent singer and tiple, and the prince sang with them for two hours, or however long he pleased to, and he took the tenor, and was very skilful in the art.

In his chambers he had a claviorgan, the first ever seen in Spain, and it was made by a great master of Moorish origin from Zaragoza in Aragon, called Moferrez, whom I knew; and he had organs, and harpsichords, and plucked and bowed vihuelas and recorders, and he knew how to play and handle all these instruments.

He had musicians who played the tambourine, and the psaltery and dulzainas, and a harp, a very pretty small rebec that was played by one Madrid, from Carabanchel, a village near Madrid, who was a weaver. And as if in jest, music called him, I mean he took to the rebec and without being shown how to play it, he became an excellent player of that instrument and became rich serving His Highness.

The prince had very fine minstrels: sackbuts, shawms, cornetts, and trumpets, four or five pairs of drums, and for each of these types of instrument, very skilful musicians were employed in his household, as should be the case in the service of such a noble prince.

Although this passage might appear to be a conventional panegyric to the prince’s love for music, Fernández de Oviedo’s not exactly complimentary comment about the prince’s singing voice lends a high degree of verisimilitude,⁴⁴ and as Bonnie Blackburn has noted, the writer was himself musically trained.⁴⁵ More importantly, almost all the details provided by Fernández de Oviedo can be verified from court records: Anchieta was employed as the prince’s chapelmaster from at least 1495; musicians—including choirboys, singers, minstrels, and instrumentalists—were employed in his household from at least 1490; a boy singer by the name of Antonio de Corral subsequently served as a singer in the Castilian royal chapel from January 1499, and, following Isabel’s death toward the end of 1504, in the Aragonese royal chapel, and was rewarded with many ecclesiastical benefices by the monarchs.⁴⁶ A rebec-player called Juan de Madrid, from Carabanchel, also served the prince and was highly rewarded,⁴⁷ and the monarchs commissioned at least one claviorgan from the keyboard-maker Mahoma Mofferiz of Zaragoza.⁴⁸

This accuracy of detail in the names of musicians who served the prince, and some of the instruments in his chamber, suggests that Fernández de Oviedo’s account of the summer afternoons spent singing polyphonic songs also accurately reflects an established practice at Prince Juan’s palace in Almazán. This description evokes a characteristic fifteenth-century a cappella musical ensemble of a small number of choirboys on the top line (or tiple), and one voice per part on the lower vocal lines (Prince Juan on tenor and Anchieta on contra).⁴⁹ Clearly, the many three-voice songs composed by musicians serving in the royal chapels, including Anchieta, and now preserved in the Palace Songbook, would have been particularly suitable for these occasions. The somewhat derogatory comments on the quality of the prince’s voice are not incompatible with his apparent skill in singing the tenor part. Possibly, Prince Juan sang an existing melody in the tenor while the other voices improvised around it.⁵⁰ It has generally been assumed that, in addition, Anchieta taught the prince to play a number of the instruments listed in his chambers,⁵¹ although it is perhaps more likely that such instruction would have been undertaken by the various instrumentalists employed in his household. There is one small indication, however, that Anchieta may have played the organ: he would seem to have had an organ in his house in Azpeitia. An inventory of the parish church of Azpeitia dated 1 August 1530 refers to “the organ that was in poor condition in the house that belonged to Juan de Anchieta, formerly abbot of Arbas, that was there, according to the inventory taken at the time [1529].”⁵²

The prince was presumably taught mensural notation by Anchieta, and written musical materials can be associated with him. Inventoried among Isabel’s possessions after her death were several items she had kept, presumably out of a mother’s sentiment, from the time of her son’s education, including a number of books and scholarly exercises (see Table 1.1).

Books purchased on behalf of the prince for his education included a pre-Nebrija Arte de gramática, a volume of St. Isidore, an illuminated “libro de horas de nuestra señora” (bought in 1487), Lorenzo Valla’s Elegantia linguae latinae (bought in 1489), the commentaries of St. Thomas (bought in 1493), and the copy of Aristotle’s Éticas copied by the prince’s scribe, Francisco Flores.⁵³ Flores copied several richly illuminated books for the prince, as well as, in 1490, the Cartujano—Ludolph of Saxony’s Meditaciones vita Christi—which was supplemented by the prayers of St. Bonaventure acquired two years later. The high profile of these devotional books is of considerable importance as regards the type of motet text chosen by Anchieta (see Chapter 3).

Table 1.1 Books and notebooks used in Prince Juan’s education according to an inventory drawn up at Arévalo in 1505

As regards the music books, the prince appears to have had at least four books of polyphony and one of plainchant among those of his possessions that passed back to his mother at the time of his death. Unfortunately, these books do not survive, and the inventory descriptions are too generic to allow for interpretation of their contents: possibly the folio-size books contained sacred polyphony, and the small book was dedicated to songs. Some of these books were sold in Arévalo in 1505 following Isabel’s death:

Five folders of Latin exercises from when the prince was learning Latin, with vellum covers, and two paper books in folio of polyphony and another of plainchant on vellum, and a book of medium-sized paper, printed in the vernacular which begins “the first book telling the birth of Our Lord,” and four small books, printed on paper, in Latin, the first beginning “Que peritabiun [sic] nominis,” of four and a half gatherings (pliegos), which are not worth anything. The folders and exercise books were valued at 3 reales.

[Marginal note:] the books of polyphony were sold to Arnao de Velasco for 3 reales.⁵⁴

The marginal note in the inventory indicates that the prince’s music books were sold to Arnao de Velasco, son of the contador mayor of the Castilian household.

In addition to Fernández de Oviedo’s anecdotal descriptions of musical activity in the prince’s chambers, the payments for music and musicians recorded in the accounts of Isabel’s personal treasurer, Gonzalo de Baeza, and the various post-mortem inventories, contemporary chronicles and verse allude to the ubiquitous presence of music and musicians at events such as Prince Juan’s marriage to Margaret of Austria in Burgos on 4 April 1497.⁵⁵ There can be no doubt that Anchieta was present at the wedding celebrations, and it would be surprising if he made no contribution to them. Possibly, this was the occasion for which he composed the Missa sine nomine in which he cites L’homme armé, the emblematic melody so closely associated with the Habsburg dynasty, in the Agnus Dei.⁵⁶ Juan del Encina certainly made a major contribution to the couple’s spectacular entry into Salamanca in September, presenting his eclogue Triunfo de amor with its concluding villancico Ojos garços ha la niña, surely intended as a paean to the princess’s beautiful eyes.⁵⁷

Juan’s early death in October 1497 brought an end to the intense musical activity of his court, although music was to form an important part of the prolonged exequies, begun in Salamanca and continued with the transfer of the prince’s body for burial in the monastery of St. Thomas in Ávila on 16 and 17 October.⁵⁸ Contemporary descriptions of the exequies mention the singing of responsories at certain key moments of the ceremony, and Anchieta may well have composed his setting of the responsory for the dead Libera me, Domine in this context. Polyphonic settings of the responsories for the dead were a specific feature of the exequies of members of the royal family and high-ranking clergymen in Spain,⁵⁹ and while it cannot be proved that Anchieta’s Libera me, Domine and Francisco de la Torre’s Ne recorderis were composed for Prince Juan’s funeral, the political significance and depth of sentiment occasioned by the loss of the heir to the throne would have demanded the added solemnity of polyphony at his funeral. Polyphony is known to have been sung during the exequies of Ferdinand’s father, Juan II of Aragon, in 1479, and at the funeral of Cardinal Mendoza in Toledo cathedral in 1495.⁶⁰ Anchieta’s setting of Libera me became part of the musical canon of royal and other funerals that involved the performance of polyphony (see Chapter 2).

It has long been supposed that the earliest Spanish polyphonic setting of the Requiem mass was composed for Prince Juan’s exequies, since Pedro de Escobar, the composer to whom it is attributed in its only surviving source, was thought to have worked in the Castilian royal chapel at the time. However, recent research has shown this not to have been the case, and it has been suggested that the Requiem mass should be more closely associated with Seville cathedral, where Escobar is known to have worked between 1507 and 1514.⁶¹ Escobar’s whereabouts in 1497 are now unknown, but it is still possible that his Requiem was performed for exequies held for the prince in some part of the peninsula. The outpouring of grief that spread throughout the kingdoms on receipt of the terrible news seems to have reached an unprecedented intensity, and it is interesting that in various towns and cities, polyphonic music formed part of the exequies held in cathedrals and churches. For example, three singers are known to have been employed expressly for the exequies held for the prince in the collegiate church in Daroca.⁶² Prince Juan’s death resulted in an extraordinary outpouring of elegiac literature and music. Encina’s romance Triste España sin ventura (Palacio, ff. 55v–56), and related villancico A tal pérdida tan triste (Palacio, f. 224v), were performed at the end of his Tragedia trobada, a sustained lament occasioned by the prince’s untimely death.⁶³ Among many other examples, the court poet Comendador Román also produced his Décimas sobre el fallecimiento del príncipe nuestro señor.⁶⁴ In death, as in life, Prince Juan was surrounded by music and verse produced by court poets and musicians, and Anchieta bore witness to it all. Whether he composed any other work for the event is not known; elsewhere, I have suggested that he may have composed a lament for the composer Alexander Agricola, who died in Spain in the early autumn of 1506 (see later in the chapter).⁶⁵

In the service of queens and princesses (1497–1504)

After Juan’s death, Anchieta continued to be paid in the Castilian royal chapel until Queen Isabel’s death in 1504, and subsequently he served the prince’s sister Juana. However, it has not been sufficiently emphasized that immediately after Prince Juan’s death, he continued in the service of Margaret of Austria during her two-year sojourn in Spain.⁶⁶ Anchieta’s later correspondence with Margaret, dating from 1516 (discussed later), reveals that he considered himself to have been her chapelmaster while she remained in Spain.⁶⁷ The double matrimonial contract between Maximilian I and the Catholic Monarchs had seen Juana set sail for Flanders in the autumn of 1496 to marry Philip the Fair, while Anchieta was still in her brother’s service. The fleet returned in the spring of 1497 with Margaret, who traveled with her own household, although which, if any, musicians were in her retinue is unknown. After Juan’s death, the pregnant Margaret remained in Spain. All hopes were pinned on the possibility of an heir to the throne, but the monarchs’ grief was to be compounded when, in early December 1497, their granddaughter was stillborn. Margaret stayed in Spain before returning by sea to Flanders in the autumn of 1499, chaperoned by the monarchs’ close advisor, the then Bishop of Córdoba, Juan Rodríguez de Fonseca. During this time, Anchieta served as Margaret’s chapelmaster, together with at least one other musician from the Castilian royal household in her service: Bernaldino de Vozmediano.⁶⁸ According to Fernández de Oviedo, Vozmediano was one of the choirboys who sang with Prince Juan, and he was paid as a mozo de capilla in the Aragonese royal chapel from 1492.⁶⁹ Vozmediano was officially appointed as a singer in the Castilian royal chapel on 15 September 1498, although he was paid for the two years, from 1497 to 1499 “por quanto los dos años antes siruio a la Prinçesa doña Margaryta, e le fueron pagados.”⁷⁰ His salary was 20,000 maravedís as “capellán y cantor,” and Fernández de Oviedo described him as a “contralto” during his time in the service of Prince Juan. A few years later, on 12 July 1501, Vozmediano was appointed quartermaster (aposentador) for the Castilian royal chapel, for which he was paid an extra 10,000 maravedís a year; he was also paid 3,870 maravedís on 22 April 1501 “for expenses incurred with some messengers from Flanders” (“de gastos que hizo con unos mensajeros venidos de Flandes”)—so, he seems to have maintained some Flemish contacts. As will be mentioned later in the chapter, Vozmediano also served as Anchieta’s proxy on at least one occasion, and the two musicians thus clearly knew one another.

It is not known what other musicians originally in the service of Prince Juan might have served Margaret during her sojourn in Spain, initially in Almazán and later with the royal court in Granada, but it can perhaps be assumed that at least some of them did. In an inventory of her possessions dating from the time of her departure from Spain, a printed book of French dances is listed among other books given to her by her mother-in-law (“de molde, en francés, libro de danças”).⁷¹ This direct connection between Anchieta, Prince Juan, and Margaret of Austria while she was in Spain from 1497 to 1499—both princess and her chapelmaster would have been in the Alhambra in Granada in the summer of 1499—may well prove significant for at least some of the Franco-Netherlandish repertory included in the Segovia manuscript, which was compiled around this time.⁷² The repertory by Franco-Netherlandish composers such as Ockeghem, Obrecht, Tinctoris, Agricola, Josquin, and others might well have traveled from Flanders with Margaret, and been transmitted by a Spanish musician such as Anchieta closely associated with the Burgundian court repertory, although recent hypotheses about the compilation of the manuscript itself have tended to distance it from royal circles.⁷³

Reward by ecclesiastical benefice

Anchieta’s correspondence with Margaret of Austria in 1516 concerned an abbacy in Guipúzcoa (see Appendix 3e), and this raises another important aspect of Anchieta’s court career before—and after—he traveled to Flanders, and of the system of reward and patronage in the royal chapels: royal presentation to ecclesiastical benefices. This form of reward, well established by the fifteenth century, was mutually beneficial to royal patron and servant alike, and undoubtedly helped to secure the services of the best singers to increase the prestige of the princely chapel.⁷⁴ Many such royal presentations fell foul of the residency requirements of the relevant church authorities and were often contested over a number of years, by no means always resolving in favor of the royal chaplain or chapel singer, who quite often accepted another, less-contested benefice in exchange. Ferdinand and Isabel—through their ambassadors in Rome—vied with other princes to secure the right to presentation so that they could reward the members of their chapels in this way. However, in this matter, they had a notable advantage over princely rivals: according to laws established by Alfonso X, the monarchy held the right of patronage to benefices established in cathedrals or parish churches built in previously Muslim-held territories, a right for which they sought papal recognition in the form of an indult that officially renewed this concession.⁷⁵ Lucas Marineus Siculus, royal chaplain, historian, and teacher of Latin to the members of the royal chapels, describes how members of those institutions would ensure they were at court at the time these presentations were made and how the king tended to grant more benefices to those who had already obtained one through royal presentation.⁷⁶

Anchieta was one of many members of the royal chapels to benefit from the indult granted by Alexander VI in 1492 following the completion of the Granadine campaigns; that same year, on 28 May, he was presented with a canonry in the newly founded cathedral of Granada.⁷⁷ These canonries were valued at 40,000 maravedís per annum,⁷⁸ but no value is listed in the summary of royal favors granted to Anchieta up to 1498 (see Appendix 3a), suggesting that he had not been confirmed in the position, or at least had not received monies from it, by that time. However, in the document of presentation to another benefice in the diocese of Salamanca, dating from 12 June 1499, Anchieta is addressed as “canonico Ecclesiae Granatensis,”⁷⁹ which would indicate that he must have secured the canonry not long afterward. Stevenson, following the biography put together by Uriarte for Barbieri in 1884, suggests that Anchieta was appointed in about 1497 to this canonry without requirement of residency, and held it for about two years;⁸⁰ yet, there is no subsequent mention of the title in connection with Anchieta, and he was probably forced to renounce the canonry, perhaps in return for another benefice (such as that of Villarino), within a relatively short space of time.⁸¹ The devout and assiduous first Archbishop of Granada, Hernando de Talavera, although previously a royal confessor and closely allied with the monarchs,⁸² was not easily swayed when it came to royal presentations: he refused to accept the singer of the Castilian royal chapel Pedro Ruiz de Velasco as a prebendary in Granada cathedral on the grounds that he was “a child and knew very little”; when Antonio de Corral—Prince Juan’s choirboy with the pretty voice—was presented by the queen, shortly before her death, to a canonry in Almería cathedral, the king subsequently persuaded him to exchange it for another benefice, which yielded him 12,000 maravedís per annum, so that the singer might remain in royal service.⁸³

It is thus clear that even royal presentation to an ecclesiastical benefice could not ensure that the post—nor its income—was attained, and the battles between cathedral chapters and the monarchs over the non-residence of royal chaplains and chapel singers were legion and protracted.⁸⁴ Under Alexander VI’s second indult of 1494, Anchieta was also presented to a canonry at Ávila Cathedral, as well as to the first simple benefice to fall vacant in the town and diocese of Osma.⁸⁵ The summary of royal favors from about five years later originally stated that the composer had not yet acquired the canonry: “he was presented for a canonry at Ávila in the indult, which has not yet fallen vacant” (Appendix 3a). However, a later note was added to the effect that Cristóbal de la Concha, sacristan of the Castilian royal chapel, claimed that Anchieta had received it and that, if it were served (that is, if Anchieta were to be resident), it was worth the substantial sum of 60,000 maravedís per annum. As in the case of the Granada canonry, no record of Anchieta serving as a canon at Ávila has yet come to light, and, again, he was probably forced to renounce it within a short period of time. Non-residency would have proved a major stumbling block to Anchieta holding a cathedral canonry for any length of time, even though in 1508 (and possibly earlier in previous papacies), Ferdinand secured papal license to grant members of his chapel up to a year’s absence from the royal chapel to attend to their ecclesiastical posts.⁸⁶ It is thus interesting that a marginal note in the summary of royal favors indicates that Anchieta’s position was considered, at least by the sacristan, as appropriate (“convenible”) overall (Appendix 3a).⁸⁷

Other kinds of ecclesiastical positions held more potential and more flexibility for the absentee member of the royal chapel, and Anchieta did successfully acquire another benefice, possibly in compensation for the Granada canonry: the préstamo (or part of a prebend) of Villarino in the see of Salamanca, valued at the substantial sum of 35,000 maravedís per annum (more than the basic annual salary [30,000 maravedís] as a chaplain and singer in the Castilian royal chapel). This benefice had previously belonged to the Bishop of Astorga, Juan de Castilla y Enríquez (1460–1510), who had been the monarchs’ papal legate to Alexander VI, and who was appointed to the bishopric of Astorga in 1493, and to that of Salamanca in 1498.⁸⁸ By the late 1490s, the benefice appears to have been held by Alfonso Fernando de Luque, a cleric from Jaén, who renounced it in favor of Anchieta.⁸⁹ On 12 June 1499, Anchieta took possession of the benefice through his proxy, Bernaldo de Vozmediano, with the customary ceremonial that included the ringing of the wheel of bells.⁹⁰ As mentioned earlier, Vozmediano was one of Anchieta’s colleagues in the royal chapel who also served Margaret of Austria.⁹¹ This valuable préstamo was held by Anchieta for the rest of his life, and, as will be discussed in more detail later, was to play a critical role in the establishment of a Franciscan convent in his hometown of Azpeitia.

It was generally the ambition of singer-chaplains serving at court to obtain benefices in their hometown or region, and, probably at about the same time as the Villarino benefice, Anchieta achieved exactly this when he was appointed rector of the church of San Sebastián de Soreasu in Azpeitia following the death of the previous incumbent, Juan de Zavala, in 1498.⁹² Coster suggests that the appointment came as a gift from Anchieta’s cousin, the church’s patron Beltrán de Oñaz, whom—according to Coster—the royal chapel singer had apparently helped to secure the marriage between his (Oñaz’s) son, Martín García de Oñaz, and Magdalena Araoz, a maid-of-honor to Queen Isabel, but there is no documentary evidence to confirm the singer’s personal intervention in the marriage.⁹³ In 1503, Anchieta took five months’ leave from the royal chapel, probably to take formal possession of the rectorate,⁹⁴ and during that time he appointed Domingo de Mendizábal as his vicar to discharge his duties in the parish. Coster believed that it was possibly during this prolonged visit to Azpeitia that Anchieta may have met his relative, the young Ignatius of Loyola, who would have been about twelve years old, and that possibly he advised him about entering royal service as a singer, but again this is supposition on Coster’s part.⁹⁵ Both the position of rector in Azpeitia and Ignatius were later to cause Anchieta serious problems.

Anchieta’s first period of royal service from his appointment in 1489 until the death of Isabel in November 1504 can only be considered as highly successful. His monetary and other pecuniary rewards were substantial, with the accumulation of valuable ecclesiastical benefices, including a prestigious position in his hometown Azpeitia, and he must have been a figure of considerable prestige and wealth by the time of his visit there in the summer of 1503. Of all the musicians in the Castilian household, he must have been the most eminent, and his musical ability had been recognized through the composition of pieces for occasions of particular importance to the monarchy (notably in 1489, possibly in 1492, and quite probably in 1497). During these years, Anchieta worked alongside other composers in the Castilian and Aragonese royal chapels, among others including Fernando Pérez de Medina, Pedro de Porto, Lope de Baena, Juan Álvarez Almorox, the Tordesillas brothers, and, from 1498, Francisco de Peñalosa.⁹⁶ After the death of the queen in November 1504, Anchieta was not taken into the Aragonese royal chapel, as were at least ten other singers from Isabel’s chapel,⁹⁷ because he was already in the service of her daughter Juana in Flanders.

Anchieta and the Burgundian chapel (1504–1506)

Queen Isabel died on 26 November 1504, but it seems that Anchieta was paid only for the first three months of the second tercio of 1504 (May to July),⁹⁸ suggesting that he may have traveled with Juana to Flanders in the summer of that year, not to return to Spain for almost two years. While in Flanders, he was paid by Philip from the Burgundian household accounts, and he would have been in direct contact with the singers of the Burgundian chapel, many of whom he would already have met in Toledo in 1502. This prolonged sojourn in Flanders, followed by two more years serving alongside his Franco-Netherlandish colleagues in Spain between 1506 and 1508 (see later in the chapter), must have had an impact on the Spanish composer. Although it is the music of Anchieta’s younger colleague, Francisco de Peñalosa, that demonstrates not just knowledge but also profound assimilation of the works of Josquin and other northern composers, it is difficult to believe that Anchieta was not involved in the transmission of northern polyphonic repertory to Spain. An analysis of the extant data relating to Anchieta’s time in Flanders reveals some interesting details, not least that he was appointed music master to Juana’s children, including the future Charles V.

In May 1504, Juana, who had been detained in Castile against her will by her mother following the early departure of her husband Philip (27 February 1503), finally began her journey back to Flanders; she left her fourth child, Ferdinand, born on 10 March 1503, with his grandparents. Anchieta probably traveled with her, or he may have set sail a few months later on 28 October 1504, in the entourage of the Bishop of Córdoba, Juan Rodríguez de Fonseca (1451–1524).⁹⁹ According to the Burgundian account books, he appears to have been paid as a chaplain and a singer, as well as music teacher of the Habsburg children, throughout 1505.¹⁰⁰ Both the bishop and the composer were involved in the intrigue surrounding Juana in Flanders, following the death of her mother in November 1504 and the ensuing battle for supremacy over the Castilian crown between her husband Philip and her father Ferdinand. Fonseca, together with the Castilian ambassador at the Burgundian court, Gutierre Gómez de Fuensalida, and Ferdinand’s private secretary, Lope de Conchillos, strove to gain access to Juana to have her sign the papers that would nominate her father as governor of Castile.¹⁰¹ The Flemish courtiers, including Adrian of Utrecht, sought to prevent this by virtually incarcerating Juana in the ducal palace in Brussels; Anchieta, in his role as music master, was one of the few Spanish servants to be allowed frequent access to the queen’s chambers, and attempts were made to secure his services as a mediator on behalf of Philip’s cause, and possibly, as Mary Kay Duggan suggested, as a spy against Ferdinand.¹⁰²

As Gómez de Fuensalida wrote to the king in March 1505:

A meeting of the Great Council was held on Good Friday [1505] … and a friend told me that many matters were discussed, including the following: that they should strive to gain the queen’s agreement with the king, her husband, so that she would not write anything to Your Highness without them knowing about it, and that Juan de Anchieta would be a good intermediary for this, as the queen passes her time singing, and he could, under that guise, tell her everything they wished. The said Juan is as great an enemy of Your Highness as if the Archbishopric of Toledo had been taken from him.¹⁰³

Whether Anchieta was a spy for Philip or not, the reason for his alleged animosity toward Ferdinand is not clear; perhaps he was influenced by the Flemish courtiers—or just watching his back—given that Philip was legally King of Castile and officially the musician’s employer, or possibly he had expected to be recalled from Flanders following Isabel’s death and made chapelmaster of the Aragonese royal chapel. Some years later, as will be discussed later, when Juana was confined to Tordesillas and Ferdinand was acting as governor of Castile, Anchieta would be appointed to the king’s chapel and rewarded with an abbacy.

During his time in Flanders, Anchieta was officially tutor (maistre d’ escolle) to the Habsburg children: Leonor (b. 15 November 1498), Charles (b. 24 February 1500), and Isabel (b. 18 July 1501).¹⁰⁴ He may well have begun some musical instruction with the seven-year-old Leonor and possibly with the five-year-old Charles; perhaps Juana’s children became familiar with something of their Spanish musical heritage.¹⁰⁵ In his capacity as “maistre d’escolle de Mons^r le prince de Castille et de Mesdames Lyenor et Ysabeau ses seurs, enffans du roy de Castille,” Anchieta was granted a one-off payment toward the end of September 1505 of one hundred livres in order to pay off his debts in Flanders and return to Spain (see Appendix 3d).¹⁰⁶ It is not clear whether Anchieta managed to settle his accounts and return to Spain before Philip and Juana set sail for Castile in early January 1506; it seems likely that, with plans for the journey underway during the last months of 1505, he waited to travel with the fleet.

The question of Anchieta’s travel plans for his return to Spain is of some importance, given that the Flemish fleet was to be forced to make an unscheduled visit to England in which the Basque singer would have been involved if he journeyed with them. The only piece of “evidence” embedded in the historiographical tradition that would contradict his traveling with the Flemish fleet relates to his intervention as rector of the parish church of Saint Sebastián de Soreasu in the appointment of a beata to the local hermitage of the Third Order of Franciscans. This is first presented in Eugenio de Uriarte’s notes for Barbieri as occurring in March 1506,¹⁰⁷ that is, before the Flemish fleet had reached Spain. Stevenson, and subsequent biographers, have tended to repeat this “fact,”¹⁰⁸ although no evidence has been found to indicate that Anchieta was actually in Azpeitia at that time, and Stevenson himself assumes that Anchieta was in England.¹⁰⁹ Lizarralde refers to the active intervention of Anchieta’s vicar, Domingo de Mendizábal, in events around this time,¹¹⁰ suggesting that the composer was absent and that his intervention must have taken the form of correspondence. Indeed, Lizarralde includes details of Anchieta’s request a year or so earlier to the Vicar General of Pamplona, Juan de Santa María, for all parishioners and residents of Azpeitia who had not confessed and taken communion in the parish church within the year prior to 10 May 1506 to be excommunicated.¹¹¹ At that time, Mendizábal declared that the five beatas at the hermitage had not confessed and had continued to take communion in their own oratory; he went to where they were celebrating mass and ordered them to stop.¹¹² It would seem, therefore, that as late as May 1506, Mendizábal was acting on Anchieta’s behalf, and the composer could have traveled with the Flemish entourage.

The return to Spain (via England) (1506–1508)

According to the anonymous account of this journey from Flanders to Spain,¹¹³ Philip had hoped to set sail before Christmas 1505, but the necessary provisions took longer to assemble than planned, and the wind changed several times before it was favorable.¹¹⁴ By 7 January 1506, the assembled company of Flemish courtiers and servants of the Burgundian household had boarded the ship in Flushing in Zeeland, awaiting the arrival of the King and Queen of Castile. Mass was celebrated at 2 am on Thursday, 8 January, following which the fleet of between thirty-six and forty ships set sail and, despite some variable weather, including snow, made reasonably good progress until, having left the English Channel, they were becalmed. A terrible storm broke out on the night of 13 January, and the southeasterly winds blew the ships back toward the Cornish coast. About half the ships, including the vessel under the captainship of Juan de Metteneyre that carried the members of the Burgundian chapel,¹¹⁵ were washed up in the bay of Falmouth, Cornwall. Was Anchieta on this ship with his colleagues of the Burgundian chapel? Confusion reigned over the next ten days as news was sought of the safety and whereabouts of the ship bearing Philip. It was finally located in the Bay of Portland, near the coast of Dorset, although the fleet had been severely depleted, and, according to the anonymous chronicler, the king had thought he was going to die. However, they landed safely at Melcombe Regis, near Weymouth, and word was sent to Henry VII of the unscheduled royal visit.¹¹⁶

The welcome for Philip was prepared, with great assembly of nobles and ostentatious display, at Windsor Castle; indeed, Philip’s journey from the south coast was delayed by over two weeks, so that preparations could be made. Henry VII finally met Philip with a league from Windsor, and the elaborate ceremonial began. The festivities are described in somewhat conventional, but nicely rhetorical, terms by the anonymous chronicler; it is clear that they were designed to impress the unexpected visitors:

the two kings entered the beautiful castle of Windsor, and there is no need to ask whether his [Philip’s] entourage was well received and fêted, or whether there was a lot of fine wine and meats of good quality, or whether all the musical instruments were heard, or whether the castle was well decorated and adorned with rich tapestries of gold cloth and silk, or whether there was a large amount of gold and silverware throughout the castle, or whether all the princes, knights, gentlemen and officials belonging to the King of Castile’s entourage were honored and welcomed there.¹¹⁷

The festivities continued until 26 March 1506. Although it is difficult to determine from the Flemish chronicle alone, Anchieta was probably present in Windsor at some point. Juana only entered Windsor on 10 February, and left early, bound for Falmouth, where Philip’s fleet was to assemble to continue the onward journey to Spain. She met her sister Katherine of Aragon, but only briefly, probably for political reasons. Katherine had arrived in Windsor at almost the same time as Philip, and she, the Princess Mary (who also played the lute for Philip), and some other ladies danced before him.¹¹⁸ Thus, if Anchieta was in Juana’s entourage, he would have spent scant time in Windsor. It would seem unlikely that Philip would have met Henry VII without his own chapel, even though the chaplains and singers would also have had to make the journey to Windsor from Falmouth. Assuming that Anchieta did travel with the Flemish fleet, and assuming he traveled from the south coast to Windsor, he would have experienced the elaborate ceremonial of the English court.

The Flemish ships finally left Plymouth on 22 April 1506, and reached La Coruña four days later. The composer was to remain closely connected with the Burgundian chapel for several more years. Following Philip’s sudden death on 25 September 1506, his Flemish singers, headed by La Rue, were paid in the Castilian household; from at least the beginning of 1507,¹¹⁹ Anchieta was the only musician of Spanish origin to be paid alongside them (see Table 1.2).¹²⁰

Table 1.2 Flemish singers paid alongside Anchieta from September 1506 to September 1508

It can be seen that from the sixteen musicians who traveled with Philip the Fair to Spain in 1506, ten stayed the full two years before returning to Flanders, where they rejoined the chapel of Philip and Juana’s eldest son, Charles.¹²¹ Initially at least, the primary function of the Flemish music chapel was to perform the music for Philip’s exequies, including the Office and Mass for the Dead and the funerary responsories; it is likely that La Rue composed his Requiem mass for this occasion,¹²² and Anchieta’s ubiquitous setting of the responsory Libera me, Domine would surely have been performed in this context. Juana paid the singers well: 45,000 maravedís per annum, or 15,000 maravedís above the highest paid singers in the Castilian royal chapel in her mother’s time. Her preferential treatment toward these Flemish singers drew comment, not always entirely favorable because of their exaggerated payments and exclusive privileges, and her refusal to sign other more important documents of state were considered indicative of a weak, indecisive, and probably unbalanced mind.¹²³ The Italian humanist Peter Martyr of Anghiera (1457–1526) commented on the sequence of events in his correspondence. In a letter dated 22 November 1506 to the Archbishop of Granada and the Count of Tendilla, Martyr wrote:

They could wrest neither signature nor word from her… As yet she has not touched a single paper save the pay vouchers of the Flemish singers who alone of Philip’s entourage were admitted to her household; for she takes great delight in their musical melodies, an art which she learnt at a young age.¹²⁴

Peter Martyr’s words are echoed in an anonymous Flemish account of the time:

she will deal with nothing, whatever it may be, other than her retention of the majority of the singers of her former husband, and she treats them very well, always paying them for three months in advance, and she often gives them robes or horses and other items, and she takes no pleasure in anything else.¹²⁵

Like her brother Juan, Juana was taught by Anchieta, and there is no reason to doubt that she appreciated the music of her husband’s Flemish choir, whom she rewarded so well. Moreover, the Flemish choir was essential to the realization of the prolonged exequies held for Philip. Juana determined that his body, in accordance with his title of King of Castile (and with significance for the position of her son Charles as his legitimate heir to the Crown), should be taken to Granada for burial, as had occurred with her mother in 1504.¹²⁶ The weather, the delayed return of Ferdinand from Naples (and the resulting political implications), and her own pregnancy (her daughter Catalina was born on 14 January 1507) all conspired to delay the realization of her wish. As the weeks and months went by, and Philip’s embalmed body remained unburied, Juana seems to have become almost obsessed with the Flemish singers whose music, according to Martyr, soothed her melancholy state of mind; in June 1507, Martyr wrote to the Duque del Infantado:

The Queen wanted none of the clergy present except the Flemish, whom she chose as singers from her husband. By the hour their music calms her and brings solace to her melancholy travails as a widow.¹²⁷

Juana’s melancholia and her apparent incapacity to take up the reins of government contributed to the return to Castile of her father Ferdinand and her political sidelining followed by enclosure at Tordesillas.¹²⁸ The Flemish choir continued to be paid until 25 September 1508, although several members, including Bynet Prezel, Anthonin Françoys (de Riche), and the organist Guillequin Brugman, left to return to Flanders during the summer of that year.¹²⁹ Anchieta thus spent the best part of two years working alongside La Rue and his colleagues; the musical implications of this extended period of co-service is considered in the corresponding chapters on his music. One work that may date from this period in which Anchieta in effect formed part of the Burgundian chapel is the anonymous motet Musica, quid defles?, a lament on the death of Alexander Agricola, which took place in August 1506.¹³⁰ Although preserved anonymously in a much later source—Georg Rhau’s Symphonia jucundae of 1539—there is no doubt that the work was composed on the occasion of Agricola’s death (its subtitle reads “Epitaphion Alexandri Agricolae symphonistae Regis Castellae”) and, as is discussed in more detail in Chapter 3, the musical idiom is very close to that of Anchieta’s other motets.

Anchieta in Tordesillas (1508–1512)

In the years after the Flemish singers finally left Spain, Anchieta continued in royal service, moving from Juana’s employment to that of her father and, following his death in 1516, to that of her son Charles who traveled to Spain the following year. The pay documents show that he was paid as a “capellán e cantor” in the Castilian royal household, while the Flemish singers remained in Spain, and in the years after Juana’s withdrawal to Tordesillas until he was pensioned off by Charles V and free to take up full-time residence in Azpeitia.¹³¹ The extent to which Anchieta resided in Tordesillas during these years, especially after his appointment as a singer and chaplain in the Aragonese royal chapel in 1512, is hard to determine. While the dismantling of Juana’s Flemish chapel was likely a deliberate and symbolic act to indicate her lack of power following her father becoming governor of Castile on his return to the kingdom,¹³² she must have continued to find solace in music and also, in established royal tradition, provided for the musical education of her daughter Catalina (born on 14 January 1507): was Anchieta also to serve as her music teacher?

The remnants of Juana’s court were established, on Ferdinand’s orders, at Tordesillas in the autumn of 1508, and although between 1508 and 1512 Anchieta continued to receive the high annual salary (45,000 maravedís) granted to the Flemish singers—the payments being authorized by her father—some biographers have suggested that he spent much of his time in Azpeitia.¹³³ During these years, Anchieta was quite active in his capacity as rector of St. Sebastián de Soreasu, notably in terms of the lawsuit between him and the new lay patron of the church, though he may well have been involved only at a distance.¹³⁴ After the death of Loyola’s father Beltrán de Oñaz in 1507, the position of lay patron was inherited by his firstborn son, Martín García de Loyola (Ignatius’s elder brother), who disputed Anchieta’s right to appoint his successor as rector—the composer clearly had in mind his nephew, García de Anchieta, while Martín García de Loyola was preparing the way for his own son (see later)—and collect income from tithes and altar collections. All Anchieta’s claims were dismissed in a royal cédula dated 30 October 1510.¹³⁵ In August of that year, Anchieta had also intervened in the election of the serora of the hermitage of Santa María Magdalena in Azpeitia, but was he actually there? The pay lists for the royal household of Juana “la loca” are continuous throughout 1508 to 1514, and Anchieta appears to have collected his salary payments himself.¹³⁶ Thus, if he did visit Azpeitia from time to time during this period, he did not stay there long.¹³⁷

Little is known about musical life at Tordesillas.¹³⁸ Juana had been taught by Anchieta and was apparently an accomplished musician; Gómez de Fuensalida’s correspondence reveals that she spent her time singing in her chambers in Flanders. She also appears to have played keyboard in her retrete; her chamberlain, Hernando de Mena, was one of several servants of the chamber who testified to Juana’s carelessness with her valuable possessions: “often some jewellery and other items were left on a table in the chamber when her highness sat down to play” (“muchas veces estaban algunas joyas e otras cosas sobre una mesa en el retrete donde su alteza se asentaba a tocar”).¹³⁹

A few musicians were employed at Tordesillas in addition to Anchieta, both in chapel and chamber. From 1 September 1508, Juana’s official chapel constituted a head chaplain, the Bishop of Málaga, Domingo Ramírez de Villaescusa, and ten chaplains.¹⁴⁰ The chaplain Alonso de Alba (not the composer of that name, who had died in 1504) served as sacristan and was responsible, for example, for the arrangements for the construction of the monument in her chapel in Holy Week.¹⁴¹ The organist Martín de Salzedo, who was paid until the early 1520s when Charles recruited him for his own chapel, presumably participated in the celebration of the liturgy at Tordesillas.¹⁴² A small organ (realejo) from the early sixteenth century survives at Tordesillas, and Salzedo may have played that instrument.¹⁴³ Other keyboard instruments were inventoried at Tordesillas in 1509, notably a claviorgan (“vn claviorgano con sus fuelles en su caxa”) and a clavichord (“vn monacordio metido en su caxa”) with a tuning device (“vn templador de monacordio”), and these instruments were still there at the time of her death, together with a vihuela (“Vna cajyta de ceti carmesi y dentro otra caxa de madera blanca con unos aljofarios y vna bihuela todo como la mano”).¹⁴⁴ By 1555, these instruments were in poor condition, and were handed over to the camarero Alonso de Ribera “to dispose of them as he feels best” (“para que dispusiese del[los] como le paresciese”).¹⁴⁵

While Juana never had a polyphonic chapel after 1508,¹⁴⁶ chamber musicians were employed in her household at Tordesillas, and these included the singer Gabriel de Texerana (“Gabriel el Músico”), the vihuelist Martín Sánchez and his son Juan, a recorder player, as well as the organist Martín de Salzedo, though it is not altogether clear whether these musicians were there during Anchieta’s time.¹⁴⁷ Texerana was first paid in the Aragonese household in 1496, and appears in the pay lists of chapel singers between 1500 and 1502, after which his immediate whereabouts are not known: in 1516, he entered the household of Ferdinand’s cousin, Fadrique Enríquez, Admiral of Castile, whose court was based at nearby Medina de Rioseco.¹⁴⁸ He then served Juana at Tordesillas from 1523 until his death in 1528.¹⁴⁹ The vihuelist Martín Sánchez served at Tordesillas and the organist Martín de Salzedo from at least 1517,¹⁵⁰ though they may have been there earlier. By at least 1523, Martín Sánchez is recorded as being in the service of Princess Catalina.¹⁵¹ Thus, it is not clear if Anchieta was the only musician at Tordesillas during the period 1508 and 1512, but at least some of his music would have been copied into the music books owned by Juana in 1509. Table 1.3 lists the music books inventoried in Tordesillas in 1509.¹⁵²

Table 1.3 Music books belonging to Juana “la loca” (1509–1555)

These music books, all apparently lost, must surely have contained works by Anchieta. Several of the music books were bound in black velvet or leather, and may have contained repertory related to the music for the dead, sung for Philip the Fair. One book contained French-texted chansons, which presumably dated from Juana’s years in Flanders. The entry referring to “the book of nobility and loyalty with another music book” (“la nobleza y lealtad con otro cuaderno de canto”) is curious, and not easy to interpret. It is not clear what happened to these music books; by the time of her death in 1555, most of them would, like the instruments, have been in a poor state of repair.

Anchieta in the service of the Aragonese royal chapel (1512–1516)

In the years 1508–1512, Anchieta appears to have remained in active service at Tordesillas while dispatching business related to his parish church in Azpeitia. However, on 15 April 1512, while Ferdinand’s court was at Burgos, he was admitted to the Aragonese royal chapel with an annual salary of 30,000 maravedís, supplemented in the Castilian household accounts with the 45,000 maravedís he had previously been receiving from Juana. Whatever previous animosity—if any—the composer might have held toward Ferdinand while serving Juana in Flanders had clearly dissipated by 1512. If it can be assumed that Anchieta actually served in the Aragonese royal chapel during the last four years of Ferdinand’s life, he would have formed part of a body of over forty singers that included its leading light, Francisco de Peñalosa. The previous year, Peñalosa had been appointed music master to Ferdinand’s grandson and namesake, the young Prince Ferdinand.¹⁵³ Other composers in the Aragonese chapel at that time included Alonso de Mondéjar, Juan Ponce, and Alonso (or possibly Pedro) Hernández de Tordesillas, and Anchieta would also have met up again with his former choirboys and colleagues Bernaldo de Vozmediano and Antonio de Corral.¹⁵⁴

Always a beneficiary of royal largesse, Anchieta continued to reap the rewards of being in royal service. In April 1513, while the court was at the Jeronymite monastery of La Mejorada near Valladolid, Anchieta was presented to the abbacy of Arbas in the see of Oviedo, a position that came under royal patronage.¹⁵⁵ An Augustinian community already existed at Arbas in northern León when a hospital was founded in about 1116 on the pilgrimage route between Oviedo and Santiago de Compostela. King Alfonso IX of León (1171–1230) lodged there, and in 1216 endowed the construction of the church of Nuestra Señora de Santa María de Arbas next to the pilgrim hospital. In 1419, it was secularized. Thus, although geographically the abbey notionally fell under the see of Oviedo, it had, from earliest times, been independent from it and came under royal right of presentation. It is not known how much income Anchieta secured from this prestigious dignity, but throughout the remainder of his life he adopted the title of Abbot of Arbas.¹⁵⁶ In the codicil to his will, Anchieta mentioned that the income from the abbacy was collected on his behalf by Jorge de Valderas, resident of León (see Appendix 3h).¹⁵⁷

After King Ferdinand’s death (1516–1519)

Between April 1512 and January 1516, Anchieta was thus serving as chaplain-singer in the Aragonese royal chapel, although he is thought to have been absent at least some of this time in Azpeitia, notably in the early part of 1515, as will be discussed later.¹⁵⁸ This period of royal service brought further recognition and rewards, but after only four years, his highly remunerated position was disrupted. Following Ferdinand’s death on 22 January 1516, the choir of the Aragonese royal chapel, with well over forty singers being paid in the royal household, was summarily disbanded,¹⁵⁹ and many of them were left without employment or forced to fall back on ecclesiastical benefices they had received through royal patronage. Peñalosa, for example, returned to his disputed canonry at Seville cathedral, although he quickly found favor at the papal court.¹⁶⁰ Anchieta, who for so long had served Juana, must have realized that the nominal Queen of Castile was in no position to secure his future, even though he had continued to be paid in the Castilian royal chapel. He thus appealed directly to Margaret of Austria in Flanders, reminding her that he had served her as chapelmaster during her years in Spain,¹⁶¹ and asking for her intervention in securing an abbacy in his native Guipúzcoa: clearly, at this point, certainly past fifty and possibly in his sixties, he seems to have been thinking about his retirement plans.¹⁶² He laments the death of the king, but moves quickly on to the purpose of his missive (see Appendix 3e for the original text):

I would rather have written to Your Highness with better news and with happier matters to relate, but I ask Your Highness that you receive it in accordance with the moment and with God’s will. Your Highness will know the King Our Lord has died and that his death was as his life—a saint would not have died with greater Catholicism, and God have mercy on his soul. No doubt you will already have heard this from many others, but I wanted you to know all that I know for my own part, and I beg Your Highness to remember me, for much time has passed, and the office I used to hold for the prince and Your Highness [illegible], and I have placed my hope in all things with Your Highness; and a servant of Lady Beaumont will ask you on my behalf for an abbacy and I ask you very humbly that you approve it on your command. I therefore close by praying that Our Lord will protect and maintain your life, and keep and increase your royal estate in accordance with the desire of your excellent heart. Most excellent Lady, I humbly kiss the feet and hands of Your Majesty.

J. Anchieta, A. de Arvas¹⁶³

Margaret must have agreed to her former chapelmaster’s request, for Anchieta’s brother, Pedro Garcia de Anchieta, subsequently wrote to inform her that the presentation was being contested in Rome:

Pero Garcia de Anchieta, brother of Joanes de Anchieta, Your Highness’s chapelmaster, having kissed your hands, informs you that an abbacy in the province of Guipúzcoa that Your Highness asked for Joanes is now at the centre of litigation in which a Bishop Loaysa, servant in Rome, asked for the favor without realizing that no-one other than a native of the province can possess the said abbacy and that this was a condition of its foundation; and since Joanes was born in the said province and since Your Highness has first favor, I ask you very humbly that you intervene in this instance so that Joanes does not lose his right to it, and that you communicate this to the chancillor and Monsieur de Chèvres, not forgetting that he was your chapelmaster.¹⁶⁴

Faced with the diaspora of the Aragonese royal chapel, Anchieta was clearly anxious to secure a position and income in the region of his birth, but there is no evidence to suggest that he ever secured an abbacy in Guipúzcoa. Nevertheless, he did continue to find royal favor. Charles V, having assumed the Spanish throne and traveled to Spain in 1518, recalled the composer’s “many and good services”;¹⁶⁵ clearly, he personally remembered his first music master, and perhaps he had received reports of Anchieta from the singers of his Flemish chapel. In a royal decree dated 15 August 1519, Charles ordered the mayordomo and accountants of his mother’s household to continue to pay Anchieta his full salary of 45,000 maravedís, even though this went against the efforts being made to reorganize the queen’s household, and even though the singer was not necessarily residing at court:

Joanes de Anchieta, chaplain and singer of Her Highness [Juana], has told me that he had and has an annual salary and expenses in the queen’s household of 45,000 maravedís, which sums were always paid him until the Catholic King, my lord and grandfather, died (may he rest in peace), whether he resided in Her Highness’s court or in his house, and from that time he has not been paid, and now he has been told that with the reform of the said household it was agreed that in recompense for the 45,000 maravedís, he should be paid only 25,000 maravedís, which he considers to be demeaning, and he asked me that, notwithstanding the reform, I order that he should be paid the 45,000 maravedís in full, or whatever my favor would be; and I, bearing in mind the many and good services that the said Joanes has rendered me and that he is now too old to reside at our court, believe it right to order you, notwithstanding the reform and that he does not reside at court, that he be paid the said 45,000 maravedís this year, from the date of my decree and in future years … of which I grant him favor whether residing and serving at our court or not residing, as he wishes….¹⁶⁶

Anchieta continued to be paid his salary of 45,000 maravedís until his death almost four years later in July 1523, even though for most of that time he was too ill to serve at court: on 20 September 1520, and again in May 1521, he is described as being unwell and residing at home with Charles V’s permission.¹⁶⁷ In 1523, in the months leading to his death, the wording in the pay documents was changed to “aunque no aya rresidido porque está viejo y enfermo.”¹⁶⁸

Anchieta served various members of the Trastámara and Habsburg dynasties—Queen Isabel, her children, notably Prince Juan and Princess Juana, Margaret of Austria, her brother Philip the Fair, and his children, notably Charles V, and Juana as queen—and received favors from them all. In his will, he mentioned his position as chapelmaster to Prince Juan, and endowed three annual masses for his principal benefactors, Ferdinand and Isabel, thus recognizing, in the face of his impending death, the prestige and wealth he had acquired through their patronage. Anchieta’s royal career took him to Flanders and probably England, and brought him into contact with not only the singers of the Castilian, Aragonese, Burgundian, and probably English chapels, but also with those of the cathedrals, monasteries, and collegiate and parish churches of the Spanish kingdoms through the peripatetic nature of the court, with which he traveled and resided until he became too old and sick to do so. The contact with and exchange of polyphonic repertory between him and those serving in these various institutions must have been considerable.

Anchieta and Azpeitia (from c1500–1518)

Anchieta, like other members of the royal chapels, sought to secure ecclesiastical positions and benefices in his home territory. This helped to maintain connections with family and friends, and, in Anchieta’s case—and very possibly others in an age when clergymen quite often fathered children—he had his own family to support. In this quest for preferment, Anchieta was, to a large extent, successful while still in royal service, gaining the income from the benefice in Villarino, the rectorate of the parish church of San Sebastián de Soreasu in his native Azpeitia and the abbacy of Arbas, even though, along the way, he was not able to take up canonries in Granada and Ávila, nor did he acquire the disputed abbacy in the Guipúzcoa region he had hoped to obtain with Margaret of Austria’s intervention. His appointment to the rectorate in Azpeitia was not made through the patronato real but lay in the gift of his cousin, Beltrán de Oñaz, grandfather of Ignatius of Loyola and the parish church’s patron, who was sixty-one at the time of Anchieta’s appointment.¹⁶⁹ The previous incumbent as rector, Juan de Zavala, died in 1498, so Anchieta could not have been appointed until after that time.

As mentioned earlier, Coster suggested that he secured the rectorate, having contributed in some way to the marriage of another of Oñaz’s sons to a royal maid-of-honor.¹⁷⁰ While this is purely speculative, such quid pro quos in cases of preferment were common practice. San Sebastián de Soreasu, which belonged to the See of Pamplona, was, at the time of Anchieta’s appointment, the only parish church in the region, although some twelve hermitages existed in and around Azpeitia. The church was well endowed, with about seven benefice-holders, two chaplains, and an organist, whose income had to be paid for by the patron from the tithes gathered from the local community.¹⁷¹ The Anchietas owned a solar or manor in nearby Urrestilla, and by the first half of the fifteenth century represented one of the leading families of the region, together with the Loyolas.¹⁷² The age-old feud between the principal families had been, to some extent, resolved by the marriage of Anchieta’s father, Martín García de Anchieta, to María Veraizas de Loyola, though resentments and rivalries continued to simmer under the surface, and appear to have erupted in around 1515, with near-catastrophic results for the renowned royal musician, as will be discussed later. Anchieta’s appointment to the rectorate itself was to revive a considerable amount of tension, not least when he decided to build a chapel of some magnificence.¹⁷³

It is thought that it was in the summer of 1503 that Anchieta, while on leave of absence from the court, took possession of the rectorate and appointed a vicar, Domingo de Mendizábal, to carry out his parish duties; he is referred to in documents as the rector from at least 1504. One of Anchieta’s duties as rector was to see that the beatas of the district took communion and confessed in the parish church. Not long before Anchieta’s appointment, two local noblewomen—María López de Emparan and Ana de Uruega—who held the benefice of the hermitage of San Pedro de Elormendi, professed as tertiaries of the Franciscan Order. In 1506, they moved from their hermitage, which had been gutted by fire, to the Emparan family house in Azpeitia where they established the convent of the Purísima Concepción. Friars from the recently founded Franciscan monastery in Sasiola took their confession and celebrated communion in the nuns’ own oratory. The support the convent received and the expansion of their buildings—and especially of the subsequent growth of Franciscan influence in the town¹⁷⁴—appear to have posed a threat to the hegemony of the Loyola family as long-standing patrons of the parish church. Probably in May 1505, Anchieta, in his capacity as rector of the church of San Soreasu, wrote to the vicar general of the See of Pamplona, Juan de Santa María, to demand that any parishioner who had not confessed to a member of the parish clergy, or taken communion over the previous year in the parish church, should be excommunicated. This was clearly aimed at the beatas of the Purísima Concepción who, by the deadline of early May 1506, had still not confessed or taken communion, and on the tenth of that month, Anchieta’s vicar, Domingo de Mendizábal, excommunicated them.¹⁷⁵ Furthermore, Mendizábal went to the oratory of the convent of the Purísima Concepción where mass was being celebrated by a Franciscan friar and destroyed the makeshift altar there. The nuns defended their rights, and the matter was brought to the attention of Pope Julius II, and eventually an agreement was reached by which they were allowed to make confession to the Franciscans in their own oratory.

Such ructions and disputes were not uncommon, and quickly arose in situations where the incumbent was absent, but Anchieta’s problems were set to continue following the death, in 1507, of the church’s patron, Beltrán de Oñaz, who was succeeded by his son, Martín Garcia de Loyola.¹⁷⁶ While Anchieta had acted within his rights in the matter of the beatas and their confessions, in 1510, he was to infringe those rights—and thereby to infuriate his Loyola relatives. Anchieta claimed a quarter of the parish tithes, half of the collections made at the altar, as well as the right to select clergy for the church and to receive the vows of friars and nuns.¹⁷⁷ All these claims were emphatically dismissed by the royal council; a royal cédula of 30 October 1510, signed by King Ferdinand, required him to relinquish control of parish revenues and desist from naming his successor and accepting the vows of professing nuns.¹⁷⁸ Anchieta can only have antagonized the Loyola family further by seeking, in Garcia de Loyola’s absence, to install his nephew García de Anchieta as his successor in the rectorate, a position also sought by Pedro López, brother of Ignatius of Loyola. Anchieta was also pressing ahead with his plans to build a chapel on a plot of land he had acquired adjacent to the church; according to Coster, he wished to build a tomb to rival that of the Loyola family on the other side of the church, thus further incurring their wrath.

It is against this background of an increasingly bitter feud between Anchieta and the Loyolas that Coster suggested that at Carnival 1515 (20 February), Pedro López, his brother Ignatius, and others set out to attack the composer in order to make him relinquish the idea of securing the rectorate for his nephew García—or even to remove the obstacle altogether by killing the composer.¹⁷⁹ This suggestion has generally—and not surprisingly—been refuted by Jesuit biographers, notably by José María Pérez Arregui in his searing review of Coster’s article.¹⁸⁰ It has to be said, however, that the motive was strong, and would have been intensified because of the age-old feud between the Loyola and Anchieta families. It should also be added that when, in 1518, Anchieta’s nephew, García de Anchieta, was named his uncle’s successor in the rectorate of San Sebastián de Soreasu by the lay-patron Martín García de Oñaz y Loyola, he was indeed murdered while celebrating vespers, and Pedro López finally secured the post he had fought over for the best part of ten years.¹⁸¹

Is it possible that the future saint was involved in a failed attack on the composer’s life? In the light of Jesuit historiography, it is not easy to establish the truth. Was Anchieta even in Azpeitia for Carnival 1515? He was paid in the Aragonese royal chapel for the first tercio (January–March) of 1515, but he may nevertheless have been residing, with the king’s permission and without losing his salary, in his home in Azpeitia at the time of the attack.¹⁸² There is documentation to the effect that the brothers Pedro López and Ignatius of Loyola were accused of a serious premeditated crime committed on the night of 20 February 1515, but it is now incomplete, and Anchieta’s name is not mentioned explicitly.¹⁸³ In a recent study, the Jesuit historian Francisco de Borja Medina Rojas has reviewed the surviving documentation in its juridical context; he concluded that the crime was very probably intent to commit grievous bodily harm or even murder, but that it is currently impossible to establish the identity of the intended victim.¹⁸⁴ If it was indeed Anchieta, the trap failed, and Ignatius was forced to flee to the episcopal prison in Pamplona and to invoke clerical immunity to avoid detention by the district judge (corregidor).¹⁸⁵ It would appear that no charges were brought, and the future saint was eventually released from prison, having undergone a spiritual conversion, and he returned to Arévalo to begin a reformed life. Anchieta’s narrow escape (if he was indeed the intended victim) left him with just over eight years to live, and he thus outlived his unfortunate nephew, García de Anchieta, who was murdered on 15 September 1518 at the hands of Juan Martínez de Lassao and Pedro de Oñaz (not Loyola’s brother, but a 25-year-old scribe of the same name).¹⁸⁶ Their motive is not clear, but it surely had its roots in the long-standing Loyola-Anchieta family feud.

Anchieta’s last years in Azpeitia (1519–1523)

There is no record of how Anchieta, old and infirm by this time, reacted to the loss of his nephew in 1518, but he continued to be a thorn in the side of the Loyola family. His aim to secure the rectorate for his nephew came to nought, and plans to build a private chapel were also thwarted by local politics and rivalries. His original intention had been for the chapel to be served by a head chaplain, eight chaplains, and a sacristan, and for it to house a large tomb in which the bodies of his parents would also be laid. These elaborate plans reflect the wealth and status Anchieta had achieved through royal service and from the ecclesiastical benefices he had accrued, especially that of Villarino, which was said to be worth 180 gold ducats per annum.¹⁸⁷ This chapel, supported by Anchieta’s personal wealth, would thus rival the Oñaz de Loyola family tomb being constructed on the gospel side of the church and would also enjoy independence from their patronage.¹⁸⁸ However, by late 1519, Anchieta, unwell and aware of his own mortality, had changed his plans, and sought permission from Pope Leo X to transfer the income from the Villarino benefice to the nuns of the Purísima Concepción on condition that they arrange his burial in their church and build a tomb in his honor.¹⁸⁹ His wish was granted by papal decree on 11 January 1520, but Anchieta had to accept that the income from the benefice would not support the number of chaplaincies he had originally intended for San Sebastián de Soreasu, and these were reduced to two.¹⁹⁰ On 25 August 1521, Anchieta agreed with the Mother Superior of the convent that two priests would be responsible for saying the daily mass and celebrating the anniversaries he would later specify in his will (see Appendix 3g): one for Ferdinand and Isabel and their offspring on 16 August, the day after the Assumption of the Virgin Mary; and the other for himself and his family on the feast of St. Sebastian, to whom the composer was particularly devoted:

Item: the said Mother and beatas, present and future, as is stipulated above, after the demise of the said Joannes Ancheta, must celebrate two anniversaries, or offices of the Dead; one the day after Our Lady of August for the Catholic Monarchs of esteemed memory, Ferdinand and Isabel, and their offspring; the second anniversary is of St. Sebastian, for which saint the said Joannes de Ancheta, Abbot of Arbas, held a special devotion; this anniversary has to be for the soul of the said Joannes de Ancheta and for the deceased members of his family.

In this will, drawn up on 19 February 1522, Anchieta stipulated that he should be buried in the church of the Purísima Concepción and a tomb built, even though this was strictly only allowed to serving members of the clergy. To safeguard his controversial wish, Anchieta wrote to the Pope, Adrian VI, who responded with a brief on 27 April 1522 that forbade any contravention of the composer’s stipulations. All of this careful preparation proved to be of no avail, and scandal and turmoil surrounded the composer in death as in the last years of life. As the nuns were preparing the catafalque following Anchieta’s death on 30 July 1523, both Francisco de Arostegui, guardian of the Franciscan convent of Sasiola, accompanied by the papal nuncio, Miguel de Zanundio, and Pedro López, then well established as the rector of San Sebastián de Soreasu, entered the convent with his clergy. López demanded to see documentation, papal and otherwise, and proceedings were halted while the dispute was settled. Anchieta’s body was laid to rest not in the convent, but in the parish church before the altar dedicated to St. Michael.

However, the nuns did not give up easily—they were to receive the income from Anchieta’s Villarino benefice—and went to the Abbot of Zenarruza, protesting that the catafalque they had prepared had been taken, and reclaiming Anchieta’s body, to no immediate avail. In 1524, the dispute went to the papal court,¹⁹¹ and Pedro López claimed that Anchieta had obtained the papal bulls fraudulently since he had not informed the Pope that the nuns’ church had never been consecrated. The nuns were given short shrift: the bishop considered that Anchieta’s body should remain in the parish church, and they were forbidden to celebrate sung masses, to display the Holy Sacrament, to have holy water or bell-ringing, and to bury their own dead. Pedro López, Anchieta’s adversary for so many years, died in about 1529, and the convent church was finally consecrated in March 1533. Since Anchieta’s requests had been made when the church was not consecrated, they were, in effect, nullified. Finally, in 1534, the rector of the parish church made the nuns an offer: Anchieta could be buried in the convent cemetery (not the church), if he, as rector, were to be recognized as patron of the convent (thus as Anchieta’s replacement), at no cost to himself. Agreement was reached between the nuns and the rector on 10 April 1535, and they eventually secured the benefice of Villarino four years later.¹⁹² It is not clear whether Anchieta’s body was moved to the convent cemetery from where it had lain in the parish church since 1523.

The family disputes did not end with this disregard of Anchieta’s last wishes. In his will Anchieta named his niece, Ana de Anchieta, daughter of his brother Pedro García, as his universal heir, but he also specified bequests to his illegitimate son, Juan, including 400 ducats for his studies and marriage, and nominated him as his heir should Ana die.¹⁹³ He left sixty gold ducats to the mother of his son, Maria Martínez de Esquerrategui. Further details on this family unit are difficult to establish; for example, the date of birth of the composer’s illegitimate son remains unknown. The boy (or young man) would appear to have been unmarried and still studying at the time Anchieta drew up his will in 1522, so was likely born in the early years of the sixteenth century, possibly when Anchieta spent some time in his hometown in 1503. The remainder of Anchieta’s possessions, including his house, passed to Ana, and the legacy was received on her behalf by her tutor Pedro Fernández de Ola. Only a week later, Pedro López expelled Ana from the house, and she was forced to take the case to the Royal Council, resulting in another drawn-out legal battle. In June 1524, Charles V dealt with her request for the monies owing from the last year of Anchieta’s royal service to be paid to her (see Appendix 3f). Ana had married Juan López de Ugarte on 10 February 1524, but was widowed the same year and entered the convent of the Purísima Concepción to which Anchieta had bequeathed his benefice and where he had wished to be buried.

Anchieta’s will (1522) and codicil (1523)

Anchieta’s will, although in many ways formulaic, offers some insight into the man and those things he most valued (see Appendix 3g). First and foremost he was concerned that his burial be carried out according to his wishes, and in accordance with his status, which seems to have held importance for him throughout his career. The value he placed on his many years of royal service is clear from the reference he makes to his position as chapelmaster to Prince Juan and his instruction regarding the endowment of the anniversary mass to be celebrated for his soul and those of the prince’s parents, Ferdinand and Isabel, in the convent. Whether Anchieta originally intended this to be a polyphonic mass is not clear: eight chaplains would have been able to perform such a mass, but when that number was reduced to two, it would have had to have been sung in plainchant. In a letter dated 20 May 1580, from the Mother Vicar of the convent to the mayor of Azpeitia, Don Clemente Rescarte, Anchieta’s anniversaries, supported by the income from the Villarino benefice, were still observed in the convent. Lizarralde indicates that a curious marginal note instructed that the nuns should no longer refer to this as Anchieta’s foundation but only mention the Catholic Monarchs (“No hace decir que la fundación es de este [Anchieta] sino de los Reyes Católicos”).¹⁹⁴ Again, according to Lizarralde, the dispute over Anchieta’s burial was still mentioned in documents dating from the mid-seventeenth century, and the anniversaries he founded continued to form part of the nuns’ daily ceremonial until the time of the desamortización in the early part of the nineteenth century.¹⁹⁵

On 26 July 1523, four days before his death, Anchieta added a codicil to his will (see Appendix 3h) outlining monies owed and owing, including a debt of two gold doubloons yet to be repaid by a Flemish gentleman by the name of Acelayn to whom he had loaned four doubloons while he was in Flanders. His liquid assets at the time of his death were 188 doblas de oro, estimated by Stevenson to be the equivalent of about 100,000 maravedís at the time, kept in a chest in his house.¹⁹⁶ Interestingly, Anchieta lists a number of books in this codicil, including three books of polyphony (“two bound music books and another music book sewn in vellum”). Did the music books contain his own works, or at least repertory from the royal chapels? This would seem likely, but the use of the generic “canto” (literally “song” but also generally music, whether chant or polyphony)¹⁹⁷ inhibits further speculation. He almost certainly treasured these music books since he took them to Azpeitia with him; perhaps he hoped the repertory would be useful in the realization of the sung masses dedicated to the Catholic Monarchs for which he had originally intended to endow eight chaplaincies. Or did his heir, Ana, receive them and take them to the convent with her in 1524? Whatever the case, it is interesting that he had these three music books, one of which at least was bound in vellum, in his possession at the time of his death.

If the other books mentioned in his will were the only ones to his name at the time of his death, Anchieta clearly did not possess a substantial library in his house in Azpeitia; his itinerant existence as a member of the royal household may well have limited accumulation of material possessions. The few he did possess in addition to his music books may reflect something of his intellectual interests and his knowledge of Latin.¹⁹⁸ Mentioned in the post-mortem unit inventory are: a copy of Antonio de Nebrija’s famous Vocabulario español-latino (c.1494) (“another book, which is called “vocabulario”), three volumes of the historiales (“three other books, in which there are three parts of the ‘historiales’”), and a copy of the Summa rosella (“another book, called ‘Suma rosela’”). His ownership of Nebrija’s Vocabulario (a Spanish to Latin dictionary of around 1494) is intriguing. Given the humanist’s close association with the Catholic Monarchs,¹⁹⁹ it is possible that Anchieta knew him; certainly he would have known of his works, which were widely printed, reprinted, and diffused. What kind of indication might Anchieta’s possession of this dictionary give as regards the standard of his knowledge of Latin? Was he able, as his colleagues in the Aragonese chapel Francisco de Peñalosa and Juan Ponce were, to create Latin motet texts? As mentioned earlier, the humanist Lucas Marineus Siculus was Latin teacher to the members of the Aragonese royal chapel in the years when Anchieta was listed as a singer there, and if he was present in the court on at least some occasions, he may have been in direct contact with him.²⁰⁰ Marineus Siculus complained on more than one occasion of the poor knowledge of Latin among the royal chaplains, but several royal singers, including Peñalosa, Ponce, Juan Román, and Francisco Fernández de Rascón, corresponded with their teacher in Latin.²⁰¹ That Anchieta was able to read Latin, even if he could write it only with the aid of a dictionary, is suggested by the three volumes of the Historiales and the copy of Baptista de Trovamala Salis’s Summa rosella, the revised version of his earlier Summa casuum conscientiae (1483), a work on civil and canon law that may have been of some use to the composer in his more official ecclesiastical capacity as abbot of Arbas.

*******

The surviving documentation does not allow a full biography of Anchieta, yet his will, the snippets of correspondence, both personal and royal, and the annotations to institutional pay documents trace a successful career as a professional singer and composer and evoke a man aware of his status and his rights, and not afraid to invoke them. His years of royal service in the Castilian and Aragonese royal chapels brought him substantial reward financially and in the form of ecclesiastical posts and benefices, and were recognized by Charles V. Whether he was as involved in political machinations as Gutiérrez de Fuensalida might suggest is not clear, but he used his royal connections and network of contacts in order to better his position, not hesitating, for example, to write personally to Margaret of Austria, whom he had served only for a few months in 1496–1497. His position in the Castilian court would have required him to compose polyphony for the liturgical services celebrated in the royal chapel, but he was also expected to write Castilian-texted ballads for specific occasions and, like other members of the royal chapels, polyphonic songs for the entertainment of the royal entourage. Two of his songs are thought to be based on a particular Basque dance-song form of popular origin (see Chapter 5). Probably some of his songs were not only heard by Prince Juan, but also performed by him. It has been assumed that Anchieta taught the prince to play at least some of the assorted musical instruments present in his chambers, but there is no evidence to support this. No instrumental pieces by him have survived, although a motet attributed to him was later intabulated by a colleague in royal service, Gonzalo de Baena, and published in Baena’s keyboard tutor of 1540 (see Chapter 3).²⁰² Instrumental music aside, and even allowing for the loss of a substantial body of his works, Anchieta contributed to almost every polyphonic genre cultivated in the Spanish kingdoms during the reign of the Catholic Monarchs. In his career and his works, Anchieta offers the model of the successful court composer; the extent to which his music affords insight into his musical training and experience, as well as the contexts for which it was composed and in which it was performed and heard, forms the focus of the following chapters.

Notes

1 Clifford Geertz, “Thick Description: Toward an Interpretive Theory of Culture,” in The Interpretation of Cultures: Selected Essays (New York: Basic Books, 1973), 5–6, 9–10.

2 Imanol Elías Odriozola was not able to establish Anchieta’s date of birth “even though we have put every effort into the task” (“a pesar de que hemos puesto todo nuestro empeño en la tarea”); see Imanol Elías Odriozola, Juan de Anchieta: Apuntes históricos (Guipúzcoa: Caja de Ahorros de Guipúzcoa, 1981), 53.

3 The information on Anchieta’s family is presented in most detail in Adolphe Coster, “Juan de Anchieta et la famille de Loyola,” Revue Hispanique 79 (1930): 1–322, but a number of discrepancies will be noted. Coster’s study was largely followed in Robert Stevenson, Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus (The Hague: Nijhoff, 1960), 127–35.

4 Juan Plazaola, Los Anchieta: El músico, el escultor, el santo (Bilbao: Ediciones Mensajero, 1997), 12–18; Javier Pino Alcón, “Juan de Anchieta: La construcción historiográfica de un músico del Renacimiento” (undergraduate thesis, Universidad Complutense de Madrid, 2015), 24–25. The error lay in a misreading of the will of Sancha Yañez de Loyola, dated 2 December 1464, by Padre Gabriel Henao in 1682, whose summary of the document is cited by Coster, “Juan de Anchieta,” 54. See Gabriel Henao, Averiguaciones de las antiguedades de Cantabria: enderezadas principalmente a descubrir las de Guipuzcoa, Vizcaya y Alabam prouincias contenidas en ella (Tortosa: [s.n.], 1894–1895), 7: 302–03.

5 Eugenio de Uriarte, in his extended biographical notes compiled for Francisco Asenjo Barbieri in 1884, assumed that he was born in the mid-fifteenth century. These notes are reproduced in Emilio Casares Rodicio, ed., Legado Barbieri I: Biografías y documentos sobre música y músicos españoles (Madrid: Fundación Banco Exterior, 1986), 19–24.

Until at least the late 1990s, the notes were preserved at the Biblioteca Nacional de España as MS 14020.170, but have since been mislaid. As Javier Pino Alcón noted, in “Juan de Anchieta,” 14–20, Uriarte’s notes for Barbieri are almost identical to the article published by José Ignacio de Arana under the title “Euskaros ilustres: Biografía del Rdo. Johanes de Anchieta” in Euskal-Erria: revista bascongada in 1887 (see Introduction).

6 Stevenson, Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus, 130. Strictly speaking, the only verifiable date is that of the marriage of Anchieta’s grandparents in 1413: see Kenneth Kreitner, The Church Music of Fifteenth-Century Spain, Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Music 3 (Woodbridge: Boydell, 2004), 104–05, n. 3.

7 Plazaola, Los Anchieta, 17–18, and the two color plates opposite, p. 48.

8 Elías Odriozola, Juan de Anchieta, 18–20, 30–34.

9 The document of royal appointment (AGS, SEM, Legajo 2, fol. 50) does not mention, as is quite often the case when new members were admitted to the royal chapels, Anchieta’s provenance. However, in the later document of appointment to the Aragonese royal chapel, dated 15 April 1512, he is described as “natural de azpeitia en vizcaya.” See Tess Knighton, Música y músicos en la corte de Fernando el Católico, 1474–1516 (Zaragoza: Institución Fernando el Católico, 2001), 323–24.

10 Elías Odriozola (Juan de Anchieta, 53) suggests that by the time Anchieta entered the royal chapel, “No es demasiado creer que sería mayor de edad y con los estudios pertinentes a su sacerdocio.” A few lay singers served in the royal chapels in the earlier part of the reign of Ferdinand and Isabel, but these were exceptions; see Knighton, Música y músicos, 70, 84, 86.

11 Higinio Anglés, ed., La música en la Corte de los Reyes Católicos, I: Polifonía religiosa, Monumentos de la Música Española 1 (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 1941, 2/1960), hereafter abbreviated MME 1, 6: “Sobre su formación musical nada sabemos, pero el estilo de sus obras indica que sus maestros fueron españoles.”

12 Robert Stevenson, “Spanish Musical Impact beyond the Pyrenees (1250–1500),” in José López-Calo, Ismael Fernández de la Cuesta, and Emilio Casares Rodicio, eds., Actas del Congreso Internacional “España en la música del Occidente” (Madrid: Instituto Nacional de las Artes Escénicas y de la Música, 1987), 115–64, at 139.

13 See Juan Ruiz Jiménez, “Cathedral Soundscapes: Some New Perspectives,” in Tess Knighton, ed. Companion to Music in the Age of the Catholic Monarchs (Leiden: Brill, 2017), 242–81, especially at 260–63.

14 Tess Knighton, “Isabel of Castile and Her Music Books: Franco-Flemish Song in Fifteenth-Century Spain,” in Barbara F. Weissberger, ed., Queen Isabel I of Castile: Power, Patronage, Persona (London: Tamesis, 2008), 29–52.

15 This was suggested by José Antonio de Donostia, Música y músicos en el País Vasco (San Sebastián: Biblioteca Vascongada de los Amigos del País, 1951), 16, and followed by Pedro Aizpurúa, “Perfil biográfico-musical,” in Dionisio Preciado, ed., Juan de Anchieta: Quatro pasiones polifónicas (Madrid: Sociedad Española de Musicología, 1995), 18. On music in Pamplona cathedral, see José Goñi Gaztambide, La Capilla Musical de la Catedral de Pamplona: Desde sus orígenes hasta 1600 (Pamplona: Capilla de Música, Catedral de Pamplona, 1983); and María Gembero, Navarra: Música (Pamplona: Gobierno de Navarra, 2016), 56–57. In 1436 José Anchorena was “maestro mayor de cantorcitos,” suggesting that there was a well-established choir school at the cathedral at least by the fifteenth century.

16 Coster, “Juan de Anchieta,” 59: “On doit supposer qu’il alla les demander à l’Université de Salamanque et qu’il y apprit la science de la composition et développa le talent de chanteur et d’instrumentiste qui allaient faire sa fortune.” On the suggestion that Anchieta was a choirboy in the Castilian royal chapel, see ibid., 73, n. 1.

17 Stevenson, Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus, 132; and his article s.v. “Anchieta, Juan de,” in the New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians (both the 1980 and 2001 editions). As Pino Alcón has pointed out (“Juan de Anchieta,” 25), Anchieta’s period of study in Salamanca, although completely undocumented, has entered the historiographical tradition as if it were fact; see Dámaso García Fraile, “La Universidad de Salamanca en la música del Occidente,” in Fernández de la Cuesta et al., Actas del Congreso Internacional “España en la música del Occidente,” 289–92, at 289. On studying music at Salamanca University at this time, see Dámaso García Fraile, “La cátedra de música de la Universidad de Salamanca durante diecisiete años del siglo XV (1464–1481),” Anuario Musical 46 (1991): 57–102; Dámaso García Fraile, “La vida musical en la Universidad de Salamanca durante el siglo XVI,” Revista de Musicología 23 (2000): 9–74; and Tess Knighton, “Gaffurius, Urrede and Studying Music at Salamanca University,” Revista de Musicología 34 (2011): 11–36.

18 See Francisco de Paula Cañas Gálvez, “La música en la corte de Enrique IV de Castilla (1454–1474). Una aproximación institucional y prosopográfica,” Revista de Musicología 29 (2009): 359–78.

19 Juan Ruiz Jiménez, “From mozos de coro Towards seises. Boys in the Musical Life of Seville cathedral in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries,” in Susan Boynton and Eric Rice, eds., Young Choristers, 650–1700, Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Music 7 (Woodbridge: Boydell, 2008), 86–103. On the teaching of contrapunto, see Giuseppe Fiorentino, “Unwritten Music and Oral Traditions at the Time of Ferdinand and Isabel,” in Tess Knighton, ed., Companion to Music, 504–48, especially 505–23.

20 Antonio Rumeu de Armas, Itinerario de los Reyes Católicos, 1474–1516 (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciónes Científicas, 1974), 163–67.

21 Tess Knighton, Introduction to eadem, Companion to Music, 2–6.

22 José Romeu Figueras, La música en la Corte de los Reyes Católicos, IV-2: Cancionero Musical de Palacio, vol. 3-B, Monumentos de la Música Española 14-2 (Barcelona: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 1965), no. 130, 308–09; Stevenson, Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus, 128; Plazaola, Los Anchieta, 22–24; and Maricarmen Gómez, “En memoria de Alixandre de Juan de Anchieta en su contexto,” Revista de Musicología 37 (2014): 89–106.

23 Knighton, Música y músicos, 221 and 323–24. The salary of 30,000 maravedís was the highest in the chapel, apart from that of the head chaplain; it was paid only to certain chapel singers. The details of these salary increases and other benefits received as a member of the royal chapel are listed in a useful document (AGS, Casa y Sitios Reales, Leg. 46–508) that provides a summary of such payments and favors for each singer in the chapel; see Appendix 3a. Juan Bautista Elústiza and Gonzalo Castrillo Hernández, Antología musical: Siglo de oro de la música litúrgica de España: Polifonía vocal, siglos XV y XVI (Barcelona: Rafael Casulleras, 1933), xxxiv, suggested that the salary rise of 1493 probably corresponded to Anchieta’s appointment as chapelmaster to Prince Juan (“probablemente obedeciendo al nuevo nombramiento de Maestro de Capilla del Príncipe don Juan”), although there is no evidence that he held the position before 1495.

24 These are substantial amounts that go beyond money gifted to members of the royal chapel for the purchase of a mule, for example; see Knighton, Música y músicos, 68–77.

25 Francisco [de] Salinas, De musica (Salamanca: Gastius, 1577, rept. Kassel: Bärenreiter, 1958, ed. Macario Santiago Kastner), book 6, chapter 7, p. 312; Spanish translation in Ismael Fernández de la Cuesta (trans.), Francisco [de] Salinas, Siete libros sobre la música (Madrid: Alpuerto, 1983), 541–42).

26 On the role of reçeptor, see Tess Knighton, “Ritual and Regulations: The Organization of the Castilian Royal Chapel during the Reign of the Catholic Monarchs,” in Emilio Casares, Carlos Villanueva, and José López-Calo, eds., De musica hispana et aliis: Miscelánea en honor al Prof. Dr. José López-Calo, S.J., en su 65° cumpleaños, 2 vols. (Santiago de Compostela: Universidad de Santiago de Compostela, 1990), I: 291–320 at 300. The reçeptor was elected annually by the head chaplain and six or seven of the most senior chaplains. See also Knighton, Música y músicos, 323.

27 Antonio de la Torre and E. Alsina de la Torre, Cuentas de Gonzalo de Baeza, tesorero de Isabel la Católica, 2 vols. (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 1955). Archivo General de Simanca, Contaduría Mayor, leg. 6, fol. 55v. Knighton, Música y músicos, 221.

28 Anchieta’s will was first published by Coster (“Juan de Anchieta,” 287–93), although Barbieri had access to the copy transcribed for him by Uriarte. Appendix 3g: “e otras probisiones que también tubo el dicho señor Abad como fue maestro de capilla e los maravedís que por ello abía de recibir cada un año como por las probisiones parecía.”

29 On the structure and administration of the prince’s household, see José María González Ferrando, “La contabilidad de la casa real del príncipe don Juan, heredero de los Reyes Católicos,” Revista Española de Financiación y Contabilidad 22 (1993): 757–90; and José Damián González Arce, La casa y corte del príncipe don Juan (1478–1497): Economía y etiqueta en el palacio del hijo de los Reyes Católicos (Seville: Sociedad Española de Estudios Medievales, 2016). On the musicians in the prince’s household, see also José María Llorens Cisteró, “La música en la casa del Príncipe don Juan y en la de las Infantas de Aragón y Castilla,” Nassarre 9 (1993): 155–74, and Knighton, Música y músicos, 153–54.

30 González Arce, La casa y corte del príncipe don Juan, 41. González Arce points out there was financial and administrative overlap between Isabel’s household and that of her son in appointments prior to this date.

31 Ibid., 61.

32 See Ángel Alcalá and Jacobo Sanz, Vida y muerte del príncipe don Juan: Historia y literatura (Valladolid: Junta de Castilla y León, 1999), 121–43; and González Arce, La casa y corte del príncipe don Juan, 41–45, 61, and 70.

33 Luis de Lucena dedicated his Arte de Axedrex con CL juegos de partidos to the prince, whom he addressed somewhat prematurely as Juan III; the book was printed in Salamanca in 1497, according to Konrad Haebler. See Alcalá and Sanz, Vida y muerte del príncipe, 139.

34 Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo, ed. José María Escudero de la Peña, Libro de la Cámara del Príncipe don Juan e officios de su casa e servicio ordinario (Madrid: Sociedad de Bibliófilos Españoles, 1870), 16ff.: “E en verdad fue muy dado su Alteza a la música e a la caça, e en cada cosa de estas muy entendido.” A more recent edition is Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo, ed. Santiago Fabregat Barrios, Libro de la Cámara Real del prínçipe don Juan (Valencia: Universitat de València, 2006). On the redaction of Fernández de Oviedo’s work, see González Arce, La casa y corte del príncipe don Juan, 28–29. See also Llorens Cisteró, “La música en la casa del príncipe,” 156.

35 Rodrigo Sánchez de Arévalo, ed. Mario Penna, Vergel de los príncipes, Prosistas castellanos del siglo XV, 2 vols. (Madrid: Ediciones Atlas), I: 311–41.

36 María del Pilar Rábade Obradó, “La educación del príncipe en el siglo XV: Del Vergel de los príncipes al Diálogo sobre la educación del príncipe don Juan,” Res Publica 18 (2007): 163–78, at 173.

37 González Arce, La casa y corte del príncipe don Juan, 191–98.

38 On Prince Juan’s household and education, see González Arce, La casa y corte del príncipe don Juan.

39 Knighton, Música y músicos, 146; Llorens Cisteró, “La música en la casa del príncipe,” 159; Tess Knighton, “Instruments, Instrumental Music and Instrumentalists: Traditions and Transitions,” in Tess Knighton, ed., Companion to Music, 97–144, at 115–16.

40 Knighton, Música y músicos, 153–54; Llorens Cisteró, “La músca en la casa del príncipe,” 157–60; and González Arce, La casa y corte del príncipe don Juan, 191–98.

41 Llorens Cisteró, “La músca en la casa del príncipe,” 157–60. Following the prince’s death, at least one of these moços, Antonio de Andino, son of another singer in the Castilian royal chapel, Cristóbal de Morales, was taken on as an adult singer in Isabel’s chapel; see Knighton, Música y músicos, 195 and 221–22.

42 González Arce, La casa y corte del príncipe don Juan, 28–29; Tess Knighton, “La música en la casa y capilla del príncipe Felipe (1543–1556): Modelos y contextos,” in Luis Robledo, Tess Knighton, Juan José Carreras and Cristina Bordas, eds., Aspectos de la música en la corte de Felipe II (Madrid: Fundación Caja Madrid / Editorial Alpuerto, 2000), 35–97 at 40–41 and 65–66.

43 Stevenson, Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus, 133; Tess Knighton, “The ‘a cappella’ Heresy in Spain: An Inquisition into the Performance of the ‘cancionero’ Repertory,” Early Music 20 (1992): 560–81, at 566; Jon Vincent Blake, “Libro de la cámara real del Príncipe don Juan e offiçios de su casa e serviçio ordinario de Gonzálo Fernández de Oviedo y Valdés—según el manuscrito autógrafo Escorial E.IV.8: Estudio, transcripción y notas” (PhD diss., University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 1975), 123–24; Llorens Cisteró, “La música en la casa del príncipe,” 163; Plazaola, Los Anchieta, 27–28; Fernández de Oviedo, Libro de la Cámara Real, ed. Fabregat Barrios, 165–66 (see Appendix 3c).

44 A point also made by Fabregat Barrios in his edition of the Libro de la cámara, 165, n. 407: “Consciente o inconscientemente, el autor nos acerca así a una imagen más humana y menos idealizada del príncipe.”

45 When he was in Milan in 1499, Fernández de Oviedo made a paper-cut of a four-voice polyphonic motet apparently with the arms of the Duke of Milan, and Leonardo da Vinci was among his admirers. For details of this extraordinary anecdote, see Bonnie J. Blackburn, “Leonardo and Gaffurio on Harmony and the Pulse of Music,” in Barbara Haggh, ed., Essays on Music and Culture in Honor of Herbert Kellman, Epitome Musicale 8 (Paris: Minerve, 2001), 128–49, especially 146–49.

46 Knighton, Música y músicos, 87–88. On the moços de capilla and other members of the prince’s chapel, see also González Arce, La casa y corte del príncipe don Juan, 191–93, 207, 214, 289, and 370–72; on the ornaments for the chapel, see ibid., 143–48, and on the copying of missals and other liturgical books, see ibid., 165–66.

47 Knighton, Música y músicos, 154.

48 Knighton, “Instruments,” 104–07 and 134–36; see also Pedro Calahorra Martínez, “Claviórganos de Mohama Mofferiz en la corte de los Reyes Católicos,” Nassarre 9 (1993): 115–18; and Carmen Morte García, “Mahoma Mofferiz, maestro de Zaragoza, constructor de claviórganos para la corte de los Reyes Católicos,” Aragón en la Edad Media 14–15 (1999): 1115–24.

49 Knighton, “The a cappella Heresy in Spain,” 560–61.

50 Fiorentino, “Unwritten Music and Oral Traditions”; Knighton, “Gaffurius, Urrede and Studying Music”; Santiago Galán Gómez, La teoría de canto de órgano y contrapunto en el Renacimiento español (Madrid: Editorial Alpuerto, 2016).

51 Stevenson, Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus, 133: “To have taught Don Juan how to play such a variety of instruments as Oviedo lists, Anchieta must obviously have been something of a performer on most of them.” Aizpurúa follows this idea (“Perfil-biografíco,” 18) describing Anchieta as “un músico de completísima preparación,” but Javier Pino points out that this is mere speculation (“Juan de Anchieta,” 42–43).

52 Cited in Plazaola, Los Anchieta, 81, based on Cándido de Dalmases, Monumenta Historica Soc. Jesu, Monumenta Ignatiana: Fontes Documentales (Rome: Institutum Historia Societatie Jesu, 1977), 221: “los órganos que estaban destrozados en la casa que fue de dicho don Juan de Anchieta, abad que fue de Arbas, que ende estaban, según que al tiempo (1529) del dicho inventario estaban.”

53 Alcalá and Sanz, Vida y muerte del príncipe, 73–75; González Arce, La casa y corte del Príncipe don Juan, 165–66 and 414.

54 See Elisa Ruiz García, Los libros de Isabel la Católica: Arqueología de un patrimonio escrito (Salamanca: Instituto de Historia del Libro y de la Lectura, 2004), 335: “Çinco cartapaçios borrados de quando el prinçipe se mostrava latino, las cubiertas de pergamino, e dos quadernos de papel, de marca mayor de canto de órgano, e otro quaderno de pergamino de canto llano, e un quaderno de papel, de marca mediana, escripto de molde, en romançe, que comiença: ‘El libro primero que declara del nasçimiento de Nuestro Señor’, e quatro quadernos escriptos de molde, en papel, en latín, que comiença el primero: ‘Que peritabiun [sic] nominis’, en los quales hay quatro pligos y medio, que no valen nada. Los cartapaçios y los quadernos se apreçiaron en tres rreales.” In the margin: “Vendiéronse a Arnao de Velasco los quadernos de canto en tres rreales”; See also Aizpurúa, “Perfil biográfico-musical,” 25. On other music books owned by Queen Isabel, see Knighton, “Isabel of Castile and Her Music Books,” 29–52.

55 González Arce, La casa y corte del príncipe don Juan, 509–13; a detailed account is given in Alcalá and Sanz, Vida y muerte del príncipe, 145–74.

56 On Anchieta’s masses, see Chapters 4 and 6. They may also have been written—or revived—later for the 1501–1502 visit of Philip and Juana; see Tess Knighton, “A Meeting of Chapels: Toledo, 1502,” in Juan José Carreras and Bernado J. García García, eds., The Royal Chapel in the Time of the Habsburgs: Music and Court Ceremony in Early Modern Europe, Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Music 3 (Woodbridge: Boydell, 2005), 85–102, at 97–98.

57 Encina’s Triunfo de amor was printed in 1507 with the rubric: “Representación ante el muy esclarecido y muy ylustre Príncipe Don Juan, nuestro soberano señor.” A four-voice setting of the text survives anonymously in the so-called Cancionero de Uppsala: Villancicos De diuersos Autores, a dos, y a tres, y a quatro, y a conco bozes (Venice: Scotto, 1556), ff. 19v–20. On the wedding festivities, see Alcalá and Sanz, Vida y muerte del príncipe, 145–79, and on Encina’s song, 178; and González Arce, La casa y corte del príncipe don Juan, 510–14.

58 González Arce, La casa y corte del príncipe don Juan, 526–38; Alcalá and Sanz, Vida y muerte del príncipe, 189–202.

59 George Grayson Wagstaff, “Music for the Dead: Polyphonic Settings of the ‘Officium’ and ‘Missa Pro Defunctis’ by Spanish and Latin American Composers before 1630” (PhD diss., The University of Texas at Austin, 1995), 75–119 and 251–71; Kenneth Kreitner, “Juan de Anchieta and the Rest of the World,” in Barbara F. Weissberger, ed., Queen Isabel I of Castile, 169–85, at 180–81; and Ruiz Jiménez, “Cathedral Soundscapes,” 272.

60 Tess Knighton, “Music for the Dead: An Early Sixteenth-Century Anonymous Requiem,” in Tess Knighton and Bernadette Nelson, eds., Pure Gold: Golden Age Sacred Music in the Iberian World: A Homage to Bruno Turner (Kassel: Reichenberger, 2011), 262–90, at 283–86.

61 Francesc Villanueva Serrano, “La identificación de Pedro de Escobar con Pedro do Porto: una revisión definitiva a la luz de nuevos datos,” Revista de Musicología 34 (2011): 37–58; Juan Ruiz Jiménez, “‘The Sounds of the Hollow Mountain’: Musical Tradition and Innovation in Seville cathedral in the Early Renaissance,” Early Music History 29 (2010): 189–239 at 232–35; and idem, “Cathedral Soundscapes,” 272.

62 Luis Fernando García Marco and Francisco Javier García Marco, “El impacto de la muerte del príncipe Juan en Daroca (1497–1498): poesía elegáica y ritual urbano,” Aragón en la Edad Media 10–11 (1993): 307–37: the three singers who were brought in were a Basque, a friar, and a student, but their names are not given (p. 330, n. 83). Whether they sang a three-voice Requiem mass is unknown. See also José Damián González Arce and Francisco José García Pérez, “Ritual, jerarquías y símbolos en las exequias reales de Murcía (siglo XV),” Miscelánea Medieval Murciana 19–20 (1995–1996): 129–38.

63 The texts are gathered in Alcalá and Sanz, Vida y muerte del príncipe, 243–72; see also Jacobo Sanz Hermida, “Literatura consolatoria en torno a la muerte del príncipe don Juan,” Studia Historica-Historia Medieval 11 (1993): 157–70.

64 Giuseppe Mazzochi, “La tragedia trobada de Juan del Encina y las Décimas sobre el fallecimiento del príncipe nuestro señor del Comendador Román: dos textos frente a frente,” Il confronto litterario 5 (1988): 93–123.

65 Tess Knighton, “‘Music, Why Do You Weep?’ A Lament for Alexander Agricola,” Early Music 34 (2006): 427–41.

66 On Margaret’s household while in Spain, see González Arce, La casa y corte del príncipe don Juan, 139, 213–20; and on her sojourn in Spain, see Duque de Mauro, El príncipe que murió de amor: Don Juan, primogénito de los Reyes Católicos (Madrid: Alderaban, 2000), 175–89.

67 These letters appear to be undated, and both Donostia (Música y músicos en el País Vasco, 60–61) and, following him, Plazaola (Los Anchieta, 40–42) date them to 1506, but this cannot have been the case as Anchieta signed himself as Abbot of Arbas, a position to which he was presented by Ferdinand only on 13 April 1513.

68 Fernández de Oviedo, Libro de la cámara, 74; González Arce, La casa y corte del príncipe don Juan, 220 and 373.

69 Knighton, Música y músicos, 105. This would appear to be a fairly rare example of a member of the Aragonese royal household serving Prince Juan.

70 Archivo General de Simancas, Escribanía Mayor, Leg. 2, f. 57v. He served Isabel until her death, accompanying the funeral cortège to Granada, subsequently transferring back to the Aragonese royal chapel. He then served Ferdinand until the king’s death, after which he may have fallen on harder times, as was the case with many of the royal singers. Fernández de Oviedo described how, during the rise of the comuneros in Castile in the early 1520s, he was shot in the mouth after stealing a chalice from a church.

71 Emilio Ros-Fábregas, “Libros de música en bibliotecas españolas del siglo XVI (I),” Pliegos de Bibliofília 15 (2001): 37–62, at 58 (inventory dated 29 September 1499); and Francisco Javier Sánchez Cantón, Libros, tapices y cuadros que coleccionó Isabel la Católica (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 1950), 17–88 at 39 and 84. Ros-Fábregas identifies this book with Michel de Toulouse’s L’art et instruction de bien dancer, which is thought to date from 1496. On this book and other items, such as tapestries and ornaments for her chapel while in Spain, see González Arce, La casa y corte del príncipe don Juan, 130, 148–51, and 167–69. Other books Margaret took back with her to Flanders included the Fábulas de Esopo (Burgos, 1496), the Evangelios y epístolas de todo el año (Zaragoza, 1495), and the Coplas de la pasión de la vita christi (Zaragoza, 1496) see González Arce, ibid., 417. The Libro de las joyas of Margaret’s possessions in Granada (drawn up on 8 September 1499) is reproduced in Duque de Maura, El príncipe que murió de amor, 233–57.

72 For the most recent thinking on the origins of the Segovia manuscript, see Emilio Ros-Fábregas, “Manuscripts of Polyphony from the Time of Isabel and Ferdinand,” in Tess Knighton, Companion to Music, 404–68, especially at 428–42; and Wolfgang Fuhrmann and Cristina Urchueguía, eds., The Segovia Manuscript: A Spanish Music Manuscript of c. 1500 (Woodbridge: Boydell, forthcoming).

73 Honey Meconi has pointed out that no works by Pierre de La Rue are contained in the Segovia manuscript, and that the repertory it contains would be more consistent with the visit of Margaret of Austria beginning in 1497; see Honey Meconi, Pierre de La Rue and Musical Life at the Habsburg-Burgundian Court (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), 80–81.

74 Knighton, Música y músicos, 79–86. Tinctoris, writing in the early 1470s, commented on the rewards of princely patronage that included wealth, honor, and glory, and how these not only attracted the best musicians to a court but also contributed to musical developments; see Johannes Tinctoris, ed. Albert Seay, Proportions in Music (Proportionale musices) (Colorado Springs: Colorado College Music Press, 1979), 2.

75 Knighton, Música y músicos, 82.

76 On Marineus Siculus, see Caro Lynn, A College Professor of the Renaissance: Lucio Marineo Siculo among the Spanish Humanists (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1937); for his correspondence, see Teresa Jiménez Calvente, Un siciliano en la España de los Reyes Católicos. Los Epistolarum familiarum libri XVII de Lucio Marineo Siculo (Alcalá de Henares: Universidad de Alcalá, 2001), 48–49; see, for example, his letter to Arnao Velázquez of 7 October 1512 (ibid., 241–44).

77 The source for this presentation is AGS, Registro General del Sello [RGS], IX, 242.

78 José López-Calo, La música en la catedral de Granada en el siglo XVI, 2 vols. (Granada: Fundación Rodrigo Acosta, 1963), I: 25; Knighton, Música y músicos, 84.

79 The document was included in Eugenio de Uriarte’s extended biographical notes for Barbieri and is reproduced in Casares Rodicio, Legado Barbieri I, 19. See also José Adriano de Lizarralde, Historia del Convento de la Purísima Concepción de Azpeitia: Contribución a la historia de la Cantabria franciscana (Santiago: Tip. De “El Eco Franciscano,” 1921), 98–99, and Coster, “Juan de Anchieta,” 261–62.

80 Stevenson, Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus, 129.

81 The documentation of the cathedral for these early years is incomplete; Anchieta is not mentioned in López-Calo’s study, and more recently, Juan Ruiz Jiménez has trawled the archive again but found no reference to the composer there (personal communication, 30 August 2013).

82 See Mercedes Castillo-Ferreira, “Chant, Liturgy and Reform,” in Knighton, Companion to Music, 282–322, at 303–14.

83 Knighton, Música y músicos, 80–81.

84 The paradigmatic case is that of Anchieta’s colleague in the Aragonese royal chapel, Francisco de Peñalosa, relating to his presentation to a canonry in Seville cathedral; see Stevenson, Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus, 146–51; and also Tess Knighton, “Cantores reales y catedrales durante la época de los Reyes Católicos,” Revista de Musicología 16 (1993): 87–91.

85 AGS, RGS: 129–65 and 168–87; both presentations are dated 4 February 1494. The papal indults also allowed for the accumulation of benefices; see Knighton, Música y músicos, 81.

86 Knighton, Música y músicos, 80.

87 Anglés refers to this note in MME 1, 56.

88 Barbieri, Cancionero Musical, 25; Knighton, Música y músicos, 324. Juan de Castilla y Enriquez subsequently became President of the Royal Council.

89 Casares, Legado Barbieri I, 19; Barbieri, Cancionero musical, 25.

90 Barbieri, Cancionero musical, 25. The document is reproduced in Coster, “Juan de Anchieta,” 261–62.

91 Elías Odriozola, Juan de Anchieta, 53; Plazaola, Los Anchieta, 32.

92 Coster puts forward a date of about 1498 (“Juan de Anchieta,” 70), and Stevenson proposes about 1500 (Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus, 129). See also Plazaola, Los Anchieta, 32–33. Plazaola suggests that this was the benefice in which Margaret of Austria may have intervened, even though Anchieta’s correspondence with his former employer concerned an abbacy, not a rectorate.

93 Coster, “Juan de Anchieta,” 69–71. On the occasion of the wedding, the queen gave Magdalena a painting of the Annunciation from her personal collection that was said to be miraculous because it “sweated.”

94 Barbieri, Cancionero musical, 22; Coster, “Juan de Anchieta,” 71; Stevenson, Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus, 129.

95 Coster, “Juan de Anchieta,” 73. Coster was always keen to join the dots, but there is no direct evidence to confirm that Anchieta either intervened with the queen on his cousin’s behalf or that he taught music to the young Loyola.

96 Knighton, Música y músicos, 174–81 and 193–95. Kenneth Kreitner points out that the surviving polyphonic repertory from the Castilian and Aragonese royal chapels is dominated by the works of Anchieta and Peñalosa, whom he describes as “staff composers”; see Kenneth Kreitner, “Music for the Royal Chapels,” in Knighton, Companion to Music, 21–59 at 34.

97 Knighton, Música y músicos, 182–83; the singers of the Castilian royal chapel who were appointed in the Aragonese royal chapel on 1 January 1505 were: Juan de Cespedes, Francisco de Piña, Pedro de Alicante, Alonso Martínez de Olivares, Blas de Corcoles, Pedro Hernández de Tordesillas, Alonso de Mondéjar, Antonio de Corral, and Bernaldo de Vozmediano, plus the organist Lope de Baena.

98 Knighton, Música y músicos, 194.

99 Adelaida Sagarra Gamazo, “La reina Juana y don Juan de Fonseca: ¿una hoja de servicios con precio político?” Revista de Estudios Colombinos 6 (2010): 13–23, at 16–19.

100 Aizpurúa, “Perfil biográfico-musical,” 20–22; see also Mary Kay Duggan, “Queen Joanna and Her Musicians,” Musica Disciplina 30 (1976): 73–95. Anchieta must have known Fonseca, who had accompanied Margaret of Austria to Flanders a few years earlier, and it is surely significant that his music was included in the manuscript Seville 5-5-20, which may have contained repertory from Fonseca’s years as Bishop of Palencia (1505–1514); see Tess Knighton, “Marian Devotions in Early Sixteenth-Century Spain: The Case of the Bishop of Palencia, Juan Rodríguez de Fonseca (1451–1524),” in Mary Jennifer Bloxam, Gioia Filocamo, and Leofranc Holford-Strevens, eds., “Uno gentile et subtile ingenio”: Studies in Renaissance Music in Honour of Bonnie Blackburn (Turnhout: Brepols, 2009), 137–46; and Tess Knighton, “‘Motetes de la Salve’: Some Thoughts on the Provenance, Compilation and Use of Seville, Biblioteca Colombina 5-5-20,” in Walter Clark and Michael O’Connor, eds., The Treasures of the Golden Age: Essays in Honor of Robert M. Stevenson (Hillsdale, NY: Pendragon Press, 2012), 29–58.

101 Sagarra Gamazo, “La reina Juana y don Juan de Fonseca,” 18–19.

102 Duggan, “Queen Joanna and Her Musicians,” 84–85.

103 Duque de Alba y de Berwick, ed., Correspondencia de Gutierre Gómez de Fuensalida, 1469–1509 (Madrid: s.p., 1907), 341: “El Viernes Santo en la tarde tuvyeron Gran Consejo… y fui avisado de un amigo mio que allí se trataron muchas cosas, entre las quales fueron éstas: que trabajase de ganar a la Reyna para que conformase con el Rey, su marido, porque no escribiese a Vuestra alteza alguna cosa sin saberlo ellos, y que Juanes dancheta seria para esto buen medianero, porque la Reyna pasa tiempo en cantar, y aquél podría con aquella color dezirle todo lo que quisyese. El qual Juanes esta tan enemigo de v. al. como si le ovyeron quitado el Arzobispado de Toledo.”

104 Aizpurúa, “Perfil biográfico-musical,” 20–22.

105 Duggan, “Queen Joanna and her Musicians,” 85: “… at the same time as Joanna was being entertained by Spanish music, the royal children were becoming acquainted with their musical heritage under the tutelage of Anchieta.”

106 The documents, dated 26 September 1505, were first reproduced in Donostia, Música y músicos del País Vasco, 61–62, and later in Aizpurúa, “Perfil biográfico- musical,” 21–22.

107 Casares Rodicio, Legado Barbieri I, 20: “en marzo de 1506, como rector de la parroquia de San Sebastián de Soreasu de Azpeitia intervino Juanes de Anchieta en el nombramiento de la fraila o serora de una basílica o hermita, según la forma y ceremonias que al efecto se usaban entonces.” Uriarte gives no source for this information.

108 Stevenson (Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus, 129), cites Uriarte as his source. However, there is room for doubt here since Uriarte confuses the years 1505 and 1506, and dates both the journey from Flanders and Philip the Fair’s death in 1505.

109 Stevenson, Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus, 134; see also Stevenson’s Grove article on Anchieta; and Maricarmen Gómez’s article, s.v. “Anchieta, Juan de,” in Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart.

110 Lizarralde, Historia del Convento de la Purísima Concepción, 84–88.

111 Ibid., 88.

112 The matter was partially resolved when, in October 1506, it was agreed that the Franciscan friars of the nearby monastery of Sasiola could take the beatas’ confession in their oratory, although the matter continued to be a source of dispute for many years. See ibid., 86–90.

113 Philip’s chamberlain Antoine de Lalaing (1480–1540) wrote the account of Philip’s earlier journey to Spain in 1501–1503; see José García Mercadal, ed., Viajes de extranjeros por España y Portugal: Desde los tiempos más remotos hasta comienzos del siglo XX, 2 vols. (Madrid: Aguilar, 1952), I: 398–517 (first journey) and 517–65 (second journey): Anonymous, “Segundo viaje de Felipe el Hermoso a España en 1506”. The anonymous account was also published as the “Deuxième voyage de Philippe le Beau en Espagne, en 1506,” in Louis-Prosper Gachard, ed., Collection des voyages des Souverains des Pays-Bas, I (Brussels: F. Hayez, 1874), 389–435. See also Duggan, “Queen Joanna and Her Musicians”, 85–86.

114 Anonymous, “Segundo viaje,” 527–28.

115 Ibid., 528: “el barco de los de la capilla, cantores y capellanes, bajo Juan de Metteneyre.”

116 Ibid., 530–32.

117 Ibid., 535: “… entraron los dos reyes en la hermosa casa de Windsor, y no hay que preguntar si el séquito fue bien recebido y bien festejado, y si hubo mucho y buen vino y buenas viandas, y si no fueron allí oídos todos los instrumentos, y si la dicha casa estaba bien adornada y tendida de ricos tapices de paños de oro y seda, y si había gran cantidad de vajilla de oro y de plata corriente por la casa, ni tampoco si todos los príncipes, caballeros, gentileshombres y oficiales pertenecientes al séquito del Rey de Castilla fueron allí festejados y bien venidos.”

118 Duggan, “Queen Joanna and her Musicians,” 85–86; Giles Tremlett, Catherine of Aragon: Henry’s Spanish Queen (London: Faber & Faber, 2010), 129–30.

119 There is some evidence that Anchieta did go to Azpeitia in November 1506; see above.

120 Duggan, “Queen Joanna and her Musicians,” 79–81; Knighton, Música y músicos, 196; Mary Tiffany Ferer, Music and Ceremony at the Court of Charles V: The Capilla Flamenca and the Art of Political Promotion, Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Music 12 (Woodbridge: Boydell, 2012), 37–38.

121 Ferer, Music and Ceremony at the Court of Charles V, 35–38.

122 Honey Meconi, “Pierre de La Rue: Missa pro fidelibus defunctis,” in Pieter Bergé and David Burn, eds., The Book of Requiems (Leuven: Leuven University Press, forthcoming).

123 Bethany Aram, “Juana ‘the Mad’’s Signature: The Problem of Invoking Royal Authority, 1505–1507,” Sixteenth Century Journal 39 (1998): 331–58; Tess Knighton, “‘Rey Fernando, mayorazgo/ de toda nuestra esperanza/ ¿tus favores a do están?’: Carlos V y la llegada a España de la capilla musical flamenca,” in José Eloy Hortal Muñoz and Félix Labrador Arroyo, eds., La Casa de Borgoña: la Casa del rey de España. Leuven: 9 Leuven University Press, 2014), 205–28, at 220–22.

124 Pedro Mártir de Anglería, ed. José López de Toro, Epistolario, Colección de Documentos Inéditos para la Historia de España 10 (Madrid: s.n., 1953), 154: “No ha puesto todavía la mano sobre ningún papel excepción hecha de las nóminas para que se abonen los sueldos a los cantores de Flandes, que fueron los únicos entre los filipenses que admitió a su servicio, pues siente gran deleite por sus melodías musicales, arte que ella aprendió en su tierna infancia.”

125 Anonymous, “Deuxième voyage de Philippe le Beau,” 463. “… à nulle chose ne veult entendre, quelle qu’elle soit, fors qu’elle a retenu le plus grand partie des chantres de la chapelle de son mary et les traicte très-bien, et les fait payer tousjours trois mois avant que leur gaiges souent eschuez, et se leur donne souvent ou robes ou cheveulx et aultre chose, ne à aultre chose ne pren-ell plaisir.” Also cited in Duggan, “Queen Joanna and Her Musicians,” 87.

126 Aram, “Juana ‘the Mad’’s Signature,” 339–44; Knighton, “‘Rey Fernando’”, 220–21; eadem, Música y músicos, 87.

127 Mártir de Anglería, Epistolario, 197–98: “[La Reina] no tolera la presencia de ningún clérigo, excepción hecha de los cantores que su marido trajo de Flandes. Sus melodias le sirven de solaz y de leuitivo en sus turbulentas viduales y saturnias.” Cited in Duggan, “Queen Joanna and Her Musicians,” 87.

128 Miguel Ángel Zalama, Vida cotidiana y arte en el palacio de la reina Juana I en Tordesillas (Valladolid: Universidad de Valladolid, 2/ 2003), 85–87; Knighton, “‘Rey Fernando’,” 224.

129 According to Bethany Aram, Luis Ferrer, the cerero who at that time effectively had control of Juan’s household, paid off the Flemish singers, who returned to Brussels to serve the heir to the Castilian throne, Charles; see Bethany Aram, La reina doña Juana: Gobierno, piedad y dinastía (Madrid: Marcial Pons, 2001), 165–77; and Ferer, Music and Ceremony at the Court of Charles V, 35–39.

130 Knighton, “‘Music, Why Do You Weep?’.”

131 Coster, “Juan de Anchieta,” 73–77; Aizpurúa, “Perfil biográfico-musical,” 24–25. As mentioned earlier, it has been suggested that in the years immediately after Juana’s return to Spain, Anchieta may have been responsible for teaching the young Ignatius of Loyola who had been sent by his parents to be a page in the household of the royal contador mayor Juan Velázquez de Cuéllar and his wife María de Velasco at Arévalo. In his biography of the early years of Loyola, the Jesuit historian Luis Fernández Martín suggests that just as Peter Martyr was appointed “maestro de los caballeros de mi Corte en las artes liberales,” Anchieta was made responsible for the music tuition of the young courtiers who would have included Velázquez’s six sons and Loyola. See Luis Fernández Martín, “El hogar donde Iñigo de Loyola se hizo hombre, 1506–1517,” Archivium Historicum Societatis Iesu 49 (1980): 41–65, and idem, Los años juveniles de Iñigo de Loyola (Valladolid: Caja de Ahorros de Valladolid, 1981).

132 Aram, “Juana ‘the Mad’’s Signature.”

133 AGS, Casa y Sitios Reales, leg.14, fols. 2–66 to 5–395 and 7–490; see Higinio Anglés, ed., La música en la Corte de Carlos V, Monumentos de la Música Española 2 (Barcelona: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 1944, 2/1965), 4; and Aizpurúa, “Perfil biográfico-musical,” 22. There is also a note concerning payment of 100,000 maravedís for 1509.

134 Coster, “Juan de Anchieta,” 92; Stevenson, Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus, 129–30.

135 The document is reproduced in Casares, Legado Barbieri I, 20.

136 Ibid., 18; Aizpurúa, “Perfil biográfico-Musical,” 22. Aizpurúa reproduces by way of example the pay document for the first terçio of 1509 (dated 3 April 1509), together with the receipt signed by Anchieta on 10 April 1509 in nearby Valladolid, so he would certainly appear to have been present in the service of Queen Juana. The pay chits from these years describe him “chaplain and singer of [the queen]’s chapel” (“Capellan e cantor de su capilla”). As Aizpurúa points out, Anchieta signed his pay chits with the initials R.S.S., surely an abbreviation of “Rector de San Sebastián de Soreasu.”

137 Uriarte, without seeing the royal household accounts held at the Archivo General de Simancas, supposed that from 1511 Anchieta was living “peacefully and in a saintly fashion in his homeland…” (Casares, Legado Barbieri I, 18).

138 Duggan, “Queen Joanna and Her Musicians,” 89–92.

139 Cited in Zalama, Vida cotidiana y arte, 296.

140 Aram, La reina doña Juana, 177; Knighton, “‘Rey Fernando’”, 224–25.

141 On the identity of Alonso Pérez de Alba, the composer, see Ruiz Jiménez, “‘Sounds of the Hollow Mountain’,” 220–21, and Kenneth Kreitner, “The Music of Alonso de Alba,” Revista de Musicología 37 (2014): 389–421.

142 Anglés, La música en la corte de Carlos V, 8, 16, 19, and 28; Knighton, “‘Rey Fernando’,” 224–25.

143 Zalama, Vida cotidiana y arte, 118. Guadalupe Ramos de Castro, “El realejo de doña Juana,” in Tordesillas 1994 (Madrid: Electa, 1994), 122.

144 The instruments are listed in Antonio Rodríguez Villa, La Reina Doña Juana la Loca: Estudio histórico (Madrid: M. Murillo, 1892), 8; and see Zalama, Vida cotidiana y arte, 367 and Plazaola, Los Anchieta, 39. Zalama has argued convincingly that this inventory of Juana’s possessions was first drawn up on the orders of King Ferdinand in 1509 shortly after Juana was installed in Tordesillas, and not at the time of her death in 1555, as was previously assumed; see Zalama, Vida cotidiana y arte, 297–99, and José Ferrandis Torres, Inventarios reales (Juan II a Juana la Loca), Datos Documentales para la Historia del Arte Español III (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 1943), 71–375.

145 Zalama, Vida cotidiana y arte, 367.

146 At the time of her death, Juana’s chapel comprised fourteen chaplains, two altar boys, and three sacristans; Duggan, “Queen Joanna and Her Musicians,” 92.

147 Anglés, La música en la corte de Carlos V, 16–93; Zalama, Vida cotidiana y arte, 238. Gabriel Texerana has been identified with Gabriel Mena and Gabriel “el músico”; see Stevenson, Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus, 276–79, and Knighton, Música y músicos, 179–80 and 331.

148 Knighton, Música y músicos, 331. See also Ángel Manuel Olmos Sáez, “Entorno del Cancionero Musical de Palacio y el Cancionero de Segovia: Análisis de su origen y utilidad,” Nassarre 28 (2012): 43–66 at 46 and 52.

149 Anglés, La música en la corte de Carlos V, 34.

150 Ibid., 9, 18, 20 passim; Duggan, “Queen Joanna and Her Musicians,” 91.

151 Anglés, La música en la corte de Carlos V, 20.

152 The music books are listed in Emilio Ros-Fábregas, “Libros de música en bibliotecas españolas del siglo XVI (III),” Pliegos de Bibliofília 17 (2002): 17–54, at 18–19, based on Ferrandis Torres, Inventarios reales, 171, 227, 229–30, 234.

153 Anglés, La música en la corte de Carlos V, 6; Stevenson, Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus, 147; Knighton, Música y músicos, 323–24; Knighton, “‘Rey Fernando mayorazgo’,” 214–18.

154 Knighton, Música y músicos, 187–92.

155 Knighton, Música y músicos, 324; AGS, RGS, April 1513, document dated 13 April 1513; the position had fallen vacant on the death of Pedro de Solis. The presentation document, which is not cited by Anchieta’s other biographers, clearly mentions Oviedo, which is confirmed by the presentation through the Castilian royal seal, indicating that this was the abbey in question and not that in Arbos in Catalonia, as was mistakenly suggested by Coster (“Juan de Anchieta,” 112).

156 The date on which Anchieta secured the post is not known; he used the title in signing documents from at least 1516; Aizpurúa, “Perfil biográfico-musical,” 19.

157 Stevenson, Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus, 130.

158 The paylists of the Aragonese royal chapel are missing for 1512, 1513, the first terçio of 1514, and the last terçio of 1515, but Anchieta’s name appears from the second terçio of 1514 to the second terçio of 1515; Knighton, Música y músicos, 188–92.

159 Anglés, La música en la corte de Carlos V, 6; Knighton, “‘Rey Fernando, mayorazgo’,” 208–14.

160 Stevenson, Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus, 148–50.

161 González Arce (La casa y corte del príncipe Don Juan, 214) lists a Juan Betro as chapelmaster to the princess, but elsewhere, this person appears as a “repostero de capilla”; the abbreviation for “repostero” has clearly been misread as “maestro.” See Fernandis Torres, Inventarios reales, 49.

162 The letter is reproduced in Donostia, Música y músicos del País Vasco, 60–61; Plazaola, Los Anchieta, 40–42; and Aizpurúa, “Perfil biográfico-musical,” 19. Margaret of Austria had acted as Charles’s regent in the Netherlands until he came of age in 1515. The period of uncertainty that immediately followed Ferdinand’s death as regards who would rule in Spain must have lain behind Anchieta’s direct approach to her; Knighton, “‘Rey Fernando mayorazgo’,” 208–12.

163 After Donostia, Música y músicos en el País Vasco, 60–61.

164 After ibid., 61. Monsieur de Chièvres, or Guillaume de Croy (1458–1521), was chamberlain to Charles V during and after Margaret’s regency, and the chancellor was Mercurio Gattinara (1465–1530). “Bishop Loaysa” was probably Juan García de Loaysa y Mendoza (1478–1546), who was the Spanish representative of the Dominican Order at the general meeting in Rome in 1518. He was voted to the generalship at that meeting, but was not elected a bishop by Charles V until 1524.

165 Aizpurúa, “Perfil biográfico-musical,” 23; Anglés, La música en la corte de Carlos V, 19–20.

166 The document was reproduced in Uriarte’s account for Barbieri, then in Barbieri, Cancionero musical, 26, and again in Aizpurúa, “Perfil biográfico-musical,” 23; see Appendix 3f for the original.

167 Anglés, La música en la corte de Carlos V, 19–20; Aizpurúa, “Perfil biográfico-musical,” 23–24.

168 Anglés, La música en la corte de Carlos V, 19–20.

169 This account is based on Lizarralde, Historia del Convento de la Purísima Concepción, and Coster, “Juan de Anchieta,” unless otherwise indicated. Azpeitia was granted the status of “town” in 1310 by Ferdinand VI, and a parish church was built by the end of the fourteenth century, the patronage of which lay with the Loyola family. See Elías Odriozola, Juan de Anchieta, 21.

170 Coster, “Juan de Anchieta,” 69–71.

171 Ibid., 56–57.

172 Elías Odriozola, Juan de Anchieta, 38–41. The Anchieta solar had its own mill and blacksmith.

173 Ibid., 41; Lizarralde, Historia del Convento de la Purísima Concepción, 96; Coster, “Juan de Anchieta,” 126–27.

174 The Franciscans had also founded a convent in nearby Sasiola in 1503; see Lizarralde, Historia del convento, 78.

175 Coster, “Juan de Anchieta,” 86–88.

176 Ibid., 91–93.

177 Reproduced in Uriarte’s notes, and in part in Stevenson, Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus, 129–30.

178 Ibid. It has been suggested that Anchieta’s actions in Flanders still rankled with Ferdinand in 1510, resulting in this decision, but there is no evidence for this.

179 Coster, “Juan de Anchieta,” 94–95; Stevenson, Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus, 130.

180 José María Pérez Arregui, “El Iñigo de Loyola visto por Adolfo Coster,” Razón y Fe 95 (1931): 324–47 and 96 (1931): 203–25.

181 Coster, “Juan de Anchieta,” 120; Stevenson, Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus, 130.

182 Knighton, Música y músicos, 192.

183 The historiographical tradition that the victim was definitely Anchieta dates from Tacchi Venturi’s reference to the unpublished Scritti Ignaziani of Padre Cros: “Agli inediti Scritti Ignaziani del P. Cros debbo la conoscenza de quest’ episodio che, ignorato o non curato dai biografi, fu da lui diligentemente ricomposto, grazie alle minute e felici recherchi negli archivi della Guipúzcoa” (Pietro Tacchi Venturi, Storia della Compagnia di Gesù in Italia. Narrata col sussidio di fonte inedite ([Rome: La Civiltà Cattolica, 1950], 9; originally published in 1921.) Coster (“Juan de Anchieta,” 94–111) followed Tacchi Venturi, and Stevenson (Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus, 130) followed Coster, as if the attack on Anchieta were established fact.

184 Francisco de Borja Medina Rojas, “Los delictos certificados y muy henormes de Iñigo de Loyola,” Archivium Historicum Societatis Jesu 81 (2012): 3–72 at 58. In the epilogue to his study, the author poses the question as to whether Anchieta was attacked for questions of honor or for his involvement in the patronage of San Sebastián de Soreasu.

185 See the detailed account in Borja Medina Rojas, “Los delictos.”

186 Ibid., 58; see also Coster, “Juan de Anchieta,” 113–20.

187 In 1508, Anchieta’s brother, Pedro García de Anchieta, collected monies owing from the Villarino benefice: see Stevenson, Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus, 129.

188 The account of these events is taken from Coster, “Juan de Anchieta,” 126–28.

189 The relevant clauses of the document are reproduced by Lizarralde, Historia del Convento de la Purísima Concepción, 100–01.

190 Coster, “Juan de Anchieta,” 141–61. This change was approved by Adrian VI’s successor, Clement VII.

191 Coster, “Juan de Anchieta,” 163–71.

192 Lizarralde, Historia del convento, 246.

193 Coster, “Juan de Anchieta,” 161–63 and 167–68.

194 Lizarralde, Historia del Convento, 166. The letter mentions the two daily anniversaries, one to be sung and one prayed, and two sung masses on the feasts of the Assumption and St. Sebastian, “celebrating two sung masses with their vigils and responsories with all solemnity, and with the whole community attending” (“diciendo dos Misas cantadas con sus Vigilias, y Responsos con toda solemnidad, asistiendo todo el convento de la dicha Casa”).

195 Lizarralde, Historia del Convento, 194 and 205.

196 Stevenson, Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus, 131.

197 Tess Knighton, “Libros de canto: The Ownership of Music Books in Zaragoza in the Early Sixteenth Century,” in Iain Fenlon and Tess Knighton, eds., Early Music Printing and Publishing in the Iberian World (Kassel: Reichenberger, 2007), 215–39, at 218–19.

198 Inevitably, with so few book titles, it is difficult to extrapolate much about Anchieta’s intellectual interests. For the analysis of a much larger collection, see Iain Fenlon and Inga Mai Groote, Heinrich Glarean’s Books. The Intellectual World of a Sixteenth-Century Musical Humanist (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013).

199 Nebrija (1444–1522) studied for some ten years in Bologna, worked in Seville on his return to Spain, and, from 1473, was professor of Latin grammar and rhetoric at Salamanca University. He dedicated his Gramática castellana (1502) to Isabel the Catholic. Among the books belonging to the queen were Nebrija’s Dictionarium latino hispanicum (1492), the first part of the Vocabularius, the Introductiones latinae, and two copies of the Gramática “un tratado que fiso Lebrixa para la Reyna, nuestra señora.” Ruiz García, Los libros de Isabel la Católica, 391.

200 Jiménez Calvente, Un siciliano, 39–70.

201 Tess Knighton, “Francisco de Peñalosa: New Works Lost and Found,” in David Crawford and Grayson Wagstaff, eds., Encomium Musicae: Essays in Memory of Robert J. Snow (Hillsdale, NY: Pendragon Press, 2002), 231–57 at 244–46; Jiménez Calvente, Un siciliano, 479–82 (Peñalosa), 670–73, 675 (Ponce), and 645–46 (Rascón).

202 Tess Knighton, ed., Gonçalo de Baena: Arte para tanger (Lisboa, 1540) (Lisbon: CESEM, 2012), 253–62.