NOTES

1. ENDINGS AND BEGINNINGS (1918–1930)

    1.  Gertrude Stein, “I Have No Title to Be Successful,” in Painted Lace and Other Pieces, 1914–1937 (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1955), 23.

    2.  Gertrude Stein, The Autobiography of Alice B. Toklas (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1933), 207 (hereafter cited in the text as ABT).

    3.  Stein received the Medaille de la Reconnaissance on September 15, 1920.

    4.  Donald Roy Allen notes that while the regiments were meant to march “in alphabetical order according to the official name of their countries… an exception was made, however, for General Pershing’s regiment to march under ‘America’ rather than the ‘United States,’ thus permitting the Americans to lead off the victory parade.” French Views of America in the 1930s (New York: Garland, 1979), vii–viii.

    5.  Bernard Faÿ, “Harvard 1920,” The Harvard Graduate’s Magazine 28 (June 1920): 587–588 (hereafter cited in the text as H). See also Bernard Faÿ, Les précieux (Paris: Perrin, 1966), 39 (hereafter cited in the text as LP).

    6.  Bernard Faÿ, “The Course of French-American Friendship,” The Yale Review 18 (Spring 1929): 443 (hereafter cited in the text as FAF); “La joie et les plaisirs aux Etats-Unis,” Revue de Paris (July 1, 1925): 155 (hereafter cited in the text as JP).

    7.  In Pétain et les français, 1940–1951 (Paris: Perrin, 2002), Michèle Cointet disputes the myth of Pétain as “the savior of Verdun,” arguing that in fact General Joseph Joffre was the “strategist of genius” at Verdun (who himself attributed the French victory to General Robert Nivelle) (39–40).

    8.  Faÿ: “Il respectait la souffrance et ne croyait pas que le chef eût le droit de verser le sang quand il pouvait l’éviter” (“He respected suffering and did not believe that the one in charge had the right to spill blood when he could avoid doing so”) (LP 38).

    9.  Bernard Faÿ, L’homme mesure de l’histoire (Paris: Labergerie, 1939), 72.

  10.  Gertrude Stein, Paris France (New York: Liveright, 1970), 17 (hereafter cited in the text as PF).

  11.  Gertrude Stein, “The Winner Loses: A Picture of Occupied France,” in How Writing Is Written: Volume II of The Previously Uncollected Writings of Gertrude Stein, ed. Robert Bartlett Haas (Los Angeles: Black Sparrow Press, 1974), 131 (hereafter cited in the text as WL).

  12.  Gertrude Stein, “Introduction to the Speeches of Maréchal Pétain,” Modernism/modernity 3, no. 3 (September 1996): 95.

  13.  Mark Mazower, Dark Continent: Europe’s Twentieth Century (New York: Knopf, 1999), 3.

  14.  Ibid., x.

  15.  Marc Ferro, The Great War, 1914–1918 (London: Routledge, 1973), 247.

  16.  Georges Duhamel, America: The Menace; Scenes from the Life of the Future (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1931).

  17.  “U.S. Is Held in Danger of Going Communist: Professor Bernard Faÿ of Paris Tells Germans America Faces an Economic Catastrophe,” New York Times (March 12, 1937): L13.

  18.  William Pfaff, The Bullet’s Song: Romantic Violence and Utopia (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2004), 26.

  19.  See Stein’s nomination of Hitler for the Nobel Peace Prize (chapter 3).

  20.  Gertrude Stein, “A Political Series,” in Painted Lace and Other Pieces 1914–1937 (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1955), 72; Gertrude Stein, Wars I Have Seen (London: Batsford, 1945), 4 (hereafter cited in the text as W).

  21.  Stein, “A Political Series,” 73.

  22.  Gertrude Stein, Brewsie and Willie, in Gertrude Stein: Writings 1932–1946 (New York: The Library of America, 1998), 778 (hereafter cited in the text as BW).

  23.  Gertrude Stein, “Money,” “More About Money,” “Still More About Money,” “All About Money,” and “My Last About Money,” in How Writing Is Written: Volume II of the Previously Uncollected Writings of Gertrude Stein, ed. Robert Bartlett Haas (Los Angeles: Black Sparrow Press, 1974), 106–112.

  24.  Gertrude Stein, Everybody’s Autobiography (New York: Vintage, 1973), 310–311 (hereafter cited in the text as EA).

  25.  Charles Maurras, quoted in David Carroll, French Literary Fascism (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1995), 74. But Eugen Weber, in his chapter on decadence in The Hollow Years: France in the 1930s (New York: Norton, 1994), 111–112, argues that this period only seemed more decadent than other periods because of its effect on a populace already exhausted and demoralized by the Great War.

  26.  Maurras’s definition is discussed in Achille Segard, Charles Maurras et les idées royalistes (Paris: Fayard, 1919), 172.

  27.  In a letter from Faÿ to a Monsieur de Vaux of the Action Française, dated November 26, 1926, Faÿ reports on the likelihood that the organization could play a role in the United States. Fonds Charles Maurras, Paris Archives Nationales AN 576/AP/73.

  28.  Stein, “Still More About Money” and “My Last About Money,” 109, 111.

  29.  James R. Mellow describes Wars as “an amazingly shrewd, warm, and humane account” (Charmed Circle: Gertrude Stein and Company [Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1974], 449), while Janet Hobhouse writes that “Wars I Have Seen is an extraordinary account of Gertrude’s day-to-day cheerfulness during a long and exhausting war. At the age of seventy she was not only a survivor, but one who took profound joy in all the challenges to that survival. As a document of the artist’s ability to make a pleasure of hell’s despite, Wars I Have Seen is unique, and uniquely moving.” Everybody Who Was Anybody: A Biography of Gertrude Stein (New York: Doubleday, 1975), 204. Phoebe Stein Davis, who acknowledges the Pétainism of Wars, nevertheless argues that “the personal anecdotes Stein recounts reflect her acute awareness of the danger she and other Jews faced during World War II.” “‘Even Cake Gets to Have Another Meaning: History, Narrative, and ‘Daily Living’ in Gertrude Stein’s World War II Writings,” Modern Fiction Studies 44, no. 3 (1998): 597. And Dana Cairns Watson, who foregrounds the discussion of the French Resistance in Wars, uses the text as a springboard to suggest that “a case can be made for the likelihood that Stein and Toklas participated energetically in the French Resistance.” Gertrude Stein and the Essence of What Happens (Nashville, Tenn.: Vanderbilt University Press, 2005), 163.

  30.  Wanda Van Dusen, “Portrait of a National Fetish: Gertrude Stein’s Introduction to the Speeches of Maréchal Pétain (1942),” Modernism/modernity 3, no. 3 (1996): 69–92. Van Dusen was not the first to mention the Pétain translation project: Stein’s early biographer, Richard Bridgman, made brief mention of it in Gertrude Stein in Pieces (New York: Oxford University Press, 1970), 316–318, as did Janet Hobhouse, in her 1974 biography Everybody Who Was Anybody (202). Yet Van Dusen’s exposé, written in the wake of the Paul de Man scandal, was the first to explore the project in detail and in light of renewed academic attention to the modernism-fascism nexus. See also “Appendix IX,” in Edward M. Burns and Ulla E. Dydo with William Rice, The Letters of Gertrude Stein and Thornton Wilder (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1996), 401–421.

  31.  Alice B. Toklas, Staying on Alone: Letters of Alice B. Toklas (New York: Liveright, 1973), 383. Stein herself would refer to Bernard Faÿ as “one of the four permanent friendships of Gertrude Stein’s life” (ABT 305).

  32.  Our knowledge of Bernard Faÿ’s life and actions has been considerably enriched of late thanks to Compagnon’s biography, Le cas Bernard Faÿ: du Collège de France à l’indignité nationale (Paris: Gallimard, 2009), and to chapters in two other French-language works: Jean-Marie Goulemot, L’amour des bibliothèques (Paris: Ed. du Seuil, 2006); and Martine Poulain, Livres pillés, lectures surveillées. Les bibliothèques françaises sous l’Occupation (Paris: Gallimard, 2008). Also see the insightful essays on Faÿ by John L. Harvey, “Conservative Crossings: Bernard Faÿ and the Rise of American Studies in Third-Republic France,” Historical Reflections/Réflexions historiques 36 (2010): 95–124; “Bernard Faÿ,” in French Historians, 1900–2000: New Historical Writing in Twentieth-Century France, ed. Philip Daileader and Philip Whalen (West Sussex: Wiley-Blackwell, 2010), 202–217.

  33.  As Matei Calinescu perceptively notes, “Clearly good politics … does not necessarily result in good art, nor bad politics in bad art.” “Modernism and Ideology,” in Modernism: Challenges and Perspectives., ed. Monique Chefdor, Ricardo Quinones, and Albert Wachtel (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1986), 89. For the charge against Stein on the Internet, see, for example, American Poems.com (http://www.americanpoems.com/poets/Gertrude-Stein).

  34.  Among the significant works in the Stein critical tradition are a “first generation” of groundbreaking books on Stein, including Marianne DeKoven, A Different Language: Gertrude Stein’s Experimental Writing (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1983); Harriet Chessman, The Public Is Invited to Dance: Representation, the Body, and Dialogue in Gertrude Stein (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1989); Ellen Berry, Curved Thought and Textual Wandering: Gertrude Stein’s Postmodernism (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1992); and the articles by Catharine Stimpson: “The Mind, the Body, and Gertrude Stein,” Critical Inquiry 3, no. 3 (Spring 1977): 489–506; “Gertrude Stein: Humanism and Its Freaks,” Boundary 2 12, no. 3 (Spring 1984): 301–319; “Reading Gertrude Stein,” Tulsa Studies in Women’s Literature 4, no. 2 (Fall 1985): 265–271. A newer generation of books on Stein that have attempted to engage more directly with her politics in the wake of the Van Dusen article are Watson, Gertrude Stein; Karin Cope, Passionate Collaborations: Learning to Live with Gertrude Stein (Victoria, B.C.: ELS, 2005); and Janet Malcolm, Two Lives: Gertrude and Alice (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2007). The two best essays on Stein’s wartime writing that also engage directly with the Van Dusen article are Phoebe Stein Davis, “‘Even Cake”; and John Whittier-Ferguson, “Stein in Time: History, Manuscripts, Memory,” Modernism/modernity 6, no. 1 (1999): 115–151. See also Liesl M. Olson, “Gertrude Stein, William James, and Habit in the Shadow of War,” Twentieth-Century Literature 49, no. 3 (Fall 2003): 328–359.

  35.  See, for example, two recent books on Stein: Georgia Johnson, The Formation of Twentieth-Century Queer Autobiography: Reading Vita Sackville-West, Virginia Woolf, Hilda Doolittle, and Gertrude Stein (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007); and Karin Cope, Passionate Collaborations.

  36.  Linda Wagner-Martin offers a particularly developed argument along these lines in “Favored Strangers”: Gertrude Stein and Her Family (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1995).

  37.  Burns and Dydo, quoted in Janet Malcolm, Two Lives, 53. Malcolm refers to Stein’s “perverse project” to translate Pétain’s speeches on 52.

  38.  Barbara Will, Gertrude Stein, Modernism, and the Problem of “Genius” (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2000).

  39.  Roland Barthes, “The Death of the Author,” in Image, Music, Text (New York: Hill and Wang, 1977), 142–148. Barthes writes: “The reader is the space on which all the quotations that make up a writing are inscribed without any of them being lost; a text’s unity lies not in its origin but in its destination … we know that to give writing its future, it is necessary to overthrow the myth: the birth of the reader must be at the cost of the death of the Author” (148).

  40.  Ibid., 147. In “Stein in Time,” John Whittier-Ferguson has recently made the case for seeing Stein’s writing as essentially “empty,” as deliberately and radically open-ended, imbued with “the power of forgetting … the capacity of feeling unhistorically.” Such writing, he argues, demands an audience situated “outside of time,” an audience that refuses “to seek out references and make narratives” but revels in the absolute presence and ultimate unaccountability of the textual process (140).

  41.  In her recent book Gertrude Stein and the Essence of What Happens, Dana Cairns Watson argues along these lines, suggesting that by making the reader “feel in great doubt about meaning,” Stein “forces us to look carefully at what we thought we already knew.” In so doing, “Stein points out her readers’ psychic blindness as she simultaneously offers a reading experience that acts as a therapeutic cure.” This, in turn, has the capacity to make us “better thinkers” and more enlightened citizens (47, 55, 52).

  42.  The attraction of modernist writers to fascist politics has been richly explored in the last twenty-five years. Significant contributions to the field include the work by Alice Kaplan, Andrew Hewitt, Richard Golsan, Charles Ferrall, Roger Griffin, Lawrence Rainey, Alastair Hamilton, and Fredric Jameson. Founded in 1994, the journal Modernism/modernity has also been on the cutting edge of this discussion; see, for example, its special issue on fascism, vol. 15, no. 1 (January 2008). For the particular debates surrounding female modernists and fascism, see Erin G. Carlson, Thinking Fascism: Sapphic Modernism and Fascist Modernity (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1998); Marie-Luise Gättens, Women Writers and Fascism: Reconstructing History (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1995); Elke P. Frederiksen and Martha Kaarsberg Wallach, eds., Facing Fascism and Confronting the Past: German Women Writers from Weimar to the Present (Albany, N.Y.: SUNY Press, 2000). The case of Leni Riefenstahl, Hitler’s propagandist, has generated particularly charged responses: see Susan Tegel, “Leni Riefenstahl: Art and Politics,” Quarterly Review of Film and Video 23, no. 3 (May 2006): 185–200; and Ray Müller’s 1994 film The Wonderful, Horrible Life of Leni Riefenstahl. Also see note 45.

  43.  In 1987, four years after his death, more than two hundred articles that Paul de Man wrote for a pro-Nazi Belgian newspaper during World War II were unearthed. See “Yale Scholar Wrote for Pro-Nazi Newspaper,” New York Times (December 1, 1987). The revelation of de Man’s wartime activity occasioned a series of articles by friends and colleagues, including Jacques Derrida, Shoshana Feldman, and J. Hillis Miller. See Jacques Derrida, “Like the Sound of the Sea Deep Within a Shell: Paul de Man’s War,” Critical Inquiry 14 (Spring 1988): 590–565; Shoshana Felman, “Paul de Man’s Silence,” Critical Inquiry 15, no. 4 (Summer 1989): 704–744; J. Hillis Miller, “Paul de Man’s Wartime Writings,” Times Literary Supplement (June 17–23, 1988).

  44.  Andrew Hewitt, Fascist Modernism: Aesthetics, Politics, and the Avant-garde (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1993), 4.

  45.  The debate over the relationship between modernism and fascism takes many forms, from skepticism (Matei Calinescu: “The fact is that in Europe, with the exception of Mussolini’s Italy … few writers whom we could call modernist favored the extreme right-wing movements that swept the continent in the 1920s and 1930s” (“Modernism and Ideology,” 83) to outright identification (as in Paul Virilio, Art and Fear [New York: Continuum, 2006], which links the avant-garde to terrorism and rejects outright the validity of modernist “autonomy” by arguing that modernism’s aesthetic break with mimesis, as in Futurism, “led directly … to the shower block of Auschwitz-Birkenau” [16]). Early concerns among the Frankfurt School include Georg Lukács’s contention in 1934 that modernist “abstraction” as an “emotive yet empty declamatory manifesto” could be easily appropriated by fascism, as opposed to older forms of realism and naturalism, which were inherently incompatible with fascism (Georg Lukács, “Expressionism: Its Significance and Decline,” in Essays on Realism, ed. Rodney Livingstone [London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1980], 76–113); as well as Walter Benjamin’s by now classic definition of fascism as the “aestheticization of politics,” which has produced an entire critical industry in its wake. See Russell A. Berman, “The Aestheticization of Politics: Walter Benjamin on Fascism and the Avant-garde,” Stanford Italian Review, 8, nos. 1–2 (1990): 35–52). Benjamin argues that with its emphasis upon performance and packaging and its appeal to the emotional or intuitive responses of an audience, fascism renders politics into an experience of “submission and spectacle.” The audience at a fascist rally or in the presence of the charismatic authoritarian leader feels at once the thrill of belonging and the masochistic pleasure of submission. In his most original insight, Benjamin links this fascist experience to that of spectators in front of a modernist work of art or literature. Like the modernist work, the fascist state offers itself to its public as pure form, “autonomous” and independent of judgment and even critique. See Walter Benjamin, “The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction,” in Illuminations: Essays and Reflections, ed. Hannah Arendt (New York: Schocken, 1969), 217–251. See also Fredric Jameson, Fables of Aggression: Wyndham Lewis, the Modernist as Fascist (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979), which stresses “the affinities between protofascism and Western modernism” (18).

  46.  Jeffrey Herf, Reactionary Modernism: Technology, Culture, and Politics in Weimar and the Third Reich (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), 12.

  47.  Ibid., 12. Charles Ferrall, in Modernist Writing and Reactionary Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), views this movement through a primarily Anglo-American lens: “the reactionary modernists expressed their hostility towards what was variously called ‘liberalism,’ ‘democracy,’ ‘industrialism,’ and ‘progress’ in terms of a nostalgia for the cultures of premodernity while at the same time feeling compelled, in Pound’s famous phrase, ‘to make it new’” (2).

  48.  Roger Griffin, Modernism and Fascism: The Sense of a Beginning Under Mussolini and Hitler (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), 53. Or as Russell A. Berman writes: “Art becomes the means through which the discontents in contemporary civilization are to be answered—or stifled” (“The Aestheticization of Politics,” 41).

  49.  Griffin, Modernism and Fascism, 9.

  50.  “Appel de 25 juin 1940 de Philippe Pétain,” quoted in Robert Paxton, “Vichy a gagné la guerre de la mémoire,” L’Histoire 352 (April 2010): 95. For “jouissance,” read “frivolity.”

  51.  Herf, Reactionary Modernism, 18.

  52.  Gerald Steig, quoted in Scott McLemee, “Sex and the Single Genius” [review of new edition of Otto Weininger, Sex and Character], Inside Higher Ed (March 15, 2005). http://www.insidehighered.com/views/mclemee/mclemee13.

  53.  Barbara Hyams, “Weininger and Nazi Ideology,” in Jews and Gender: Responses to Otto Weininger, ed. Nancy Anne Harrowitz and Barbara Hyams (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1995), 155.

  54.  Hitler apparently reported this phrase, attributed to his mentor Dietrich Eckart, to Henry Picker in 1941: “Dietrich Eckart once told me that he had made the acquaintance of only one decent Jew, Otto Weininger, who took his life when he realized that the Jew lives from the destruction of other peoples” (quoted in ibid., 160).

  55.  Toklas comments from personal correspondence of author with Leon Katz.

  56.  I develop this connection more substantially in my book Gertrude Stein, Modernism, and the Problem of “Genius,” 63. See also Leon Katz: “The whole encrustation of Stein’s ideas and feelings in her writing from 1908 to the end of her life emanate from Weininger’s envisioning of the highest ‘type’ of human being.” Leon Katz, “Weininger and The Making of Americans,” Twentieth-Century Literature 24, no. 1 (Spring 1978): 16.

  57.  Griffin describes his own book as “a radical process of ‘revision’ … a process which must obviously be carried out in a way that avoids ‘revisionism,’ by refusing to mitigate, or to simply elide from discussion, the crimes against humanity committed by fascism with which intellectual or artistic fellow-travelers colluded in their quest for transcendence.” But he adds that this is not to “postulate any direct lineage between cultural modernism and those crimes [of fascism]” nor to argue, for example, that “even the most ecstatic ‘proto-fascist’ prose of Filippo Marinetti or Ernst Jünger can be blamed for Fascism or Nazism.” Griffin, Modernism and Fascism, 359–360.

  58.  I discuss Weininger’s definition of genius as both a type and the transcendence of type in Gertrude Stein, Modernism, and the Problem of “Genius,” 64–66.

  59.  In one of the notes she wrote during The Making of Americans, Stein writes of wanting to make “the reality of the object count, what I might call the actual earthyness of the object the object for the object’s sake.” Gertrude Stein, notebooks to The Making of Americans (unpublished), NB, B-1, Gertrude Stein and Alice B. Toklas Papers, Yale Collection of American Literature, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library.

  60.  This is not, however, to deny that Stein was also attracted to Pétain as a child to an authority figure; especially after the war began, as we shall see in chapter 4, Stein not only seemed to identify with but also idealize the dictator.

  61.  Stein quoted in Steven Meyer, introduction to Gertrude Stein, The Making of Americans: Being a History of a Family’s Progress (Normal, Ill.: Dalkey Archive Press, 1995), xiii (hereafter cited in the text as MOA). The text defines itself as a record: “anyhow reader, bear it in your mind—will there be for me ever any such a creature,—what I have said always before to you, that this that I write down a little each day here on my scraps of paper for you is not just an ordinary kind of novel with a plot and conversations to amuse you, but a record of a decent family progress” (33).

  62.  The Making of Americans runs 925 pages; by the end of the first third of the text, the conventional narrative of “a decent family progress” has been abandoned, and the text now almost exclusively proceeds to concern itself with the possibility of “a complete history of each one who ever is or was or will be living” (335).

  63.  Stein, notebooks to The Making of Americans, NB, I-12.

  64.  Stein, notebooks to The Making of Americans NB, MA-32; MOA 708. In the early sections of the novel, the narrator more directly frames her project as a critique of bourgeois limitations: “To a bourgeois mind that has within it a little of the fervor for diversity, there can be nothing more attractive than a strain of singularity that yet keeps well within the limits of conventional respectability, a singularity that is, so to speak, well dressed and well set up.… Brother Singulars, we are misplaced in a generation that knows not Joseph. We flee before the disapproval of our cousins, the courageous condescension of our friends who gallantly sometimes agree to walk the streets with us, from all them who never any way can understand why such ways and not the others are so dear to us” (MOA 21).

  65.  See, for another example of this idea of modernism as radical break, Virginia Woolf’s famous statement from “Mr. Bennett and Mrs. Brown” (1924): “On or about December 1910 human character changed. I am not saying that one went out, as one might into a garden, and there saw that a rose had flowered, or that a hen had laid an egg. The change was not sudden and definite like that. But a change there was, nevertheless; and, since one must be arbitrary, let us date it about the year 1910.” Woolf’s periodization is playfully ironic in acknowledging its own arbitrariness; nevertheless, she seems unambiguous enough in asserting “a change there was.” Virginia Woolf, “Mr. Bennett and Mrs. Brown,” in The Captain’s Death Bed and Other Essays (New York: Harcourt, 1978), 94–119.

  66.  Matei Calinescu, in “Modernism and Ideology,” traces the idea that “art in and of itself is a revolutionary force” from the romantics to the modernists (80).

  67.  See Herf, Reactionary Modernism, 12.

  68.  For a particularly acute rendering of the relationship in modernism between artistic and political breakthrough, see Thomas Mann, Doctor Faustus (New York: Knopf, 1948), esp. 299–309.

  69.  The striking exception is the Je Suis Partout feature article on Stein by Bernard Faÿ, discussed in chapter 3.

  70.  Pablo Picasso, quoted in James Lord, Six Exceptional Women: Further Memoirs (New York: Farrar, Straus, Giroux, 1994), 15.

  71.  Zeev Sternhell, Neither Right nor Left: Fascist Ideology in France (Berkeley: University California Press, 1986), 315n37.

  72.  Ibid., 45.

  73.  Ibid., 303.

  74.  Samuel Kalman, “Reconsidering Fascist Anti-Semitism and Xenophobia in 1920s France: The Doctrinal Contribution of Georges Valois and the Faisceau,” French History 16, no. 3 (2002): 347.

  75.  Valois, quoted in Allen Douglas, From Fascism to Libertarian Communism: Georges Valois Against the Third Republic (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), 27.

  76.  Stein’s comments about “washing” in the early sections of The Making of Americans create a historical and linguistic pun around the cleanliness of newly assimilated immigrants and the founding father of the nation, George Washington. For example, in her discussion of George Dehning, the namesake of Washington, Stein writes: “The boy George bade fair to do credit to his christening. George Dehning now about fourteen was strong in sport and washing. He was not foreign in his washing. Oh, no, he was really an american” (MOA 15). Here, washing is a sign of national belonging and of the suppression of foreignness, comparable to the “americanizing” of the Jewish names in successive drafts of the text. See also chapter 2, note 56.

  77.  Gertrude Stein, “The Modern Jew Who Has Given Up the Faith of His Fathers Can Reasonably and Consistently Believe in Isolation,” PMLA 116, no. 2 (March 2001): 426. In her excellent introduction to this article, Amy Feinstein draws out the public/private distinction (420n10).

  78.  Bridgman, Gertrude Stein in Pieces, 161.

  79.  Linda Wagner-Martin, “Gertrude Stein (1874–1946),” in Jewish American Women Writers: A Bio-Bibliographical and Critical Sourcebook, ed. Ann Shapiro (London: Greenday Press, 1994), 436.

  80.  Priscilla Wald, Constituting Americans: Cultural Anxiety and Narrative Form (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1995), 242.

  81.  Ibid., 239.

  82.  Otto Weininger, Sex and Character (London: Heinemann, 1906), 320.

  83.  See Leon Katz’s unpublished dissertation, “The First Making of The Making of Americans: A Study Based on Gertrude Stein’s Notebooks and Early Versions of Her Novel (1902–1908),” Columbia University, 1963. Katz discusses how Stein distinguished herself from Weininger while making use of his conceptual apparatus. Stein saw Weininger as having “suffered from what Stein thought of as the inevitable failure of Jews: that they ‘run themselves by their minds’” (282). Hence Weininger could never be a “genius,” in his own sense, since his intelligence was purely cognitive (rather than affective, creative, and relational, as Stein considered hers to be).

  84.  Gertrude Stein, “Melanctha,” in Three Lives (New York: Penguin, 1990). This argument is developed further in chapter 1 of my book Gertrude Stein, Modernism, and the Problem of “Genius,” 37–43 (reprinted as “Race and Jewishness,” in Three Lives and Q.E.D., ed. Marianne DeKoven [New York: Norton, 2005], 503–513).

  85.  Toklas, quoted in Janet Malcolm, “Strangers in Paradise: How Gertrude Stein and Alice B. Toklas Got to Heaven,” New Yorker (November 13, 2006).

  86.  For more on the importance in general of erotic role playing to Stein’s creativity, see Kay Turner, “This Very Beautiful Form of Literature,” introduction to Baby Precious Always Shines: Selected Love Notes Between Gertrude Stein and Alice B. Toklas, ed. Kay Turner (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1999), 2–40.

  87.  Gertrude Stein, “The Reverie of the Zionist,” in Painted Lace and Other Pieces, 1914–1937 (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1955), 94.

  88.  Michael R. Marrus and Robert O. Paxton, Vichy France and the Jews (New York: Basic Books, 1981), 41, 43.

  89.  Bravig Imbs, Confessions of Another Young Man (New York: Henkle-Yewdale, 1936), 177, 205.

  90.  Hemingway letter to F. Scott Fitzgerald, quoted in Ulla E. Dydo, Gertrude Stein: The Language That Rises, 1923–1934 (Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 2003), 385.

  91.  According to Steven Watson, Hemingway also saw the “decline” of Stein’s salon, as well as her literary judgment, to be inseparable from her new “patriotism” about homosexuality. He also suggested that all of these events had a biological dimension and could be traced to “the onset of menopause.” Steven Watson, Prepare for Saints: Gertrude Stein, Virgil Thomson, and the Mainstreaming of American Modernism (New York: Random House, 1998), 39.

  92.  Imbs, Confessions, 177.

  93.  Van Vechten, quoted in Dydo, Gertrude Stein: The Language That Rises, 61.

  94.  Wagner-Martin, “Favored Strangers,” 189. See also Ulla Dydo’s sympathetic portrait of Stein’s salon in the late 1920s, in The Language That Rises, 221–222.

  95.  Wagner-Martin, “Favored Strangers,” 154.

  96.  LP 139–140; Bernard Faÿ, Civilisation américaine (Paris: Sagittaire, 1939), 249–250.

  97.  The phrase is Virgil Thomson’s, who in his memoirs describes Faÿ’s family as “a tribe of bankers and solicitors, ultra-bourgeois by financial position and ultra-Catholic through their mother (née Rivière), one of whose brothers was an archbishop (at Aix-en-Provence) and the other (later bishop of Monaco) then pastor of the stylish Saint-Thomas-d’Aquin.” Virgil Thomson, Virgil Thomson (New York: Alfred Knopf, 1966), 66.

  98.  According to a note signed by Bernard Faÿ’s lawyer M. Chrestiel in the preparation file for his 1946 trial for collaboration, Faÿ undertook regular “electrical treatments” and something called “mécanothérapie” (machine therapy) for his polio throughout much of his life. These treatments were apparently unavailable to him during his years in prison and contributed to his declining health. See the unpublished Dossier d’instruction for Bernard Faÿ, in the Cour de justice du département de la Seine, Archives Nationales, Paris AN Z/6/288–292 (hereafter cited in the text as D d’I, followed by the call number).

  99.  Faÿ gave the Harris Lectures at Northwestern in 1927 and the Bergen Lectures at Yale in 1936; he also received an honorary degree from Northwestern in 1933.

100.  Faÿ’s connection to Les Six and discussion of his artist brother in Thomson, Virgil Thomson, 55, 66–67; his connection to Proust and Gide is discussed in Compagnon, Le cas Bernard Faÿ, 13–29.

101.  Bernard Faÿ, Revolution and Freemasonry, 1680–1800 (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1935), 123. Hereafter cited in the text as RF.

102.  “Parasite monstrueux, la Franc-Maçonnerie a grandi de notre abaissement.” Bernard Faÿ, quoted in http://www.fm-fr.org/Anti-Maçonnerie.

103.  Bernard Faÿ, The Revolutionary Spirit in France and America (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Co., 1927), 418, 151. Hereafter cited in the text as RSFA.

104.  Faÿ is referring to the perception of America by French revolutionaries in this statement. But it is clear from his later attacks on the French Revolution that he himself held similar views, contrasting the “violen[ce]” of the French experience to the “ideal and Arcadian republic” (472) to which the American Revolution was committed.

105.  The soldier to whom Faÿ refers was Avery Claflin, who would become his co-editor of the 1929 volume The American Experiment. See chapter 2.

106.  Bernard Faÿ, “Protestant America,” Living Age 334 (January–August 1928), 1199.

107.  F. Scott Fitzgerald, The Great Gatsby (New York: Scribner, 1995), 6.

108.  Thomson, Virgil Thomson, 89.

109.  Bernard Faÿ to Gertrude Stein (January 8, 1930). From the unpublished correspondence, Gertrude Stein and Alice B. Toklas Papers, Yale Collection of American Literature, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library.

110.  Bernard Faÿ, “A Rose Is a Rose,” Saturday Review of Literature 10, no. 7 (September 2, 1933): 77.

111.  GSP 164; Dydo, The Language That Rises, 61n11. Linda Wagner-Martin writes that Stein had actually been interested in saints since her undergraduate years at Radcliffe, when she took a course on religion with George Santayana. Wagner-Martin, “Favored Strangers,” 32.

112.  Melissa R. Jones, in her unpublished dissertation “Modernist Hagiography: Saints in the Writings of Joyce, Stein, Eliot, and H. D.” (Kent State, May 2004), also discusses the way Stein “freely reconstitute[s] the religious icon of the saint into the secular symbol of the modern artist” (105).

113.  Stein, “Talks to Saints or Stories of Saint Remy,” in Painted Lace and Other Pieces, 1914–1937 (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1955), 111.

114.  Corinne E. Blackmer, “The Ecstasies of Saint Teresa: The Saint as Queer Diva from Crashaw to Four Saints in Three Acts,” in En Travesti: Women, Gender Subversion, Opera, ed. Corinne E. Blackmer and Patricia Juliana Smith (New York: Columbia University Press, 1995), 333.

115.  Jones, “Modernist Hagiography,” 105.

116.  Gertrude Stein, Four Saints in Three Acts, in Gertrude Stein: Writings 1903–1932, (New York: The Library of America, 1998), 633.

117.  Gertrude Stein, quoted in Samuel M. Steward, Dear Sammy: Letters from Gertrude Stein and Alice B. Toklas (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1977), 13.

118.  Gertrude Stein, “Melanctha,” in Three Lives, ed. Linda Wagner-Martin (Boston: Bedford/St. Martin’s, 2000), 147.

119.  Georges Sorel, quoted in NLNR 73.

120.  See Wagner-Martin, “Favored Strangers,” esp. 184–185, for another viewpoint on Stein’s response to anti-Semitism during this period.

121.  Steward, Dear Sammy, 12.

122.  Imbs, Confessions of Another Young Man, 277, 222–223.

123.  In his memoirs, Thomson attests that it was he who introduced Faÿ to Stein (Thomson, Virgil Thomson, 181), a claim partially confirmed by Alice Toklas, who writes that it was René Crevel who first brought Faÿ to Stein and Toklas’s attention but that “Virgil Thomson one day took us to meet him, and that was the beginning of our long friendship with Bernard Faÿ.” Alice B. Toklas, What Is Remembered (New York: Holt, Rinehart, 1963), 128. Still, there is some controversy about this account. A letter from Faÿ to Stein written on May 25, 1926, introduces himself and invites her to tea, making no mention of the Thomson connection. Bernard Faÿ letter to Gertrude Stein (May 25, 1926), in The Flowers of Friendship: Letters Written to Gertrude Stein, ed. Donald Gallup (New York: Alfred Knopf, 1953), 193.

124.  The characterization is Brenda Wineapple’s, in Sister Brother: Gertrude and Leo Stein (New York: Putnam’s, 1996), 72.

125.  William Lundell, “Gertrude Stein: A Radio Interview” [1934], Paris Review 32 (1990), 90.

126.  Gertrude Stein letter to Bernard Faÿ, n.d. From the unpublished correspondence of Gertrude Stein and Bernard Faÿ, Vincent Faÿ collection.

127.  Stein quoted in Dydo, The Language That Rises, 350.

128.  Gertrude Stein, “Bernard Faÿ,” in Portraits and Prayers (New York: Random House, 1934), 42.

129.  Ibid., 44. The “noun debate” between Stein and Faÿ is discussed in Dydo, The Language That Rises, 351–352.

130.  Stein, “Bernard Faÿ,” 45.

2. TRANSATLANTIC CROSSINGS, TRANSLATIONAL POLITICS (1930–1935)

    1.  Marc Ferro, The Great War, 1914–1918 (London: Routledge, 1973), 250.

    2.  Robert H. Ferrell, Peace in Their Time: The Origins of the Kellogg-Briand Pact (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1952), 265.

    3.  Carl Schmitt, The Concept of the Political, trans. George Schwab (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996).

    4.  Valentine Thomson, Briand: Man of Peace (New York: Covici-Friede, 1930), 301.

    5.  See Philippe Roger, The American Enemy: A Story of French Anti-Americanism (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005). Bernard Faÿ, writing in Harper’s magazine in 1931, commented that “It would be useless to conceal that there exists in France to-day a considerable number of people who look upon the United States as the symbol of a hateful future and the agent of an atrocious universal metamorphosis.” Bernard Faÿ, “The French Mind and the American: An Interpretation in Time of Discord,” Harper’s Monthly Magazine 163, no. 978 (November 1931): 712.

    6.  Bernard Faÿ, FAF, 439–440.

    7.  In a remarkable feat of logic, Faÿ even argues that Franco-American tensions over war debts are of little lasting import, because American economic growth, expansion, and technological innovation produces “more profits for everybody” (FAF 443–444).

    8.  Bernard Faÿ, with Avery Claflin, The American Experiment (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1929) (hereafter cited in the text as AE). Claflin (1898–1979), an American composer and president of the French American Banking Corporation, met Faÿ while he was serving in the Norton Harliss Ambulance Corps during World War I. Their friendship, which may have been intimate, continued into the 1920s and 1930s and had a significant effect on both men. It was Faÿ who converted Claflin to Catholicism. And according to Robert Dundas, of Florida International University, it was Claflin who introduced Virgil Thomson to Faÿ at Harvard. Dundas is completing a monograph on Claflin and his operas.

    9.  In a scathing account of Faÿ’s lectures at the Collège de France, Harry Levin recalls the “dynastic note” Faÿ would sound to describe American presidents, as though America were to be viewed “as a repetition of the feudal past” rather than “an adumbration of the democratic future.” Harry Levin, “France-Amérique: The Transatlantic Refraction,” in Comparative Literature: Matter and Method, ed. A. Owen Aldridge (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1969, 277. Levin also notes that he saw Gertrude Stein at Faÿ’s Collège de France lectures (277).

  10.  On the nonconformists, see John Hellman, The Communitarian Third Way: Alexandre Marc’s Ordre Nouveau, 1930–2000 (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2002); and chapter 5.

  11.  “Banish the myth of the omnicompetent voter and the omniscient majority,” Faÿ writes (AE 260).

  12.  Drieu, quoted in Roger Griffin, “Europe for the Europeans: Fascist Myths of the New Order, 1922–1992,” in A Fascist Century (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), 151.

  13.  In Hitler’s Empire (London: Penguin, 2008), Mark Mazower points out how crucial the idea of empire was to the discussion of European-American relations in the interwar period. Europe saw its own empires disintegrating and looked to America as a new model of an empire, possibly one without colonies—an empire of ideas and values that might dominate the world. See in particular, chapter 18, “The New Order in World History.”

  14.  See Roger, The American Enemy, 293.

  15.  “La Manille aux Enchères,” in Bernard Faÿ, Faites vos jeux (Paris: Grasset, 1927) (hereafter cited in the text as FVJ). La manille aux enchères is a French card game that proceeds through the raising of stakes.

  16.  Faÿ: “The Anglo-Saxon American is the legitimate or voluntary descendant of the Puritans. From them he received his stature, his strength, and that handsome refinement and simplicity which bespeak the traditions of an ancient civilization.… His carriage bears evidence of a free and glorious destiny; and even among the humblest of his kind, one notices a natural pride and distinction” (AE 209).

  17.  In The Autobiography of Alice B. Toklas, Stein recounts the following scene at her atelier: “Gertrude Stein who has an explosive temper, came in another evening and there were her brother, Alfy [Alfred Maurer, a friend] and a stranger. She did not like the stranger’s looks. Who is that, said she to Alfy. I didn’t bring him, said Alfy. He looks like a Jew, said Gertrude Stein, he is worse than that, said Alfy” (ABT 13). Samuel M. Steward, however, writes that Stein identified with Jewishness (“I never make any bones about it”) but was adept at manipulating the genteel anti-Semitism of her contemporaries. Samuel M. Steward, Dear Sammy: Letters from Gertrude Stein and Alice B. Toklas (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1977), 9.

  18.  Gertrude Stein, “What Is English Literature,” in Gertrude Stein, Look at Me Now and Here I Am: Writings and Lectures 1909–45 (London: Penguin, 1971), 42.

  19.  Gertrude Stein, “My Last About Money,” in How Writing Is Written: Volume II of the Previously Uncollected Writings of Gertrude Stein, ed. Robert Bartlett Haas (Los Angeles: Black Sparrow Press, 1974), 111.

  20.  As Jefferson himself put it: farmers “are the chosen people of God, if ever He had a chosen people, whose breasts he has made his peculiar deposit for substantial and genuine virtue.” Cited in Richard A. Levins, Willard Cochrane and the Family Farm (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2000), 1.

  21.  The story of Thomas Jefferson’s revival by twentieth-century intellectuals—particularly in relation to a wide-ranging critique of modernity from both the Left and the Right—remains as yet untold. Stein and the following cohorts are just a handful among many. The Jeffersonianism of Williams was nurtured through his friendship with Ezra Pound, alongside a strong critique of modern capitalism and a belief in the alternative economic system of “Social Credit”; unlike Pound, however, Williams “despised the fascist dictators of Germany and Italy.” Hugh Witemeyer, “Introduction to Part III,” in Pound/Williams: Selected Letters of Ezra Pound and William Carlos Williams, ed. Hugh Witemeyer (New York: New Directions, 1996), 124. The most developed study of this relation is Alec Marsh, Money and Modernity: Pound, Williams, and the Spirit of Jefferson (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1998). Dos Passos, who wrote a biography of Thomas Jefferson (The Head and Heart of Thomas Jefferson [Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday & Co., 1954]), was a Communist fellow traveler for much of his youth but turned against the movement over the course of the 1930s and in the wake of disillusionment over the Spanish Civil War and the politics of Franklin D. Roosevelt. While never a fascist sympathizer, Dos Passos’s politics during World War II became increasingly isolationist; afterward, like his fellow Jeffersonian Ayn Rand, Dos Passos identified with a primarily libertarian political agenda that sought to return America to a lost ethic of individualism. Edgar Lee Masters felt that Jefferson was at “the foundation for many things” in his famous Spoon River Anthology; he also concurred with Stein and others that “the democratic ideal that originated with Jefferson” was destroyed in the nineteenth century and particularly by the Civil War, which “allowed materialistic and repressive forces to dominate the country. In short, America degenerated from primal innocence.” Masters, quoted in Herbert K. Russell, Edgar Lee Masters: A Biography (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2005), 97–98. John Dewey saw Jefferson as a “model both for an understanding of democracy and for personal emulation.” Daniel F. Rice, Reinhold Niebuhr and John Dewey: An American Odyssey (Albany, N.Y.: SUNY Press, 1993), 334n15. In an essay on Jefferson, Dewey advocated returning to this model, arguing that “defense of democracy against the attacks to which it is subjected … depend[s] upon taking once more the position Jefferson took about its moral basis and purpose.… A renewal of faith in common human nature, in its potentialities in general and in its power in particular to respond to reason and truth, is a surer bulwark against totalitarianism than is demonstration of material success or devout worship of special legal and political forms.” John Dewey, “Presenting Thomas Jefferson,” in John Dewey, The Later Works, 1925–1953, ed. Jo Ann Boydston (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1988), 220.

  22.  Ezra Pound, “The Jefferson-Adams Letters as a Shrine and a Monument,” in Ezra Pound: Selected Prose, 1909–1965 (New York: New Directions, 1973), 147. For Pound’s use of Jefferson, see Marsh, Money and Modernity, and Gregory Eiselein, “Jefferson in the Thirties: Pound’s Use of Historical Documents in Eleven New Cantos,” Clio 19 (Fall 1989), 31–40. For an account of the intellectual roots of Pound’s attraction to fascism, see Leon Surette, Pound in Purgatory: From Economic Radicalism to Anti-Semitism (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1999).

  23.  See Marsh, Money and Modernity, 7.

  24.  Alec Marsh writes: “The myth of the American farmer freeholder that is the legacy of Jefferson can descend very easily into a shrill nativism, because a ‘Jeffersonian’ distrust of finance capitalism can readily become a septic anti-Semitism.” Ibid., 6.

  25.  Stein, “My Last About Money,” 111; EA 63–64.

  26.  In Wars I Have Seen, Stein makes an observation about social class that attributes “life in the nineteenth century” to the petit bourgeoisie: “and that is what the lower middle class is and it is they that make the last there is of life in the nineteenth century because they have no hope and no adventure” (W 17).

  27.  Stein, “What Is English Literature,” 47.

  28.  Steven Ungar, Scandal and Aftereffect: Blanchot and France Since 1930 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995), 3.

  29.  Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London: Verso, 1983). Wolfgang Sauer argues that “fascism can be defined as a revolt of those who lost—directly or indirectly, temporarily or permanently—by industrialization.” Wolfgang Sauer, “National Socialism: Totalitarianism or Fascism?” American Historical Review 73, no. 2 (December 1967), 417. While Sauer’s focus is on Germany, his argument helps explain Pétain’s profound appeal to the French “déclassé” and to veterans groups on the grounds of “turn[ing] against technological progress and economic growth” and “return[ing] to the earlier, ‘natural’ ways of life” (417).

  30.  The term “democratic decadence” was first used in Jean de Fabrègue’s young Right manifesto in Reaction pour l’Ordre, a journal for which Bernard Faÿ also wrote. See John Hellman, The Communitarian Third Way, 24.

  31.  BW 778. Stein begins these observations during the mid-1930s, referring to America as an old century because it started “twentieth-century writing” before anyone else: “the United States had the first instance of what I call Twentieth Century writing. You see it first in Walt Whitman.” Gertrude Stein, “How Writing Is Written,” in How Writing Is Written: Volume II of the Previously Uncollected Writings of Gertrude Stein, ed. Robert Bartlett Haas (Los Angeles: Black Sparrow Press, 1974), 153. See also “Why I Do Not Live in America”: America “is the mother of modern civilisation.… A country this is the oldest and therefore the most important country in the world quite naturally produces the creators, and so naturally it is I an American who was and is thinking in writing was born in America and live in Paris” (51).

  32.  Stein quote from interview in “Yank—The Army Weekly” magazine (1945), in Gertrude Stein’s America, ed. Gilbert A. Harrison (New York: Liveright, 1996), 82.

  33.  For Stein as Benjamin Franklin, see Pierre Ordioni, Tout commence à Alger 40/44 (Paris: Stock, 1972), 60.

  34.  Note from Gertrude Stein to Bernard Faÿ, n.d. Unpublished correspondence, Gertrude Stein and Alice B. Toklas Papers, Yale Collection of American Literature, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library. Stein writes, possibly in reference to the 1930 publication of her text “Lucy Church Amiably”: “For Bernard Faÿ, Lucy Church Amiably all about the Bugey the nice country where we so contentedly cemented our friendship, Gertrude Stein.”

  35.  Jean Anthelme Brillat-Savarin, The Physiology of Taste; Or, Meditations on Transcendental Gastronomy, trans. M. F. K. Fisher (New York: The Heritage Press, 1949), 9n.

  36.  Stein’s friend Elliot Paul, who gave a colorful and unreliable account of the leasing episode in Understanding the French (New York: Random House, 1954), 21–22, offers another version of this mythification of French provincial life when he writes about a Bugey harvest festival: “Hosanna! The glow of the embers at twilight is reconciled with the tinted clouds of sunset, and the smell of roast meats, pungents and charred grass and the gleam of the Rhone and the sky and the Alps, around the French, leave an impression of cosmic unity and universal harmony which, because of its theoretical structure beneath the transient light and sound waves, endures, world without end” (23–24).

  37.  ABT 281; Alice B. Toklas, The Alice B. Toklas Cook Book (New York: Harper & Row, 1982), 94.

  38.  Ulla E. Dydo, Gertrude Stein: The Language That Rises, 1923–1934 (Evanston, Ill.: Northwestern University Press, 2003), 329; Bernard Faÿ, “Gertrude Stein, Poète de l’Amérique,” Revue de Paris 42, no. 22 (November 15, 1935): 295.

  39.  Gertrude Stein letter to Bernard Faÿ, n.d. From the unpublished correspondence of Gertrude Stein and Bernard Faÿ, Vincent Faÿ collection.

  40.  Toklas’s comment appears in an undated note following an undated letter to Georges Maratier in the Papers of Gertrude Stein and her Circle, Special Collections, University of Maryland Libraries. The letter begins: “Here is the information about our brave lieutenant.” For Stein’s sense of guilt about the Bonhomme affair, see the cryptic passages in Stein’s 1930 text History or Messages from History (Copenhagen: Green Integer, 1997): “A lieutenant is not a captain in which way he finishes. I never like to think of anybody” (19); and “There will be an emigration. They will have satisfaction. Hours of their opportunities and they do not like to think about them. In this way they are selfish” (20).

  41.  Cited in an undated letter to Georges Maratier in the Papers of Gertrude Stein and Her Circle, Special Collections, University of Maryland Libraries.

  42.  Gertrude Stein note to Bernard Faÿ, n.d.. From the unpublished correspondence of Gertrude Stein and Bernard Faÿ, Vincent Faÿ collection.

  43.  Stein’s “megalomania” has been a recurring charge in criticism of her work and life, fueled in large part by Stein’s own pronouncements during the 1930s that she was a genius (a term whose use by Stein, as I explain in my book Gertrude Stein, Modernism, and the Problem of “Genius” [Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2000], was in fact highly overdetermined). See, for example, the attack on Stein by Tristan Tzara in “Testimony against Gertrude Stein”: “I cannot believe it necessary for me to insist on the presence of a clinical case of megalomania.” Georges Braque et al., “Testimony Against Gertrude Stein,” transition 23 (February 1935), 13. Indeed, “megalomania” has remained the favored term to describe Stein during this particular period, with John Herbert Gill, for one, describing the Bilignin episode as “an especially outrageous instance of the cold amorality of megalomania.” John Herbert Gill, Detecting Gertrude Stein and Other Suspects on the Shadow Side of Modernism (New York: Democritus Books, 2003), 130. In her defense, Ulla Dydo (The Language That Rises, 411) argues that “Stein’s so-called megalomania is a compensatory mechanism for her real frustration about publication and reception of her work,” as though by inflating her own importance and influence over others Stein could make up for her lack of public recognition in the “dry spell” before the publication of The Autobiography of Alice B. Toklas. My own sense is that “megalomania” is an inadequate term to describe Stein’s self-identity, particularly because of its problematic association with delusion.

  44.  Bernard Faÿ wrote several articles in English and French on Gertrude Stein in the 1930s, including the piece in Je Suis Partout discussed in chapter 3. See also “Portrait de Gertrude Stein,” La Revue Européenne, reprinted in Victor Llona, Bernard Faÿ, et al., Les romanciers américains (Paris: Denoël and Steele, 1931), 371–378, which also includes Faÿ and Grace-Ives de Longevialle’s translation of “Melanctha”; “A Rose Is a Rose,” The Saturday Review of Literature 10, no. 7 (September 2, 1933): 77–79; “Gertrude Stein et ses souvenirs,” Le Figaro no. 300 (October 27, 1934): 6; and “Gertrude Stein: Poète de l’Amérique,” La Revue de Paris 42, no. 22 (November 15, 1935): 294–312. He also wrote the preface to the abridged edition of The Making of Americans, published as The Making of Americans: The Hersland Family (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1934). The Making of Americans was translated in 1932 by Faÿ and Renée Seillière and published as Américains d’Amérique: Histoire d’une famille américaine (Paris: Librairie Stock, 1933); and The Autobiography of Alice B. Toklas was translated by Faÿ and published as Auto-biographie d’Alice Toklas (Paris: Gallimard, 1934).

  45.  Bradley, cited in Dydo, The Language That Rises, 570.

  46.  Gertrude Stein letter to Bernard Faÿ, n.d. From the unpublished correspondence of Gertrude Stein and Bernard Faÿ, Vincent Faÿ collection.

  47.  Faÿ, “Portrait de Gertrude Stein”, 2; “Préface” to Américains d’Amerique, 11.

  48.  See my essay “Lost in Translation: Stein’s Vichy Collaboration,” Modernism/modernity 11, no. 4 (November, 2004): 651–668, which discusses the Hugnet affair at length.

  49.  Ulla Dydo, who mentions that during the early 1930s “American leaders were … topics of conversation with Faÿ” (The Language That Rises, 577), does not go further than this observation.

  50.  Gertrude Stein letter to Bernard Faÿ, n.d. From the unpublished correspondence of Gertrude Stein and Bernard Faÿ, Vincent Faÿ collection.

  51.  Bernard Faÿ, George Washington: Republican Aristocrat (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1931) (hereafter cited in the text as GW). Gertrude Stein letter to Bernard Faÿ, n.d. From the unpublished correspondence of Gertrude Stein and Bernard Faÿ, Vincent Faÿ collection. Another letter by Stein to Faÿ in the Vincent Faÿ collection is full of praise for his “address to the Academy”: “In that you did really create your space. Compared to that the space in the Washington was only described but in this the space and all its consequences are really created.” Stein never identifies the academy where she heard Faÿ lecturing.

  52.  Bernard Faÿ letter to Frank Monaghan, October 3, 1931. Division of Rare and Manuscript Collections, Carl A. Kroch Library, Cornell University.

  53.  Faÿ’s ideological representation of Washington’s aristocratic stance has been curiously overlooked by contemporary readers, who continue to cite Faÿ’s biography as an example of objective scholarship. See for example, Jeremy Engels, “Reading the Riot Act: Rhetoric, Psychology, and Counter-Revolutionary Discourse in Shays’ Rebellion, 1786–1787,” Quarterly Journal of Speech 91, no. 1 (February, 2005): 85n17.

  54.  Dydo writes that “the basic idea of Four In America” was “that American genius is inevitably expressed and is not restricted to one calling,” an idea that supported Stein’s investigation of the four figures “for what they might have become had they not become what they did.” Dydo, The Language That Rises, 580, 578.

  55.  Gertrude Stein, “Finally George: A Vocabulary of Thinking,” in How to Write (New York: Dover, 1975), 278.

  56.  See Stein’s undated letter to Faÿ from the early 1930s: “I like writing to you from here because it was here that our friendship really began and it is a nice friendship and I am very pleased with it and I was awfully moved by your note and I love you very much and it will be nice seeing you this summer and it is lovely here … and we are all clean and peaceful.” From the unpublished correspondence of Gertrude Stein and Bernard Faÿ, Vincent Faÿ collection. See also my discussion of washing and ethnicity, chapter 1.

  57.  See Ulla Dydo’s discussion of this in The Language That Rises, 591.

  58.  Gertrude Stein, Four in America (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1947), 169 (hereafter cited in the text as FIA).

  59.  There is also a tantalizing suggestion that Faÿ himself may have served as a model for her “George Washington.” Sometime in 1930, Stein writes Faÿ a note while helping to edit his George Washington: “I am looking forward to having the rest of the Washington, I like doing it, and I also want very much to know how it goes on and how it finished, I am not without meditation about you and a novel.” Gertrude Stein letter to Bernard Faÿ, n.d. From the unpublished correspondence of Gertrude Stein and Bernard Faÿ, Vincent Faÿ collection.

  60.  “As Gertrude Stein Reviews a Book on President Roosevelt,” Kansas City Star (January 20, 1934): 5.

  61.  “Theodore and Franklin Roosevelt like Napoleon and Louis Napoleon even though they belonged to the country to which they belonged were foreign to it.” Gertrude Stein, The Geographical History of America or the Relation of Human Nature to the Human Mind (Baltimore, Md.: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995), 127 (hereafter cited in the text as GHA). Gertrude Stein, “A Political Series,” in Painted Lace and Other Pieces (1914–1937) (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1955), 73.

  62.  Gertrude Stein letter to Bernard Faÿ, marked 1932 in margins. From the unpublished correspondence of Gertrude Stein and Bernard Faÿ, Vincent Faÿ collection.

  63.  John L. Harvey, “Conservative Crossings: Bernard Faÿ and the Rise of American Studies in Third-Republic France,” Historical Reflections/Réflexions historiques 36 (2010): 105.

  64.  Bernard Faÿ, “An Invitation to American Historians,” Harper’s Monthly Magazine 166 (1932): 20–31.

  65.  Stein, History or Messages from History, 37.

  66.  Gertrude Stein letter to Bernard Faÿ, n.d. From the unpublished correspondence of Gertrude Stein and Bernard Faÿ, Vincent Faÿ collection.

  67.  Faÿ’s success was reported in the weekly Parisian newspaper L’Illustration. Elisabeth Clevenot, “Une chaire d’histoire des Etats-Unis au Collège de France,” L’Illustration 4642 (February 20, 1932): 232.

  68.  Marguerite Bistis, “Managing Bergson’s Crowd: Professionalism and the Mondain at the Collège de France,” Historical Reflections/Réflexions historiques 22, no. 2 (1996): 391.

  69.  Roger, The American Enemy, 271, 203.

  70.  André Siegfried, America Comes of Age (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1927), 347, 350.

  71.  Faÿ had reviewed Tardieu’s France and America: Some Experiences in Cooperation and Siegfried’s America Comes of Age in the New York Herald Tribune (May 1, 1927), referring to the latter as “a French Protestant, endowed with very strong control,” whose writing “does not always flow easily,” while Tardieu in comparison was “a proud soul, an original mind and a powerful will”: “a man” rather than “a professional writer.”

  72.  Eugen Weber, The Hollow Years: France in the 1930s (New York: Norton, 1994), 163.

  73.  Bernard Oudin, Aristide Briand (Paris: Perrin, 2004), 526.

  74.  André Tardieu, France and America: Some Experiences in Cooperation (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1927), 5.

  75.  “[B]ourgeoisie, parliamentarism, democracy are as hollow as nobility, royalty, Estates General were 150 years ago.” Tardieu, quoted in Weber, The Hollow Years, 117. Faÿ adds his own interpretation of Tardieu’s allegiance with the Right in a note to Gertrude Stein: “The Briand defeat [by Tardieu] is good for me. Briand fell before my friends, I daresay.” Bernard Faÿ letter to Gertrude Stein, May 17, 1931. From the unpublished correspondence of Gertrude Stein and Bernard Faÿ, Vincent Faÿ collection.

  76.  Bernard Faÿ letter to Gertrude Stein, November 18, 1931. From the unpublished correspondence of Gertrude Stein and Bernard Faÿ, Vincent Faÿ collection.

  77.  Dydo, The Language That Rises, 578n44.

  78.  Ibid., 462.

  79.  Bernard Faÿ letter to Gertrude Stein, April 3, 1930. From the unpublished correspondence, Gertrude Stein and Alice B. Toklas Papers, Yale Collection of American Literature. Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library. Gertrude Stein letter to Bernard Faÿ, n.d. From the unpublished correspondence of Gertrude Stein and Bernard Faÿ, Vincent Faÿ collection.

  80.  Gertrude Stein letter to Bernard Faÿ, n.d. From the unpublished correspondence of Gertrude Stein and Bernard Faÿ, Vincent Faÿ collection. Stein voices her disagreements over the merits of Siegfried with a local Belley neighbor, Mademoiselle de Canisey. It is interesting to note the revisionism that emanated from Siegfried’s side as well concerning the 1932 Collège appointment. In a 1960 Hommage à André Siegfried, an administrator at the Collège de France, Marcel Bataillon, wrote that despite Siegfried’s failure to win the chair in American civilization, his success at winning a chair in economic and political geography in 1933 (which he held until 1946) was better suited to his interests, allowing him to “extend … his gifts as an observer of a world in transformation” into many different arenas. Hommage à André Siegfried, par L’Association André Siegfried (Paris: L’Imprimerie R. Foulon, 1961).

  81.  Stein quoted in Dydo, The Language That Rises, 468.

  82.  Gertrude Stein letter to Bernard Faÿ, n.d. From the unpublished correspondence of Gertrude Stein and Bernard Faÿ, Vincent Faÿ collection. In this letter, Stein discusses trying to get a visa for two new, presumably reliable, Swiss servants, Marius Piguet and his wife, since “I, a femme de lettre [sic], have been interrupted all summer by scenes with drunken domestics.”

  83.  Gertrude Stein, quoted in LP 154.

  84.  Gertrude Stein letter to Bernard Faÿ, n.d. From the unpublished correspondence of Gertrude Stein and Bernard Faÿ, Vincent Faÿ collection.

  85.  Bernard Faÿ letter to Gertrude Stein, February 18, 1930. From the unpublished correspondence of Gertrude Stein and Bernard Faÿ, Vincent Faÿ collection.

  86.  This commitment is exemplified by a famous story about the French writer Paul Valéry. During World War II, Valéry was approached at the door to the Collège by a German officer who demanded to know what was being taught inside. Valéry answered, “It’s a place where speech is free.” Valéry quoted in Christophe Charle, “Le Collège de France,” in Pierre Nora, ed., Les lieux de mémoire: La nation (Gallimard, 1986), vol. 2, part 3:422. It is of course ironic that Bernard Faÿ, working in the service of the Germans during World War II, was also allowed to practice free speech at the Collège, only losing his chair after the war was over, in 1946.

  87.  James Laughlin, “About Gertrude Stein,” The Yale Review 77 (October 1988): 535.

  88.  See the analysis of “talking and listening” in chapter 3 of my book, Gertrude Stein, Modernism, and the Problem of “Genius,” 79–107.

  89.  Gertrude Stein, Lectures in America (London: Virago, 1988), acknowledgments page.

  90.  Stein, quoted in Dydo, The Language That Rises, 573.

  91.  Interestingly, Faÿ was one of the first people to whom Stein showed the manuscript of Q.E.D., after having “completely forgot about it for many years” (ABT 104).

  92.  Gertrude Stein, Fernhurst, Q.E.D. and Other Early Writings (New York: W. W. Norton, 1996), 60.

  93.  Laughlin, “About Gertrude Stein,” 535.

  94.  Gertrude Stein letter to Bernard Faÿ, n.d. From the unpublished correspondence of Gertrude Stein and Bernard Faÿ, Vincent Faÿ collection. The reference to René Crevel in this letter shows that it was written before Crevel’s death on June 18, 1935.

3. MOVING RIGHTWARD (1935–1940)

    1.  Gertrude Stein, “Gertrude Stein Views Life and Politics: Interview with Lansing Warren,” New York Times Magazine (May 6, 1934): 9.

    2.  See Edward M. Burns and Ulla E. Dydo with William Rice, The Letters of Gertrude Stein and Thornton Wilder (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1996), 414; also Brenda Wineapple, “The Politics of Politics; or, How the Atomic Bomb Didn’t Interest Gertrude Stein and Emily Dickinson” South Central Review 23, no. 3 (Fall 2006): 37–45.

    3.  Helen Buchalter, “Gertrude Stein Doesn’t ‘Take From’ Causes, She Tells an Ardent Reformist,” Washington Daily News (December 31, 1934): 14.

    4.  Gertrude Stein, notebooks to The Making of Americans (unpublished), NB, 14–7. Gertrude Stein and Alice B. Toklas Papers, Yale Collection of American Literature. Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library.

    5.  Jolas, quoted in Georges Braque et al., “Testimony Against Gertrude Stein,” transition 23 (February 1935): 11.

    6.  Gertrude Stein, “I Came and Here I Am,” in How Writing Is Written: Volume II of the Previously Uncollected Writings of Gertrude Stein, ed. Robert Bartlett Haas (Los Angeles: Black Sparrow Press, 1974), 68.

    7.  In an interview with Stein for Vogue conducted in 1941, Thérèse Bonney notes that Stein “stayed because she has found in Billignen [sic] the calm and peace that are necessary to her work.” “Gertrude Stein in France,” Vogue (July 1, 1942): 61.

    8.  Adolf Hitler, quoted in Neil Gregor, How to Read Hitler (New York: W. W. Norton, 2005), 61.

    9.  Stein’s self-Orientalizing gesture in Everybody’s Autobiography is far from coherent or simple, as shown by her anxious effort to describe herself as “Oriental” rather than “Jewish.”

  10.  Gertrude Stein, “Off We All Went to See Germany,” Life (August 6, 1945): 58.

  11.  Alice Kaplan, The Collaborator: The Trial and Execution of Robert Brasillach (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000), x.

  12.  Eugen Weber, Action Française: Royalism and Reaction in Twentieth-Century France (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1962), 506.

  13.  Kaplan, The Collaborator, 23.

  14.  Ibid, 32.

  15.  Bernard Faÿ, “Salzbourg d’été,” Je Suis Partout (September 15, 1934); “L’apothéose de Gertrude Stein,” Je Suis Partout (January 19, 1935).

  16.  “Gertrude Stein: Poète de l’Amérique,” La Revue de Paris 42, no. 22 (November 15, 1935): 294–312.

  17.  David Carroll, French Literary Fascism: Nationalism, Anti-Semitism, and the Ideology of Culture (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995), 104–105.

  18.  Ibid., 106, 107.

  19.  Bernard Faÿ, Civilisation américaine (Paris: Sagittaire, 1939), 252.

  20.  Eugen Weber, The Hollow Years: France in the 1930s (New York: Norton, 1994), 111.

  21.  Ibid., 113.

  22.  Weber, Action Française, 15.

  23.  Faÿ received an honorary degree in literature from Northwestern University on June 3, 1933.

  24.  Dudley Andrew and Steven Ungar, Popular Front Paris and the Poetics of Culture (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2005), 16.

  25.  Bernard Faÿ letter to Fanny Butcher, May 31, 1934. Gertrude Stein collection, Harry Ransom Humanities Research Center, The University of Texas at Austin.

  26.  See Paul F. Jankowski, Stavisky: A Confidence Man in the Republic of Virtue (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2002). In a 1937 letter to W. G. Rogers, Stein writes: “You see in the old days the government changed all the time there were so many parties, but Stavisky was a real boss and he organized the Radical Socialists to stay and that machinery is still functioning though the real majority are tired of it.” Stein, quoted in W. G. Rogers, When This You See Remember Me: Gertrude Stein in Person (New York: Rinehart and Co., 1948), 216. In fact, the Radical party had been largely in power in France since the first ministry of Camille Chautemps in 1930.

  27.  Action Française, quoted in Carmen Calil, Bad Faith: A Forgotten History of Family and Fatherland (London: Jonathan Cape, 2006), 108. As Jacques Bariéty has noted, the events of early 1934 arose out of complex and overdetermined sources from the outside as well as the inside. While the Stavisky affair made visible the antagonism of the two Frances, it also revealed public discontent over French foreign affairs, especially the pacifist stance that had accompanied Hitler’s rise to power. “Les partisans français de l’entente franco-allemande et la ‘prise du pouvoir’ par Hitler, Avril 1932–Avril 1934,” in La France et l’Allemagne entre les deux guerres mondiales, ed. Bariéty et al. (Nancy: Presses universitaires de Nancy, 1987), 29.

  28.  Bernard Faÿ, “Le bilan de l’action maçonnique en France,” April 18, 1942, lecture given at the Grand Orient de France, rue Cadet, Paris. Cited in Bernard Faÿ dossier (Renseignements Generaux), Archives de la Prefecture de la Police, Paris.

  29.  In the wake of Dan Brown’s bestselling novel The Lost Symbol (New York: Doubleday, 2009), which deals with a shadowy Masonic organization just steps away from the White House, this benign assessment may be changing.

  30.  Jasper Ridley notes that in 1998 the number of American Freemasons was over 2,200,000; in France today, the number is 84,000. The Freemasons: A History of the World’s Most Powerful Secret Society (New York: Arcade, 2001), 275.

  31.  For more on Freemasonry in France, see Pierre Chevallier, Histoire de la franc-maçonnerie francaise, 3 volumes (Paris: Fayard, 1974); Lucien Botrel, Histoire de la franc-maçonnerie française sous l’occupation (Paris: Ed. Detrad, 1987); Dominique Rossignol, Vichy et les franc-maçons. La liquidation des sociétés secrètes, 1940–1944 (Paris: J-C Lattès, 1981); and the special issue on French Freemasonry and anti-Freemasonry in Sciences et Avenir (February 2003): 38–59.

  32.  Lacan, summarized in Bran Nicol, “Reading Paranoia: Paranoia, Epistemophilia, and the Postmodern Crisis of Interpretation,” Literature and Psychology 45, nos. 1–2 (1999): 46.

  33.  Cynthia Hendershot discusses the link between paranoia and totalization in “Paranoia and the Delusion of the Total System,” American Imago 54, no. 1 (1997): 15–37.

  34.  See Bernard Faÿ, Franklin, the Apostle of Modern Times (Boston: Little, Brown, 1929); George Washington, Republican Aristocrat; The Two Franklins: Fathers of American Democracy (Boston: Little, Brown, 1933); Roosevelt and His America (Boston: Little, Brown, 1933).

  35.  This blurring of boundaries between Freemasons and other perceived adversaries is evident in the nineteenth century as well, but in the first decades of the twentieth century it took on a new intensity, as when the notorious tract The Protocols of the Elders of Zion (first published in 1903) claims that Freemasons were in the service of the “Elders of Zion.” From David Bankier, “Freemasons,” in Encyclopedia of the Holocaust, ed. Israel Gutman (1990), 2:531.

  36.  See Lucien Sabah, Journal de Gueydan “de” Roussel (Paris: Klincksieck, 2000), 288–290 (hereafter cited in the text as JGR). Sabah reproduces a Vichy-era “Report on Monsieur Philippe Poirson” written by Faÿ in 1943 wherein he details his prewar familiarity with Poirson through an anti-Masonic group called the Committee for National Unity for the Reconstruction of France (Rassemblement National pour la Reconstruction de la France): “Ce groupe … était etabli rue Duphot et avait comme secretaire le commandant Souchon. Nous publiions des brochures mensuelles contre la Maçonnerie, les Juifs, le Front Populaire, et la ‘Croisade des Democraties’” (“This group … was established on rue Duphot and had as Secretary Commander Souchon. We published monthly brochures against Freemasonry, the Jews, the Popular Front, and the ‘Crusade of Democracies’”). For more on this group, see chapter 5. In the same report, Faÿ also refers to having been to reunions of the RISS (Revue Internationale des Sociétés Secrètes), which had an “antimasonic and antidemocratic” bent.

  37.  See, among others, the following articles by Faÿ: “L’Espagne et son destin,” La Revue Universelle 16 (November 15, 1937): 385–398; “Un siècle et demi de République démocratique aux Etats-Unis,” La Revue Universelle 9 (August 1, 1939): 256–267; “Instruction et enseignement en France,” Courrier Royal 26 (December 28, 1935): 1; “Europa ist eine Wirklichkeit,” Deutsch-Französische Monatshefte / Cahiers franco-allemands 7–8 (1937): 217–220.

  38.  See the following articles by Faÿ: “Le français en face de lui-meme,” La Gerbe (July 18, 1940): 1; and “Du courage,” La Gerbe (August 1, 1940): 1.

  39.  The Interparliamentary Group of Action is discussed in Charles Grant Hamilton, “Freemasonry, A Prisoner of War,” The New Age 57, no. 3 (March 1949): 149.

  40.  Pierre Gaxotte, “La franc-maçonnerie [review of La franc-maçonnerie et la révolution intellectuelle du XVIIIe siècle by Bernard Faÿ],” Je Suis Partout 240 (June 29, 1935): 1.

  41.  Pascal Ory, Les Collaborateurs (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1976), 148.

  42.  The most positive American review of Faÿ’s book comes from Cuthbert Wright, “Freemasonry and Revolutions,” New York Times (January 26, 1936), which appreciates the “charm” of Faÿ’s writing and the significance of his argument to the French Catholic context.

  43.  Henry Steele Commager, “Free Masonry, the Key to the XVIII Century [Review of Revolution and Freemasonry, 1680–1800],” New York Herald Tribune Books (December 8, 1935), VII:3. Other contemporary critics have been equally skeptical about Faÿ’s claims. See, in particular, Neil L. York, “Freemasons and the American Revolution,” The Historian 55 (1993): 315–330.

  44.  Vincent Scramuzza, “Revolution and Freemasonry, 1680–1800 by Bernard Faÿ [review],” American Sociologial Review 1, no. 2 (April 1936): 337.

  45.  Bernard Faÿ, “American Civilization Assayed: Bernard Faÿ believes that Europe needs to examine the American Way to see if it does not contain, despite mistakes, principles that are of definite value to the whole world,” New York Times Magazine (February 28, 1932), SM18.

  46.  The Franco-American Review, published in France as the Revue Franco-Américaine, was the brainchild of Faÿ and Frank Monaghan, professor of History at Yale University. It published five issues, appearing between 1936 and 1938.

  47.  Bernard Faÿ letter to Gertrude Stein, March 22, 1935. From the unpublished correspondence of Gertrude Stein and Bernard Faÿ, Vincent Faÿ collection.

  48.  Deposition of Bertrand de Lagger [March 7, 1946] D d’I, AN Z/6/290.

  49.  Bernard Faÿ, “Les origines et l’esprit de la franc-maçonnerie,” La Revue Universelle 66, no. 8 (July 15, 1936): 174.

  50.  Bernard Faÿ letter to Lt. August Moritz, July 17, 1942. D d’I AN Z/6/290.

  51.  Bernard Faÿ, Roosevelt and His America (Boston: Little Brown, 1933), vi.

  52.  Bernard Faÿ’s phrase about Roosevelt is from “French News from France,” Commonweal 23 (January 10, 1936): 286.

  53.  See chapter 2, p. 59.

  54.  Faÿ, Roosevelt and His America, 245.

  55.  In the French version of his text, Faÿ makes much of this distinction for a presumably unfamiliar (French) audience: “Tandis que Harvard est en Amérique la citadelle de l’Amérique blanche, blonde, anglo-saxonne et puritaine, Columbia est l’un de ces creusets où se forment les idées internationales, où se mêlent les races, et où l’intelligence aiguë des juifs se plaît à briller” (“While Harvard is in America the citadel of white, blond, Anglo-saxon and Puritan America, Columbia is one of those melting pots where international ideas are formed, where the races are blended, and where the sharp intelligence of Jews likes to shine forth”). Bernard Faÿ, Roosevelt et son Amérique (Paris: Plon, 1933), 184, 278.

  56.  “Telle est sa grande force, ou sa faiblesse secrète.” Note that this is the final sentence of the French original. Faÿ, Roosevelt et son Amérique, 330. The English translation has an “Epilogue” that paints FDR in a much more flattering light.

  57.  Bernard Faÿ, “Roosevelt Plebiscité: Choses Vues par Bernard Faÿ,” Je Suis Partout (November 2, 1936): 9.

  58.  Bernard Faÿ, “De quoi parle-t-on en Amérique?” Je Suis Partout (February 27, 1937): 9.

  59.  Bernard Faÿ, “L’Amérique se retrouve,” Je Suis Partout (November 20, 1935).

  60.  Bernard Faÿ, “Le marasme aux Etats-Unis: ‘L’Amérique Débraye,’” Je Suis Partout (April 8, 1938).

  61.  Bernard Faÿ, “Où en est la civilisation des U.S.A.?” Je Suis Partout (February 10, 1939).

  62.  Bernard Faÿ, “La civilisation américaine: Le conflit des croyances,” Je Suis Partout (February 24, 1939).

  63.  Faÿ, Civilisation américaine, 286.

  64.  Ibid., 287.

  65.  Ibid., 299.

  66.  Faÿ, “Où en est la civilisation des U.S.A.?”

  67.  Stein, “I Came and Here I Am,” in How Writing Is Written, 72.

  68.  Stein, “American Food and Houses,” “American States and Cities and How They Differ From Each Other,” “I Came and Here I Am,” in How Writing Is Written, 85, 80, 67.

  69.  Stein, “The Capital and Capitals of the United States of America,” in How Writing Is Written, 73–76.

  70.  Stein, “American States and Cities and How They Differ From Each Other,” in How Writing Is Written, 82.

  71.  See chapter 2, note 60.

  72.  Gertrude Stein letter to Bernard Faÿ, n.d. From the unpublished correspondence of Gertrude Stein and Bernard Faÿ, Vincent Faÿ collection.

  73.  Stein, “American States and Cities and How They Differ From Each Other,” in How Writing Is Written, 81.

  74.  GHA 72, 105.

  75.  EA 175.

  76.  Stein, “And Now,” in How Writing Is Written, 63.

  77.  Stein, “American States and Cities and How They Differ From Each Other” and “American Food and American Houses,” in How Writing Is Written, 79, 88.

  78.  See chapter 1, p. 31–33.

  79.  Gertrude Stein, “Melanctha,” in Three Lives; Ida (New York: Vintage, 1968).

  80.  A declassified memorandum dated February 21, 1945, reports the observations of undercover agent William Brandhove about Stein, whom he visited in Paris sometime during 1937: “She did not seem to be a pro-any nationality, but she was anti-Roosevelt” (Document 100-HQ-340145, National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C.).

  81.  Gertrude Stein, Painted Lace and Other Pieces (1914–1937) (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1955), 73. Stein’s comments about the Democratic party are in an unpublished letter to Faÿ: “Politically I feel that you have justified my feeling about the Democratic party, it is a party of the two Franklins and the riff-raff and the riff-raff is all Irish or if it isn’t Irish it is in the hands of the Irish” (Vincent Faÿ correspondence).

  82.  EA, 63–64; Stein, “My Last About Money,” in How Writing Is Written, 111. Stein repeats this anecdote in Everybody’s Autobiography and identifies her interlocutor as “a very able young man Donald Vestal” (EA 64), a Chicago gallery owner and puppeteer whom Stein met during her American lecture tour.

  83.  Stein makes a similar statement in “All About Money,” in How Writing Is Written: “The thing that differentiates man from animals is money” (110). Stein’s interest during this period in the hierarchy between humans and animals is developed most thoroughly in The Geographical History of America. There, Stein distinguishes the superior functions of “the human mind,” similar to what she calls “genius,” from “human nature,” a state of “connection” that Stein associates with her relationship to her dog. “A dog does not know what the human mind is,” Stein writes (59).

  84.  All quotes from EA 41.

  85.  “Gertrude Stein Sees U.S. Again Individualistic,” New York Herald Tribune (January 27, 1935): 8. Although most historians do not define Huey Long as a fascist but rather as a populist demagogue, literary thinkers have stressed fascist tendencies in Long’s platform and self-presentation. See, for example, Sinclair Lewis, It Can’t Happen Here (New York: Doubleday Doran, 1935); and Robert Penn Warren, All the King’s Men (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1946). Lawrence Dennis, the ultra-right-wing author of The Coming American Fascism (1936), defined Long as “the nearest approach to a national fascist leader” (cited in William Ivy Hair, The Kingfish and his Realm: The Life and Times of Huey P. Long [Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1996], 296).

  86.  Stein, “Money,” in How Writing Is Written, 107.

  87.  Catharine Stimpson, “Comments on Stein’s Landscape: Politics, Love, and Art,” in “A Play To Be Performed; Excerpts from the Gertrude Stein Symposium at New York University,” Theater 32, no. 2 (2002): 11.

  88.  Rogers, When This You See Remember Me, 217.

  89.  Ibid., 217–218.

  90.  Weber, The Hollow Years, 141.

  91.  Bernard Faÿ letter to Gertrude Stein, December 19, 1936. From the unpublished correspondence of Gertrude Stein and Bernard Faÿ, Vincent Faÿ collection.

  92.  Fanny Butcher letter (2 pages) to Bernard Faÿ, January 31, 1934 (?). From the unpublished correspondence of Gertrude Stein and Bernard Faÿ, Vincent Faÿ collection. Butcher writes: “First about the degree for Gertrude Stein. I’ve thought about it a lot, tentatively discussed it with Alice and Bobsy Goodspeed and we all agree that the chances of Bob Hutchins doing it is very slight. There are lots of reasons … his precarious position with the faculty as it is, being accused of foisting ‘modernity’ on a staid institution” (1).

  93.  Lucille Hecht, “Gertrude Stein’s Magnificent Hoax: How a Party in Paris, Where the Wine Flowed Freely, Led to the Most Gigantic Practical Joke Ever Perpetrated on the American Literary Public,” Real America 6, no. 4 (January 1936): 8.

  94.  Ibid., 8–11.

  95.  Bernard Faÿ letter to Gertrude Stein, n.d. From the unpublished correspondence, Gertrude Stein and Alice B. Toklas Papers, Yale Collection of American Literature, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library.

  96.  Hecht, “Gertrude Stein’s Magnificent Hoax,” 8–11.

  97.  In a letter to Gertrude Stein dated December 27, 1935, Faÿ writes “I sent to the United Press the enclosed statement [missing]. Today I sent it to B. Cerf and to K. Simpson, with instructions to the latter to use legal means to stop Voorhies using my name.” Bernard Faÿ letter to Gertrude Stein, December 27, 1935. From the unpublished correspondence, Gertrude Stein and Alice B. Toklas Papers, Yale Collection of American Literature, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library.

  98.  Bernard Faÿ letter to Alice B. Toklas, January 13, 1936. From the unpublished correspondence of Gertrude Stein and Bernard Faÿ, Vincent Faÿ collection.

  99.  “As I never take any notice of personal attacks there is to be no mention of me or of this article insofar as it concerns me in your notice of it. So there is nothing further for us to say about this.” Gertrude Stein letter to Bernard Faÿ, n.d. From the unpublished correspondence of Gertrude Stein and Bernard Faÿ, Vincent Faÿ collection.

100.  “… cela lui fit mieux sentir la valeur de notre intimité et me la rendit plus sensible” (LP 160).

101.  Bernard Faÿ letter to Gertrude Stein, February 13, 1935. From the unpublished correspondence of Gertrude Stein and Bernard Faÿ, Vincent Faÿ collection.

102.  Bernard Faÿ letter to Gertrude Stein, February 13, 1935. From the unpublished correspondence of Gertrude Stein and Bernard Faÿ, Vincent Faÿ collection.

103.  Bernard Faÿ note. From the unpublished correspondence of Gertrude Stein and Bernard Faÿ, Vincent Faÿ collection. Vincent Faÿ correspondence.

104.  Both Gertrude Stein letters to Bernard Faÿ, n.d. From the unpublished correspondence of Gertrude Stein and Bernard Faÿ, Vincent Faÿ collection.

105.  See Stein comments to W. G. Rogers, note 89, above. In the same letter to Rogers, identified by him as written “three years before World War II threw a definitive light on these issues,” Stein writes: “When I gave the lecture to the French students they too asked me about proletarian literature and I said one of my troubles was that for me gens [people] were just gens, and really they arouse a different kind of interest if you like one class or another class, like dull or not dull but really otherwise they were just what they were that is people. Every class has a kind of charm and since occupations and distribution and force and brains and personality are bound to be different inevitably there are bound to be classes and each class undoubtedly is what it is and the members of it have that kind of charm” (Rogers, When This You See Remember Me, 219).

106.  Anonymous Vichy diplomat quoted in letter from Epy Coronio to Gertrude Stein, February 24, 1941. From the unpublished correspondence, Gertrude Stein and Alice B. Toklas Papers, Yale Collection of American Literature, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library.

107.  Bernard Faÿ, “Will There Be An Explosion in Europe?” New York Times Magazine (May 29, 1938), 10; Faÿ, “La crise de septembre 1938,” Conference prononcée à l’Institut Canadien, Palais Montcalm, October 21, 1938 (Québec: Le Soleil, 1938), 28; Faÿ, “Le Français en face de lui-même,” La Gerbe (July 18, 1940): 1.

4. STEIN’S WAR: “HAVING FAITH” IN PÉTAIN (1940–1944)

    1.  Zeev Sternhell, Neither Right nor Left: Fascist Ideology in France (Berkeley: University California Press, 1986), 299. For Pétain and the French in 1940, see Michèle Cointet, Pétain et les français, 1940–1951 (Paris: Perrin, 2002); Charles Williams, Pétain (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005).

    2.  Mario Rossi, Roosevelt and the French (Westport, Conn.: Praeger, 1993), 38. The statistics of lives lost during the May 1940 Battle of France are found in “France 1940—Autopsie d’un Défait,” L’Histoire 352 (April 2010), 59.

    3.  Charles Glass, Americans in Paris: Life and Death Under Nazi Occupation, 1940–1944 (London: Harper Press, 2009), 85.

    4.  Many of his disciples, referred to as “hagiographers” by Julian Jackson, followed Pétain’s own lead. Pierre Taittinger, vintner and founder of the right-wing group Jeunesses patriotes, referred to Pétain as “a new Christ, who has sacrificed himself, to allow the regeneration of defeated France.” Julian Jackson, France: The Dark Years (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 280.

    5.  Wolfgang Schivelbusch, The Culture of Defeat: On National Trauma, Mourning, and Recovery (New York: Metropolitan Books, 2003), 128.

    6.  Gide, quoted in Robert O. Paxton, Vichy France: Old Guard and New Order, 1940–1944 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1972), 34. Gide reiterates this theme in his journal of July 28, 1940: “Softness, surrender, relaxation in grace and ease, so many charming qualities that were to lead us, blindfolded, to defeat.” André Gide, Journals, Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2000), 4:39.

    7.  Paxton, Vichy France, 21.

    8.  Postwar assessments of what Marc Bloch perceptively called France’s “strange defeat” have radically challenged the Pétainist line. As Jean-Louis Crémieux-Brilhac has argued in a two-volume study, “the major cause of the disaster was essentially military and of an intellectual [rather than moral] order.” Les Français de l’an 40 (Paris: Gallimard, 1990), 2:364.

    9.  Denis Peschanski et al., eds. Collaboration and Resistance: Images of Life in Vichy France 1940–1944 (New York: Harry Abrams, 2000), 29.

  10.  Pétain, quoted in Herbert R. Lottman, Pétain, Hero or Traitor: The Untold Story (New York: William Morrow, 1985), 181, 210. Or as Paul Grillet, a Pétainiste who belonged to the leadership school of Uriage, put it: “The challenge was quite simply to create a society other than the one we had known.… We had to totally change society. Our priority was to live in another society.” Quoted in John Hellman, The Knight-Monks of Vichy France: Uriage, 1940–1945 (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1993), 10.

  11.  Williams, Pétain, 164, 198.

  12.  Lottman, Pétain, 211, 214.

  13.  Yves Bouthillier, Le drame de Vichy (Paris: Librairie Plon, 1950), 8, 11.

  14.  Pétain cited in Paxton, Vichy France, 358.

  15.  Mario Rossi, Roosevelt and the French, 69.

  16.  Donald A. Reed, Admiral Leahy at Vichy France (Chicago: Adams, 1968), 26.

  17.  Letter from Admiral William Leahy to Franklin D. Roosevelt, July 28, 1941. In William D. Leahy, I Was There: The Personal Story of the Chief of Staff to Presidents Roosevelt and Truman, Based on His Notes and Diaries Made at the Time (New York: Whittlesey House, 1950), 47.

  18.  Letter from Admiral William Leahy to Franklin D. Roosevelt, November 22, 1941. Ibid., 60.

  19.  Paxton, Vichy France, 323.

  20.  In fact, Roosevelt would remain suspicious of de Gaulle and the supposed “radical and communist elements supporting him” until the Liberation. Rossi, Roosevelt and the French, 119. His preference for General Henri Giraud, who became the successor to Admiral Darlan as high commissioner of the government of French North Africa in December 1942, would be shared by Faÿ, himself a friend of Giraud (see chapter 5, note 140). See also Rossi, Roosevelt and the French, 105–119.

  21.  Gaston Henry-Haye, La grande éclipse franco-américaine (Paris: Plon, 1972), 181.

  22.  Julian G. Hurstfield, America and the French Nation, 1939–1945 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1986), 98.

  23.  Henry-Haye, La grande éclipse franco-américaine, 10.

  24.  Ibid., 240, 242, 327, 321, 326, 316.

  25.  Jean Wahl, “Miss Stein’s Battle,” New Republic (January 19, 1945), 396–398. Wahl’s severity continued: “The apparent naïve improfundity of Gertrude Stein’s writing does not always hide profundity” (397).

  26.  Djuna Barnes also found Stein’s tone in Wars disquieting: “You do not feel that she is ever really worried about the sorrows of the people; her concern at its highest pitch is a well-fed apprehension.” “Matron’s Primer [Review of Wars I Have Seen],” Contemporary Jewish Record (June 8, 1945): 342–343. Other criticisms of Wars, when they have been offered, have focused more on style than politics. See, for example, John Malcolm Brinnin, The Third Rose: Gertrude Stein and Her World (Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley, 1987): “Wars I Have Seen is a dull, long-winded and self-indulgent book which does not outlive its topical interest. Naïve, self-justifying mannerisms that had seemed artlessly fresh in the Autobiography of Alice B. Toklas now tended to be tiresome and cute” (375). Barnes concurs that she is “thrown off by the ‘happy idiot’ simplifications, the baby-like repetition” of Stein’s style (342).

  27.  See chapter 1, note 29.

  28.  Alice Kaplan, The Collaborator: The Trial and Execution of Robert Brasillach (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000), 228.

  29.  Gertrude Stein letter to Bernard Faÿ, n.d. From the unpublished correspondence of Gertrude Stein and Bernard Faÿ, Vincent Faÿ collection. Carl Van Vechten letter to Gertrude Stein, March 19, 1940, where Van Vechten refers to the possibility of Stein “making money” from a lecture tour. In Donald Gallup, ed. The Flowers of Friendship: Letters Written to Gertrude Stein (New York: Alfred Knopf, 1953), 349–350.

  30.  See note 86, below.

  31.  Gertrude Stein, “La langue française,” Patrie: Revue Mensuelle illustrée de L’Empire (August 10, 1941): 36–37. In a letter to Carl Van Vechten of May 31, 1941, Stein writes, “I have been asked to do a little thing in french on the french language, for a new review called Patrie, an official thing under the patronage of Marshal Pétain.” Gertrude Stein letter to Carl Van Vechten, in The Letters of Gertrude Stein and Carl Van Vechten, 1913–1946, ed. Edward Burns (New York: Columbia University Press, 1986): 724–725. Stein’s other propaganda plans are discussed below.

  32.  W. G. Rogers, When This You See Remember Me: Gertrude Stein in Person (New York: Rinehart and Co., 1948), 212.

  33.  Unsigned, undated note “Au Maréchal” (“To the Maréchal”), in the hand of Alice Toklas. Gertrude Stein and Alice B. Toklas Papers, Yale Collection of American Literature, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library. Note the cryptic grammar (and no diacritical marks) of the original: “Au Maréchal, A son Verdun que tous on partager en toute sympathie son effort et sa victoire. A la victoire d’aujourd’hui encore plus difficile et a son complet reussite. En admiration et en sympathie de tout mon coeur.”

  34.  Gertrude Stein letter to Bernard Faÿ, n.d. From the unpublished correspondence of Gertrude Stein and Bernard Faÿ, Vincent Faÿ collection.

  35.  Bernard Faÿ letter to Gertrude Stein, October 9, 1939. Gertrude Stein and Alice B. Toklas Papers, Yale Collection of American Literature, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library.

  36.  Stein and Toklas’s French driving permits, allowing them one-way travel to Bordeaux on June 12, 1940, in response to “consular instructions,” are in the Gertrude Stein and Alice B. Toklas Papers, Yale Collection of American Literature, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library.

  37.  Linda Wagner-Martin details Stein’s response to these events in “Favored Strangers”: Gertrude Stein and Her Family (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1995), 234–238.

  38.  WL 128.

  39.  See Ian Ousby’s excellent chronology in the back of his book Occupation: The Ordeal of France, 1940–1944 (New York: Cooper Square Press, 2000), 322–334.

  40.  The Statut des Juifs of October 3, 1940, defined “Jews” as individuals having three grandparents of the “Jewish race” and established their right or denial of access to certain professions. “Jews were excluded from political office, judicial appointments, diplomatic and prefectorial posts, and the senior branches of public services. They could not be officers or heads of enterprises in which the state was involved. They could not be managers or directors in the press, radio, cinema or theater.” A second Statut des Juifs of June 2, 1941, further specified the meaning of “race” to assert that “Jews were now those people who, irrespective of religion, had at least three grandparents of Jewish race.” Bizarre exceptions were made: for example, “If an individual abandoned the Jewish religion, that person could claim to be non-Jewish if the abandonment occurred before 25 June 1940 and if the person had only two grandparents of ‘Jewish race.’” Michael Curtis, Verdict on Vichy (London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 2002), 112–113. In October 2010, the New York Times reported the discovery in France of a document proving that Pétain himself had participated in “harden[ing]” and “toughen[ing]” the language of the first Statut des Juifs. “Far from the enfeebled and senile general manipulated by his peers, as the French have long viewed him, Marshal Philippe Pétain was an unapologetic anti-Semite, said Serge Klarsfeld, one of France’s leading Holocaust experts.” “Vichy Leader Said to Widen Anti-Jewish Law,” New York Times (October 5, 2010).

  41.  Curtis, Verdict on Vichy, 113.

  42.  According to Dominique Saint-Pierre, the Curé d’Ars, also known as Jean-Marie Vianney (1786–1858), never wrote a book of predictions. However, other writers and astrologers published work under his name. Gertrude Stein, le Bugey, la guerre: d’aout 1924 à décembre 1944 (Bourg-en-Bresse: Musnier-Gilbert, 2009), 205n481.

  43.  John Whittier-Ferguson, “Stein in Time: History, Manuscripts, Memory,” Modernism/modernity 6, no. 1 (1999), 14.

  44.  Gertrude Stein letter to Bernard Faÿ, n.d. From the unpublished correspondence of Gertrude Stein and Bernard Faÿ, Vincent Faÿ collection.

  45.  In the text, Stein in fact makes a distinction between having faith “simply” and having faith through the intervention of prophecies: the former is the prerogative of believers like a group of French POWs who “took it simply and completely for granted that the Germans were not going to win.” In contrast, Stein notes, “Well we the civilian population did not have it [faith] so simply, we had to have the prophecies of Saint Odile but they did help a lot” (W 37).

  46.  Gertrude Stein, Mrs. Reynolds (Los Angeles: Sun & Moon Press, 1995), 313 (hereafter cited in the text as MR).

  47.  Here I would take issue with Karen Lawrence’s claim that for Stein prophecy is useful because it is a form of “pre-diction,” providing a “language that paradoxically prevents foreclosure.” Karen Lawrence, “Who Could Have Read the Signs? Politics and Prediction in Gertrude Stein’s Mrs. Reynolds and Christine Brooke-Rose’s Amalgamemnon,” Western Humanities Review 59, no. 2 (Fall 2005): 20. My sense is that Stein, like her character Mrs. Reynolds, is drawn to prophecy precisely because of its dictative power, as a speech-act that can bring into being a given future.

  48.  See chap. 1 of Will, Gertrude Stein, Modernism, and the Problem of “Genius,” (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2000).

  49.  “Naturally if you were born in the nineteenth century when evolution first began to be known, and everything was being understood, really understood everybody knew that if everything was really being and going to be understood, and if everything was understood then there would be progress and if there was going to be progress there would not be any wars, and if there were not any wars then everything could be and would be understood.… That was what the nineteenth century knew to be true, and they wanted it to be like that … and now everybody knows that although everybody is civilised there is no progress and everybody knows even though anybody flies higher and higher they cannot explain eternity any more than before, and everybody can persecute anybody just as much if not more than ever, it is rather ridiculous so much science, so much civilisation” (W 40).

  50.  William James, “The Will to Believe,” in The Will to Believe and Other Essays in Popular Philosophy (Mineola, N.Y.: Dover, 1956), 6.

  51.  Peter Brown, Society and the Holy in Late Antiquity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982), 330. In his analysis of saints in late antiquity, the eminent historian Brown emphasizes the inextricable ties between saints and their local communities. “It was through the hard business of living his life for twenty-four hours in the day, through catering for the day-to-day needs of his locality, through allowing his person to be charged with the normal hopes and fears of his fellow men, that the holy man gained the power in society” (105). Likewise, the “miracles” worked by saints, as well as their providential powers, spoke to the expectations of a “cure” in the eyes of the suffering society around them. A saint who prophesied a certain outcome to a present uncertainty gave “form, and so the hope of resolution to what is experienced … as the nebulous and intractable fact of suffering” (142). Simply through the appropriateness of this form-giving act, the saint produced “an oasis of certainty in the conflicting aims and traditions of the world” (148). After death, saints continued to reflect and direct the hopes of their communities, serving as “the heavy voice of the group” in heightened situations of anxiety or fear (330).

  52.  W 44; italics mine. The possibility that Stein’s sentence contains a comma splice (with “as” commencing a new sentence) does not alter its meaning. The entire sentence continues, “as we all have been cherishing copies of this prophecy ever since 1940, and as there is a copy in Latin of the original prophecy in Lyon, which one of the young Seminarists at Belley translated for me into French, there is no doubt about it.”

  53.  A similar instance of grammar underscoring the will to believe in the face of skepticism is apparent in the double negatives at the end of a letter Stein wrote to W. G. Rogers shortly after the fall of France: “Everybody is feeling more hopeful and the prophecies go on, we are all now completely devoted to St. Odile, who says the germans will leave France being impelled thereto by a mal etrange [peculiar sickness], and I am not sure that she is not right” (Rogers, When This You See Remember Me, 210).

  54.  Marrus and Paxton, Vichy France and the Jews, 98. See also note 40, above.

  55.  Ibid., 100.

  56.  Ibid.

  57.  There is no evidentiary basis for the contention by Charles Glass, in his recent book Americans in Paris, 148, that the Vichy regime did not discriminate against American Jews “to maintain cordial relations with Washington.” As Charles L. Robertson has shown, there were many instances in which both German and Vichy authorities discriminated against Americans, including Jews. Charles L. Robertson, Professor Emeritus of Government, Smith College, chapter 4 of unpublished manuscript “They Stayed: Americans in Paris Under the Nazi Occupation.”

  58.  Her landlord, M. Putz, had leased Stein the house since 1929, when she had displaced the lieutenant who was living there. See chapter 2.

  59.  According to Stein’s friend W. G. Rogers, such a move promised greater safety because Culoz, a railroad town, “was more important than Bilignin to the Germans, whose hand lay less onerously on the population which supplied labor to keep essential trains running” (Rogers, When This You See Remember Me, 199). Faÿ’s involvement in the issue is obscure, but he notes in Les précieux that he kept an eye on them after their move (LP 163).

  60.  Carmen Callil, Bad Faith: A Forgotten History of Family and Fatherland (London: Jonathan Cape, 2006), 370.

  61.  See Saint-Pierre, Gertrude Stein, le Bugey, la guerre. Although relying on published sources for his sense of Stein’s wartime activities, Saint-Pierre adds much to our knowledge of the friends and neighbors who surrounded her during the war.

  62.  Eric Sevareid, Not So Wild a Dream (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1946), 458–459. A story in Wars I Have Seen about a French Jewish woman who was protected by an official in the prefecture of Chambéry during the war is provocative but sheds little light on Stein’s own situation. As Stein notes at the end of this anecdote: “Most of the French officials were like that really like that” (W 160), a statement that leaves ambiguous whether the French officials who did indeed deal with Stein “were like that really like that.”

  63.  Stein recounts a conversation with a French shopkeeper in Aixles-Bains: “and he said and these gentlemen, that is the way the Germans are always mentioned and these gentlemen do not bother you and I said no we are women and past the age to be bothered and beside I said I am a writer and so the French people take care of me” (W 78).

  64.  “Everybody is feeling more hopeful and the prophecies go on, we are all now completely devoted to St. Odile,” Stein writes in one letter to Rogers, and then later, “I have come across lots of new old predictions … everybody brings them to me and tells me about them and I like it, and as they all predict the same, not too long away and France victor and it is a comfort” (Rogers, When This You See Remember Me, 210).

  65.  Stendhal, The Red and the Black, trans. Burton Raffel (New York: Random House, 2004), 6.

  66.  This untitled interview is reported in Rogers, When This You See Remember Me, 212.

  67.  Stein, “La langue française,” 36–37.

  68.  Stein, Lectures in America, 158–159.

  69.  Gertrude Stein, “A Transatlantic Interview 1946,” in The Gender of Modernism, ed. Bonnie Kime Scott (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1990), 504.

  70.  Although it is outside the scope of this study, the notion of “exactitude” plays an important role in Stein’s aesthetic, especially in problematizing the idea that this aesthetic is somehow antireferential or indeterminate, unmoored from any conceptual “ground” or logical system. See Jennifer Ashton, “‘Rose is a Rose’: Gertrude Stein and the Critique of Indeterminacy,” Modernism/modernity 9, no. 4 (November 2002): 581–604.

  71.  Stein, quoted in Thornton Wilder, “Introduction,” FIA, vi.

  72.  Stein, “My Last About Money,” 112.

  73.  Gertrude Stein, “A Political Series,” in Painted Lace and Other Pieces, 1914–1937 (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1955).

  74.  Stein, quoted in Rogers, When This You See Remember Me, 216; EA 309.

  75.  Samuel Kalman, The Extreme Right in Interwar France: The Faisceau and the Croix de Feu (London: Ashgate, 2008), 9.

  76.  Stein, “More About Money,” 108.

  77.  J. G. Shields, The Extreme Right in France: From Pétain to Le Pen (New York: Routledge, 2007). Shields writes that even by the late nineteenth century, “the competing claims of Bourbon, Orléanist, and Bonapartist dynasties made monarchism a complex, and ultimately self-defeating cause” and during the 1930s, the Right “deriv[ed] its ideological impetus less from monarchism than from an authoritarian nationalism” (24).

  78.  Samuel M. Steward, Dear Sammy: Letters from Gertrude Stein and Alice B. Toklas (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1977), 61–62.

  79.  John Hellman, The Knight-Monks of Vichy France: Uriage, 1940–1945 (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1993), 10.

  80.  Antoine Delestre, Uriage, une communauté et une école dans la tourmente, 1940–1945 (Nancy: Presses Universitaires de Nancy, 1989), 148.

  81.  Hellman, The Communitarian Third Way: Alexandre Marc’s Ordre Nouveau, 1930–2000 (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2002), 88. See also chapter 5, note 38.

  82.  See John Hellman, Emmanuel Mounier and the New Catholic Left 1930–1950 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1981), 176.

  83.  Gertrude Stein letter to Thornton Wilder, August 25, 1938. In Edward M. Burns and Ulla E. Dydo with William Rice, The Letters of Gertrude Stein and Thornton Wilder (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1996), 222.

  84.  According to Samuel Steward, Daniel-Rops “had a congenital defect that kept his eyelids at half-droop, so that he had to tilt his head backward to look at you to talk, and he was thin as a rail.” Steward, Dear Sammy, 18.

  85.  Gertrude Stein letter to M. le Prefet in the handwriting of Henri Daniel-Rops, n.d. Gertrude Stein and Alice B. Toklas Papers, Yale Collection of American Literature, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library. (All of the Prefect letters are to be found in Box 134, folders 2951–2953). The last point about Faÿ is written in the hand of Alice Toklas and then crossed out.

  86.  “Monsieur le Prefet, On vient de me demander de preparer de toute urgence un ouvrage pour les Etats-Unis sur la France au printemps de 1941. Pour cet ouvrage il faut que je circule en automobile” (“Mr. Prefect, I have just been asked urgently to prepare a book on France for the United States in the spring of 1941. For this book it is necessary that I be able to drive”). Gertrude Stein letter to M. le Prefet, April 17, 1941. In Gertrude Stein and Alice B. Toklas Papers, Yale Collection of American Literature, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library.

  87.  Gertrude Stein letter to Mister the Prefet, n.d. Gertrude Stein and Alice B. Toklas Papers, Yale Collection of American Literature, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library. The letter is in Stein’s handwriting, followed by a French translation in the handwriting of Alice Toklas.

  88.  Le Général de La Laurencie letter to Monsieur l’Amiral de la Flotte Darlan, May 2, 1941. Gertrude Stein and Alice B. Toklas Papers, Yale Collection of American Literature, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library. A copy of the same letter also exists in the personal file of the général in the Archives of the French Army, Vincennes.

  89.  Johanna Barasz, “Un vichyste en Résistance, le général de La Laurencie,” Vingtième Siècle 94 (April–June 2007): 169.

  90.  Général de La Laurencie was involved in getting Faÿ’s nemesis Marcel Déat arrested in December 1940, for which de La Laurencie was himself sacked by the Germans. See Herbert Lottman, Pétain: Hero or Traitor (New York: William Morrow, 1985), 226–227.

  91.  Barasz, “Un vichyste en Résistance,” 167.

  92.  In fact, La Laurencie would be solicited by the Americans (Leahy in particular) to play the role that de Gaulle finally did.

  93.  Report by Général de La Laurencie on the “General Situation” of the Occupied Zone in France, November 17, 1940, n19. In archival file “Reports of the Prefects of Vichy,” Institut d’Histoire du Temps Présent. http://www.ihtp.cnrs.fr/prefets/fr/f171140dgto.html#_ftn19.

  94.  Le Maréchal Pétain, Paroles aux français, messages et écrits 1934–1941, ed. and introduced by Gabriel-Louis Jaray (Lyon: H. Lardanchet, 1941). Gertrude Stein’s unpublished introduction and translations to the speeches of Maréchal Pétain, in Gertrude Stein and Alice B. Toklas Papers, Yale Collection of American Literature, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library. Gabriel Louis-Jaray was a scholar of Freemasonry and the executive director of the Comité France-Amerique and its publishing organ, the Institut des Études Américaines. Founded in 1909 to “inform and alert leaders and public opinion of the importance assumed by the United States in the life of the world” (“L’Historique de France Amérique,” http://www.france-ameriques.org), the Comité France-Amerique was also presided over by Pétain during the 1930s until his appointment as ambassador to Spain in 1939. Burns and Dydo, The Letters of Gertrude Stein and Thornton Wilder, 405. During the Vichy regime, Jaray would not only edit the speeches of Pétain in French but also “place his Institut at the government’s disposal as a minor conduit for American diplomacy.” John Harvey, “Conservative Crossings: Bernard Faÿ and the Rise of American Studies in Third-Republic France,” Historical Reflections/Réflexions Historiques 36, no. 1 (Spring 2010): 101. In the only letter from him to Stein housed at the Beinecke Library, dated October 23, 1942, Jaray makes it clear that he has attempted to intervene with “my Vichy friends” about some unnamed matter on her behalf. YCAL Mss 76, Box 107, Folder 2147. In the 1942 article in Stein’s local paper, Le Bugiste, Jaray is identified as the person who “has made all the arrangements with [Stein]” for the translation of Pétain’s speeches. Le Bugiste article, quoted in Rogers, When This You See Remember Me, 212.

  95.  Rogers, When This You See Remember Me, 213.

  96.  Bridgman notes that Stein “was far from illiterate in French, even if her errors were often gross” (Gertrude Stein in Pieces, 288n).

  97.  Gertrude Stein, “Stanzas in Meditation,” in Stanzas in Meditation and Other Poems (1929–1933) (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1956), 3–151.

  98.  Le Bugiste interview, reported in Rogers, When This You See Remember Me, 212.

  99.  Susan Sontag, “Fascinating Fascism,” in Under the Sign of Saturn (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1980), 71–105. Sontag’s essay underscores the link between fascism and sadomasochism, emphasizing the insistence with which representations of fascism portray its extreme exercise of power and barbaric violence as a form of sadomasochistic erotics. See also Laura Frost, Sex Drives: Fantasies of Fascism in Literary Modernism (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2002). For a contrasting reading of Stein’s representation of Pétain as full of “quiet comedy,” see John Whittier-Ferguson, “Stein in Time: History, Manuscripts, Memory,” Modernism/modernity 6, no. 1 (1999): 24–25.

100.  In the opening paragraph of Wars I Have Seen, for example, Stein notes “that I was the youngest of the children and as such naturally I had privileges the privilege of petting the privilege of being the youngest one. If that does happen it is not lost all the rest of one’s life, there you are you are privileged, nobody can do anything but take care of you, that is the way I was and that is the way I still am” (W 1).

101.  Hemingway’s portrayal of Stein and Toklas in A Moveable Feast cannot be separated from his own strained feelings toward Stein in this arena. See Ernest Hemingway, A Moveable Feast (New York: Scribner, 2009), 92, as well as Janet Malcolm’s mention of this episode and of the “regular repertoire of sadomasochistic games the couple [Stein and Toklas] played. Two Lives: Gertrude and Alice (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2007), 63. Stein’s masochism seems to have been linked to her lifelong obsession with the death of children, arising from a macabre personal calculus in which she attributed her own existence to the fact that she had been conceived to replace an older sibling who died at birth. Throughout her life, Stein would return obsessively to the themes of survival, identity, and nonexistence, often in relation to the number five (the number of children in her own family). See also Stein’s college essay “In The Red Deeps” (1895): “When I had a hurt, I would press it til the agony of the pain thrilled me with an exquisite delight. As in the physical so in the mental world did I revel in the joy of suffering.” In Gertrude Stein and Alice B. Toklas Papers, Yale Collection of American Literature, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library. For the masochism in Stein’s love notes to Toklas, see “A Command Poem,” in Baby Precious Always Shines: Selected Love Notes Between Gertrude Stein and Alice B. Toklas, ed. Kay Turner (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1999), 109. See also “Pink Melon Joy” (1915), with its suggestive passage titled “Harnessing on or another. Harnessing another.” Gertrude Stein, “Pink Melon Joy,” in A Stein Reader, ed. Ulla E. Dydo (Evanston, Ill.: Northwestern University Press, 1993), 301.

102.  “In time of war you know much more what children feel than in time of peace.… In time of peace what children feel concerns the lives of the children as children but in time of war there is a mingling there is not children’s lives and grown up lives there is just lives and so quite naturally you have to know what children feel. And so it being now war and I seeing just incidentally but nevertheless inevitably seeing and knowing of the feeling of children of any age I do not now have to remember about my feeling but just feel the feeling of having been a certain age” (W 3).

103.  Wanda Van Dusen, “Portrait of a National Fetish: Gertrude Stein’s Introduction to the Speeches of Maréchal Pétain (1942),” Modernism/modernity 3, no. 3 (1996): 70.

104.  Stein has “a Frenchman” utter this phrase in a paragraph that reports the complex points of view of “any one French one.” At issue in her reportage is not the fact that people “helped to ruin France” but that any defeat of France by the English would “bring … back into France” these same people (presumably, Third Republic politicians and supporters of de Gaulle). Gertrude Stein, introduction to the speeches of Maréchal Pétain, Gertrude Stein and Alice B. Toklas Papers, Yale Collection of American Literature, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library.

105.  Gertrude Stein, introduction to the speeches of Maréchal Pétain, Gertrude Stein and Alice B. Toklas Papers, Yale Collection of American Literature, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library; W 57.

106.  Gertrude Stein, introduction to the speeches of Maréchal Pétain, Gertrude Stein and Alice B. Toklas Papers, Yale Collection of American Literature, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library. The Stein collection includes her introduction in manuscript, along with a typed transcription of it and a typed copy of a translation of the project by Paul Genin, entitled “Projet d’introduction à un edition américaine des ‘Paroles Aux Français.’”

107.  For an informed reading of Stein’s wartime actions, see Liesl M. Olson, “Gertrude Stein, William James, and Habit in the Shadow of War” Twentieth-Century Literature 49, no. 3 (Fall 2003): 328–359. Olson writes that “[Stein’s] reaction to the twentieth century’s worst crimes illuminates an extremely problematic escapism, cloaked as pacifism and anchored in habit” (350).

108.  These plays are collected in a volume entitled The First Reader and Three Plays (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1948).

109.  Phoebe Stein Davis, “‘Even Cake Gets to Have Another Meaning: History, Narrative, and ‘Daily Living’ in Gertrude Stein’s World War II Writings,” Modern Fiction Studies 44, no. 3 (1998): 579.

110.  Stein’s nationalist rhetoric in Wars is surprising, given the disastrous effects of nationalism in the very epoch she chronicles. Perhaps this explains the somewhat defensive tone of the following passage: “Nobody not born in a country or if they are born in another country by accident must be born of parents born in that country, nobody not born in a country has really the ultimate feeling of that country. Let them have all the privileges of residence, of earning their living in that country or of enjoying that country but not of becoming citizens of that country. Citizenship is a right of birth and should remain so … after all I am an American, and it always does come back to that I was born there, and one’s native land is one’s native land you cannot get away from it and only the native sons and daughters should be citizens of the country and that is all there is to it” (W 86). Later on, Stein makes a comment that is of a piece with this statement, referring to the distinction between “emigrant families” and “pure American families” (W 166).

111.  See Burns and Dydo, The Letters of Gertrude Stein and Thornton Wilder, 420. Their appendix on Stein’s war years also discusses her relationship with the French publisher René Tavernier, who published writings by Stein in his wartime journal Confluences, including—somewhat bizarrely—excerpts of Everybody’s Autobiography in which Stein discusses Faÿ (418–421). Burns and Dydo note that Tavernier was aware of Faÿ’s role as Stein’s protector, and it is possible that he understood the political expediency of publishing these excerpts in order to underscore the Stein-Faÿ friendship.

112.  On July 28, 1944, at the instigation of Picasso, Faÿ wrote to a Monsieur Courtet requesting that he contact the Nazi Service for the Protection of Fine Arts to prohibit the confiscation of paintings at Stein’s rue Christine apartment. On July 31, Faÿ wrote Picasso that he had received assurances that “no one [will] touch the collections of Gertrude.” D d’I, AN Z/6/291.

113.  In an undated letter where Stein refers to wanting to “be of use to France” she notes: “My dear Bernard, We have not said a word to each other but we do know how we feel, sad and glad.” Gertrude Stein to Bernard Faÿ, n.d. From the unpublished correspondence of Gertrude Stein and Bernard Faÿ, Vincent Faÿ collection.

114.  Burns and Dydo, The Letters of Gertrude Stein and Thornton Wilder, 405.

115.  Ibid., 408.

116.  Saint-Pierre, in Gertrude Stein, le Bugey, la guerre, 53n143, notes that “This letter has not been found in the Archives of the Ain, série Z (sous-préfets).” The Ain is the département that includes the Bugey, where Stein was living during the war.

117.  D d’I, AN Z/6/291.

118.  Michèle Cointet, Pétain et les Français, 250; Bénédicte Vergez-Chaignon, Le docteur Ménétrel, eminence grise et confident du Maréchal Pétain (Paris: Perrin, 2001), 10. In 1944, Pierre Laval remarked about Ménétrel: “I had predicted everything except that France would be governed by a doctor.” Laval, quoted in Julian Jackson, France: The Dark Years, 1940–1944 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 145.

119.  Bernard Faÿ dossier (Renseignements Generaux), Archives de la Prefecture de la Police, Paris.

120.  Bernard Faÿ letter to Gertrude Stein, February 7, 1942. Gertrude Stein and Alice B. Toklas Papers, Yale Collection of American Literature, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library. Faÿ writes: “Pour la traduction, je n’ai point encore eu l’occasion d’en parler en detail avec le Maréchal, mais en gros, l’idée lui plaît” (“About the translation, I haven’t yet had the occasion to speak in detail about it with the Marshal, but in general the idea pleases him”). Burns and Dydo note that Stein received a contract for the book in October 1942 from Gabriel-Louis Jaray, but “no copy of the contract is preserved. Burns and Dydo, The Letters of Gertrude Stein and Thornton Wilder, 409.

121.  “… si j’y étais alle le Maréchal m’aurait écouté, puis il aurait écouté Ménétrel et il aurait finalement tout oublié.” From deposition by Denise Aimé Azam (March 7, 1946), in D d’I, AN Z/6/290.

122.  The Ménétrel file in the Archives Nationales contains several letters from Bernard Faÿ, including one that shows the two men arranging to have Pétain return to Paris in the spring of 1944, an event that Stein also explicitly praises in Wars I Have Seen (114). “Bertrand Ménétrel” dossier, AN 2/AG/75.

123.  According to the French historian Lucien Sabah, Bernard Faÿ was involved in another such exchange agreement involving his friend Denise Aimé Azam, later to become a friend of Alice B. Toklas (see epilogue). Sabah cites secret documents from the preparation file for the trial against the Secret Societies Department of the Vichy administration (“Service des Sociétés Secrètes”) in November-December 1946 (see chap. 5). One of these documents, which Sabah speculates was written by Gueydan de Roussel, quotes from the journal of Denise Azam, who was Jewish by origin but a Christian convert and who is discussing Faÿ’s being nominated to the post of Director of the Bibliothèque Nationale in 1940: “‘Sécurité matérielle pour lui, c’est-à-dire tranquillité pour moi.’” De Roussel (?) comments, “Cette phrase a pu signifier que Faÿ a reçu de l’argent de Mme Azam avant sa nomination” (“This phrase could signify that Faÿ received money from Mrs. Azam before his nomination”). See Lucien Sabah, “Annexe: Au sujet de Faÿ,” in Une police politique de Vichy: le Service des Sociétés Secrètes (Paris: Klinksieck, 1996), 428.

124.  Le Bugiste article, in Rogers, When This You See Remember Me, 212–213; for Stein’s discussions with Genin and Faÿ’s letters to her about the translation project, see Burns and Dydo, The Letters of Gertrude Stein and Thornton Wilder, 408–410.

5. FAŸ’S WAR: WINNERS AND LOSERS (1940–1946)

    1.  Irène Némirovsky, Suite Française, trans. Sandra Smith (New York: Knopf, 2006), 29.

    2.  Gueydan de Roussel, journal entry of June 14, 1940. JGR 99.

    3.  Pierre Ordioni, Tout commence à Alger, 40–44 (Paris: Ed. Stock, 1972), 60. Ordioni shared Faÿ’s royalist sympathies and in 1938 published a book with a preface by Faÿ entitled Vocation monarchique de la France (Paris: Grasset, 1938).

    4.  Ordioni, Tout commence à Alger, 60. To Gonzague de Reynold Faÿ was equally bracing, describing the crisis of June 1940 as the total overturning of an old world; at such a moment, the need for religious constancy was paramount. Bernard Faÿ to Gonzague to Reynold, June 3, 1940. From the unpublished correspondence of Bernard Faÿ to Gonzague de Reynold, Archives littéraires suisses (ALS), Fonds Gonzague de Reynold.

    5.  In JGR 300, there is a letter from Jean Marques-Rivière to Gueydan de Roussel, dated January 4, 1943, stating that Faÿ was given the BN appointment with the strong support of Docteur Ménétrel. According to Pierre Chevallier, Ménétrel was an avowed anti-Mason and “one of the most fervent supporters of the publication of the list of [Masonic] brothers in the Journal officiel.” Pierre Chevallier, Histoire de la franc-maçonnerie francais (Paris: Fayard, 1974), 3:315.

    6.  Bernard Faÿ, La guerre des trois fous: Hitler-Staline-Roosevelt (Paris: Perrin, 1968), 177 (hereafter cited in the text as GTF).

    7.  “La mission qui m’était confiée avait pour objet principal … d’effectuer à une époque de grande épreuve nationale, une reforme profonde.” JGR 275.

    8.  Bernard Faÿ letter to Gertrude Stein, September 13, 1941. In Donald Gallup, ed. The Flowers of Friendship: Letters Written to Gertrude Stein (New York: Alfred Knopf, 1953), 356. Linda Wagner-Martin comments: “The irony of his using the pronoun your when Jewish books were already banned is not acknowledged.” “Favored Strangers”: Gertrude Stein and Her Family (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1995), 246.

    9.  “George Washington. Exposition organisée pour la commemoration de centcinquantième anniversaire de la Constitution américaine” (Paris: Bibliothèque nationale, 1936).

  10.  See “Julien Cain,” by Thérèse Kleindienst, in Histoire des bibliothèques françaises (Paris, 1992), 4:94–95. As well as being Jewish, Cain was also identified with two aggravating factors that influenced his dismissal: he took part in the ill-fated Reynaud administration and followed the government to Bordeaux after France’s defeat, and, according to an anonymous letter in the Cain archives at the Centre de Documentation Juive Contemporaine (hereafter referred to in the text as CDJC), Cain was also a “high-ranking Freemason … he is considered by the French as one of the chief figures of decay [décomposition] in France.” It is likely that the author of this letter was Guillaume de Van, the music librarian at the BN from 1937 on and a close associate of Bernard Faÿ. From Archives of the CDJC, Mémorial de la Shoah, Paris, CXLI-I90.

  11.  In GTF 228, Faÿ describes how he attempted to aid Cain when he was faced with deportation, but in a “Rapport au Ministre de l’Education nationale sur la discipline de la BN” (“Report to the Minister of National Education Concerning the Discipline of the BN”), Faÿ referred to Cain explicitly as an “Israelite” and “a militant member of the Popular Front” who “had introduced a number of unsavory elements” into the BN during his tenure. See D d’I, AN Z/6/292.

  12.  The law against secret societies was crafted by Vichy Minister of the Interior Adrien Marquet and Vichy Minister of Justice Raphaël Alibert. Chevallier, Histoire de la franc-maçonnerie française, 3:328.

  13.  The phrase—“délire obsidional”—belongs to Marc Olivier Baruch, in Servir l’état français: L’administration en France de 1940 a 1944 (Paris: Fayard, 1997), 435.

  14.  Bernard Faÿ, “On My Activities from September 1939 to 1944,” Ex 0683.698.34, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library.

  15.  See Charles Rist, Une saison gâtée: Journal de la guerre et de l’occupation (1939–1945) (Paris: Fayard, 1983), 433–434. Rist, the distinguished French economist, noted that Faÿ “sees Masons everywhere.… He is a mean and dishonest man.” On Faÿ’s frequent appearance as Pétain’s dinner guest, see the memoirs of Pétain’s chief of staff, Henri du Moulin de Labarthète, Le temps des illusions: Souvenirs (Juillet 1940–Avril 1942) (Geneva: Les Eds. du Cheval Ailé, 1946): “Bernard Faÿ was … one of the regulars at the Hotel du Parc. He expressed himself with an exasperating courtesy and seemed marked by a sort of lethargy of the heart. His astonishing erudition impressed the Marshal, who too willingly gave him free rein.… But we knew him to be gripped by a solid ambition. He wanted in fact to replace [Jêrome] Carcopino at the Ministry of Education” (“Bernard Faÿ était … l’un des familiers de l’Hotel du Parc [Pétain’s residence in Vichy]. Il s’exprimait avec une courtoisie désespérante et semblait frappé d’une sorte d’atonie du coeur. Son étonnante érudition faisait l’admiration du Maréchal qui lui lâchait trop volontiers la bride.… Mais nous le savions mordu d’une solide ambition. Il désirait en fait remplacer Carcopino à l’Éducation nationale”) (249–250).

  16.  “La Franc-Maçonnerie est la principale responsable de nos malheurs actuels, c’est elle qui a appris aux Français le mensonge et c’est le mensonge qui nous a menés où nous sommes.” Quoted in André Combes, La franc-maçonnerie sous l’occupation (Paris: Ed. du Rocher, 2001), 53.

  17.  Philippe Burrin, France Under the Germans: Collaboration and Compromise (New York: The New Press, 1996), 47.

  18.  Nicholas Atkin, Pétain (New York: Longman, 1998), 58. For a discussion of Pétain’s ties to the Rassemblement National as well as his possible involvement in a plot to overthrow the Popular Front, see Jacques Nobécourt, Le Colonel de la Rocque (1885–1946) ou les pièges du nationalisme chrétien (Paris; Fayard, 1996), 563, 578, 598.

  19.  Atkin, Pétain, 58.

  20.  See Peter Davies’ excellent overview of right-wing groups in France during the 1930s: The Extreme Right in France, 1789 to the Present: From de Maistre to Le Pen (New York: Routledge, 2002), 79–99. Note that Bernard Faÿ had more than a passing connection to the Croix de Feu league: he wrote the “Préface” to a book authored by Maurice d’Hartoy, founder of the league. Bernard Faÿ, “Préface,” in Maurice d’Hartoy, Histoire du passeport français: Depuis l’antiquité jusqu’à nos jours (Paris: Librairie Ancienne Honoré Champion, 1936), 5–6.

  21.  GTF 134.

  22.  A U.S. War Department pamphlet on French profascist groups gives more information about the second incarnation of the Rassemblement National. Known as the Rassemblement National Populaire, it was founded with German backing by Marcel Déat on February 1, 1941. It differed from its predecessor in being less pro-Pétain and more pro-Nazi: in fact, “the group was intended as a countermove against Marshal Pétain’s short-lived Rassemblement National and as a protest against the dismissal of Laval in December 1940.” “French Pro-fascist Groups,” U.S. War Department Pamphlet no. 31–191 (October 5, 1944), 14. Déat’s party was in fact the first political party to be founded under the occupation.

  23.  Bernard Faÿ letter to Gonzague de Reynold, October 7, 1937. From the unpublished correspondence of Bernard Faÿ to Gonzague de Reynold. Archives littéraires suisses (ALS), Fonds Gonzague de Reynold.

  24.  See chapter 3, note 36.

  25.  William D. Irvine quotes Republican Federation leader Victor Perret in 1935: “the great majority of all Frenchmen today condemn parliamentarianism” (French Conservatism in Crisis [Baton Rouge: Louisiana State UP, 1979]), 101.

  26.  Julius Evola, “United Europe: The Spiritual Pre-Requisite,” The Scorpion 9 (1986): 18.

  27.  Bernard Oudin, Aristide Briand (Paris: Perrin, 2004), 534ff.

  28.  Jeffrey Mehlman, in Emigré New York: French Intellectuals in Wartime Manhattan, 1940–1944 (Baltimore, Md.: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000), writes: “It was one of the ironies of history that Briand’s dream of 1930 had now turned into a nightmare. The elements of Briand’s vision—a new European union, centered on Franco-German collaboration, resting on an ideological bed of pacifism—had become the elements of Pétain’s France” (178).

  29.  Roger Griffin, “Europe for the Europeans: Fascist Myths of the New Order, 1922–1992,” in A Fascist Century (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), 140.

  30.  Evola, “United Europe: The Spiritual Pre-Requisite,” 20.

  31.  Anthony Adamthwaite, Grandeur and Misery: France’s Bid for Power in Europe, 1914–1940 (London: Arnold, 1995), 221.

  32.  Bernard Bruneteau, “L’Europe nouvelle” de Hitler: Une illusion des intellectuels de la France de Vichy (Monaco: Rocher, 2003), chap. 5.

  33.  Anthony James Gregor, The Ideology of Fascism: The Rationale of Totalitarianism (New York: The Free Press, 1969), 356.

  34.  Evola, “United Europe: The Spiritual Pre-Requisite,” 18; Hans K. E. L. Keller, La troisième Europe (Zurich and Paris: Ed. Batschari, 1934), 41.

  35.  John Hellman, The Communitarian Third Way: Alexandre Marc’s Ordre Nouveau, 1930–2000 (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2002), 37. While “New Europe” identified itself as a trans-European movement, it took different forms in different countries. In England, the New Britain/New Europe movement that became “Federal Union” in 1938 was militantly antipacifist and antiappeasement, oriented toward ties between Britain and European countries opposed to Nazi expansion. See Griffin, “Europe for the Europeans,” 146–155.

  36.  Hellman, The Communitarian Third Way, 125.

  37.  Ibid., 127.

  38.  “Lettre à Hitler,” Ordre Nouveau 5 (November 1933): 11. John Hellman proves that the letter, although signed only “Ordre nouveau,” was in fact composed by Alexandre Marc and Henri Daniel-Rops. Hellman, The Communitarian Third Way, 87.

  39.  Zeev Sternhell, Neither Right nor Left: Fascist Ideology in France (Berkeley: University California Press, 1986), 286.

  40.  The phrase belongs to the nineteenth-century German philosopher Constantin Frantz, who, like Friedrich Nietzsche, provided the Nazis with an intellectual framework for the Third Reich. Lucien de Sainte-Lorette, L’idèe d’union federale européene (Paris: Librairie Armand Colin, 1955), 105. In fact, as Paul Kluke has argued, “the Nazis, except for purely propagandistic purposes, had no concept of a united Europe, but conceived instead an all-powerful Germany enslaving the rest of the Continent.” Kluke, cited in Geoffrey G. Field, “Nordic Racism,” Journal of the History of Ideas 38, no. 3 (July–September 1977): 533.

  41.  Hellman discusses this in The Communitarian Third Way, 29–50. See also Burrin, France Under the Germans, 53.

  42.  Griffin, “Europe for the Europeans,” 151.

  43.  Drieu, paraphrased in ibid.

  44.  Darlan, quoted in de Sainte-Lorette, L’idée d’union fédérale européene, 106.

  45.  In 1933, Faÿ wrote a two-part essay that appeared in the nonconformist journal La Revue du Siècle, edited by Jean de Fabrègues (a founding member of the Jeune Droite movement who would eventually take an active role in Vichy policy and who, after the war, would remain a player in the European federalist movement). See Bernard Faÿ, “D’un cahier de rêves,” La Revue du Siècle 2 (May 1933): 21–27. For Faÿ’s intellectual ties to Emmanuel Mounier and the Catholic nonconformist movement, see René Remond and Janine Bourdin, La France et les français en 1938–1939 (Paris: Presses de la fondation nationale des sciences politiques, 1978), 135.

  46.  “Manifeste d’intellectuels français pour la defense de l’Occident,” Le Temps (October 4, 1935): 2. This manifesto was signed by sixty-four individuals.

  47.  Massis, quoted in Jean-François Sirnielli, Intellectuels et passions françaises (Paris: Fayard, 1990), 94. This book also contains the complete version of the “Manifeste d’intellectuels français” (92–93).

  48.  “Manifeste aux intellectuels espagnols,” Occident, le Bimensuel Franco-Espagnol 4 (December 10, 1937). The manifesto was signed by forty-two individuals.

  49.  Bernard Faÿ letter to Gonzague de Reynold, October 1, 1937. From the unpublished correspondence of Bernard Faÿ to Gonzague de Reynold, Archives littéraires suisses (ALS), Fonds Gonzague de Reynold. Faÿ writes to de Reynold that he has just returned from Spain, where he saw de Reynold’s book Portugal in the office of General Franco.

  50.  Bernard Faÿ, Les forces de l’Espagne: Voyage à Salamanque (Paris: S. G. I. E., 1937), 13–14, 48, 45, 49.

  51.  Bernard Faÿ, “L’Espagne et son destin,” La Revue Universelle 16 (November 15, 1937), 397.

  52.  Faÿ would continue these efforts when in June 1938 he presided over the creation of a “French association for the restoration of hospital sanctuaries and orphanages in Spain” This organization, whose motto was “Solidarité d’Occident” (“Solidarity of the West”), affirmed its commitment “to the Christian spirit and to its traditions which have produced France and the other Western nations.” Cited in Gisèle Sapiro, La guerre des écrivains, 1940–1953 (Paris: Fayard, 1999), 160.

  53.  “U.S. Is Held in Danger of Going Communist: Professor Bernard Faÿ of Paris Tells Germans America Faces an Economic Catastrophe,” New York Times (March 12, 1937): L13.

  54.  Bernard Faÿ, “Europa ist eine Wirklichkeit,” Deutsch-Französische Monatshefte / Cahiers franco-allemands 7–8 (1937), 217–220. See also note 60, below.

  55.  Sylvain Schirmann, Quel ordre européen? De Versailles à la chute du IIIè Reich (Paris: Armand Colin, 2006), 272.

  56.  Pétain, quoted in François Darlan, Lettres et notes de l’amiral Darlan (Paris: Economica, 1992), 201.

  57.  The incident is recounted in Arthur M. Schlesinger, In Retrospect: The History of a Historian (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1963), 144. Schlesinger also adds, without elaboration, that he had a “low estimate of Faÿ as a historian.”

  58.  “‘Culture-Direction’ in Paris,” The Library Association Record 42 (December 1940): 298.

  59.  “Black List,” Life (August 24, 1942): 86.

  60.  In his article “Le ‘couple France-Allemagne’ vu par les Nazis: L’idéologie du ‘rapprochement franco-allemand’ dans les Deutsch-Französiche Monatshefte / Cahiers franco-allemands (1934–1939),” in Entre Locarno et Vichy: Les relations culturelles franco-allemandes dans les années 1930, ed. Bock, Meyer-Kalkus, and Trebitsch (Paris: CNRS editions, 1993), Michel Grunewald notes that the journal was fundamentally pro-Nazi and sought above all to make its readership “accept the idea that only the politics of Hitler serves the peace, and by consequence constitutes the best foundation for a solid reconciliation between the French and the Germans” (133).

  61.  For more on the Rive Gauche bookstore and its role in collaborationist Paris, see Alice Kaplan, The Collaborator: The Trial and Execution of Robert Brasillach (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000), 44, 155. During the Vichy regime, Henri Jamet would also become the editor of the confiscated publishing house Calmann-Lévy, renamed Editions Balzac.

  62.  According to a note by Faÿ, more than fifty German officers worked in the library on a daily basis. Cited in Martine Poulain, “La Bibliothèque nationale sous l’occupation: Les ‘difficultés’ de la collaboration ou comment servir deux maîtres,” Gutenburg-Jahrbuch (2004): 264.

  63.  See Jérome Carcopino, Souvenirs de sept ans: 1937–1944 (Paris: Flammarion, 1953): 457–460.

  64.  See Michael Sontheimer, “German Libraries Hold Thousands of Looted Volumes,” Der Spiegel (October 24, 2008). http://www.spiegel.de/international/germany/0,1518,586379,00.html.

  65.  GTF 206.

  66.  Faÿ, “On My Activities,” 3.

  67.  Three versions of the Liste Otto were published: on September 28, 1940; July 8, 1942; and May 10, 1943.

  68.  On July 11, 1942, Faÿ wrote to Gueydan de Roussel, asking him to transmit the message to Gestapo Lt. Moritz: “before leaving Paris, I ordered and arranged that six rows on the side be reserved for Jews in the oval room [Reading Room].” D d’I AN Z/6/290.

  69.  Faÿ, quoted in Poulain, “La Bibliothèque nationale sous l’occupation,” 264. In his postwar trial, Faÿ defended the Salzburg trip, claiming that he went in order to talk “in person” with Dr. Kruss about keeping the Germans from confiscating French archives. The transcript of Faÿ’s trial is in the Paris Archives Nationales, “Le Procès Sociétés Secrètes,” AN 334/AP/22 (hereafter cited in the text as PSS). A shortened version of the trial transcript has been published as a pamphlet: Aux ordres de la Gestapo, une entreprise de Vichy: le Service des Sociétés dites “Secrètes.” Le procès Bernard Faÿ et Consorts. Paris: Foyer Philosophique, n.d.

  70.  Hans Schick (?), “Eine ‘Schrifttumsliste’ für die Pariser Nationalbibliothek (February 1943).” Sent by the Reich Security Main Office Section VII B5 (Schick) at the initiative of Faÿ to the commander of the security police and the security service in France (Biederbick) on February 27, 1943. According to German scholar Gerd Simon, this document can be found in the Bundesarchiv Koblenz, file B I 493, pp. 216–223. It is unclear who actually compiled this list; Hans Schick drafted the document. Also see http://homepages.uni-tuebingen.de/gerd.simon/FaySchrifttum.pdf.

  71.  Faÿ’s denunciation of members of the Sorbonne and Collège de France is seen in a confidential letter he wrote to Pierre Laval on October 31, 1940. D d’I AN Z/6/289.

  72.  Fuchs quoted in Allan Mitchell, Nazi Paris: The History of an Occupation, 1940–1944 (New York: Berghahn Books, 2008), 32n27.

  73.  Unsigned, undated note, translated from the German. D d’I, AN Z/6/288.

  74.  Faÿ’s immediate successor at the BN after the war, Jean Laran, would put his vision in slightly more negative terms: “[Faÿ’s] work is tendentious, often full of lies, whose principal idea is that our Library only prospered under the ancien régime, that the Republic had been fatal to it and that the very condition for its prosperity and prestige is that it be under the direct authority of the Chief of State” (“C’est une oeuvre tendancieuse, souvent mensongère, dont l’idée directrice est que notre Bibliothèque n’a prospéré que sous l’Ancien régime, que la République lui a été funeste et que la condition de sa prospérité et de son prestige est qu’elle soit sous l’autorité directe du chef de l’Etat”). Jean Laran, “Rapport sur la réunion des bibliothèques nationales pendant les années 1943 et 1944,” Journal Officiel de la République française, Annexes administratives (July 25, 1946).

  75.  Poulain, “La Bibliothèque nationale sous l’occupation,” 263.

  76.  In 1940, the Grand Orient had close to 29,000 members; today it has close to 48,000. See Lucien Botrel, Histoire de la franc-maçonnerie francaise sous l’occupation 1940–1945 (Paris: Ed. Détrad, n.d. [1986?]), 28.

  77.  “Decree of August 19, 1940” announcing the “nullité juridique” of the Grand Orient, Journal Officiel (August 20, 1940).

  78.  Mark Mazower notes that “in July 1941, Pétain ordered all civil servants to repeat an earlier compulsory denial that they were freemasons, and he followed this with a spate of public oath-taking ceremonies.” Hitler’s Empire (London: Penguin, 2008), 435.

  79.  Combes, La franc-maçonnerie sous l’occupation, 61–62 and passim.

  80.  The agreement signed by Bernard Faÿ and the Nazi SD is reproduced in Dominique Rossignol, Vichy et les franc-maçons. La liquidation des sociétés secrètes, 1940–1944 (Paris: J-C Lattès, 1981), 117–118.

  81.  “Light was necessary to destroy it” (“Pour le detriure, il fallait la lumière”). Bernard Faÿ, “La liquidation de la F. M. en France,” Les Documents Maçonniques 5 (February 1942): 3.

  82.  Although Jean Marques-Rivière, author of the early anti-Masonic tract La trahison spirituelle de la franc-maçonnerie (Paris: Eds. des Portiques 1931), was the official organizer of this exposition, his help had been solicited by Faÿ, who was himself following orders “by the German authorities to make an anti-Masonic exhibition in Paris.” Dominique Rossignol, Histoire de la propagande en France de 1940 à 1944: L’utopie Pétain (Paris: PUF, 1991), 251.

  83.  Quoted in Charles Grant Hamilton, “Freemasonry, A Prisoner of War,” The New Age 57, no. 3 (March 1949): 150.

  84.  Cited in Rossignol, Vichy et les francs-maçons, 121. Marques-Rivière was also the screenwriter for the anti-Masonic propaganda film Les Forces Occultes, which was first shown in Paris on March 9, 1943.

  85.  GTF 170–171.

  86.  Faÿ describes Moritz as “a type of boxer, always knocked-out, self-enclosed in a hostile silence” (“du genre boxeur toujours K.O. [knocked-out], se renfermait dans un silence hostile”). GTF 207. But in the deposition for his trial, Faÿ is confronted with a document he wrote on June 13, 1943, courteously praising Moritz for “our work in common, that we have made in the midst of so many difficulties and with so much effort” (“ce travail en commun, que nous avons fait parmi tant de difficultés et avec tant de peine”). D d’I AN Z/6/289.

  87.  A fascinating document from the Nazi Central Office of Security in Berlin of October 15, 1941, details the growing unease felt by the German embassy in France toward the “clericalism” of the anti-Masonic faction: “The German ambassador is of the advice that a Frenchman, even if he might have previously belonged to a Lodge as a low-grade Freemason [“petit Franc-Maçon”], is always preferable to a Jesuit.” Quoted in Lucien Sabah, Une police politique de Vichy: le Service des Sociétés Secrètes (Paris: Klinksieck, 1996), 134.

  88.  See JGR 391, which notes an accord between Helmut Knochen (head of the Nazi SP) and Alfred Rosenberg’s office in Germany to send to the latter all historical archives relating to Freemasonry.

  89.  See JGR 108n40: German officers confirm this report.

  90.  Exposé des Faits, PSS. Prosecutors at Faÿ’s trial argued that after the Liberation he tried to hide from the authorities the letter he wrote to Gillouin.

  91.  A list of items discovered after the postwar search of Faÿ’s home at Luceau is in D d’I AN Z/6/289.

  92.  The complete letter from Monsieur Michel Dumesnil de Gramont, Grand Maître de la Grande Loge de France, can be found in JGR 206. Lucien Sabah’s commentary suggests that Faÿ, who knew Dumesnil de Gramont before the war, worked hard to convince the latter that he was a savior of the archives (“that which will be moreover his system of defense in front of the tribunal” [“ce qui sera d’ailleurs son système de défense devant le tribunal”], Sabah comments [JGR 205]).

  93.  Faÿ, described by an unnamed journalist in La Dépeche de Paris (November 27, 1946). Quoted in Dominique Rossignol, “Antifranc-maçonnerie, anti sociétés secrètes: Iconographie de la France occupée 1940–1944” (unpublished 3ème Cycle Thèse, Paris, 1980), 433. Jacques Derrida, Archive Fever: A Freudian Impression (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996).

  94.  Derrida, Archive Fever, 2.

  95.  Carolyn Steedman, Dust: The Archive and Cultural History (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 2002), 67.

  96.  “There is no political power without control of the archive, if not of memory. Effective democratization can always be measured by this essential criterion: the participation in and the access to the archive, its constitution, and its interpretation.” Derrida, Archive Fever, 4n1.

  97.  Antoinette Burton, “Introduction: Archive Fever, Archive Stories,” in Archive Stories: Facts, Fictions, and the Writing of History, ed. Antoinette Burton (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2005), 20.

  98.  Derrida, Archive Fever, 12.

  99.  Fay himself vehemently denied that he was a German agent and claimed to have no familiarity with the matricule VM1 in a deposition for his trial (May 31, 1946, D d’I AN Z/6/291). Yet several original Gestapo documents in his Dossier d’Instruction (Z/6/291) ascertain that Fay was, in fact, VM FR1, including an unsigned document from October 22, 1941 that discusses the disagreement with Pucheu about transferring Masonic files from the unoccupied to the occupied zones (see note 103, below). The argument by his lawyer M. Chresteil that Fay’s matricule “was only for security purposes, used only by the Germans” is far from a convincing defense (Exposé des Faits, PSS). Lucien Sabah even goes so far as to suggest that Faÿ was given “an Information Agent number” as soon as the Nazis arrived in Paris, a fact that would suggest that Faÿ “had already served the Nazis before their arrival in the city,” because his loyalty would have needed to be proven before the assignment of a matricule (JGR 48).

100.  Knochen, quoted in unsigned note, “Bernard Faÿ” (Dossier individuel des Renseignements generaux), Centre des archives contemporaines, Fontainebleau (CAC).

101.  William Gueydan “de” Roussel was a Swiss citizen and one of Faÿ’s closest confidantes during the first part of the Vichy regime. The author of a 1940 book on the French origins of racism for which Faÿ wrote the preface, À l’aube du racisme: L’homme, spectateur de l’homme (Paris: Eds. de Boccard, 1940), Gueydan also wrote a diary during the war that remains one of the most damning accounts of Faÿ’s involvement with the Nazis. Sabah notes that Gueydan had a “nostalgia for noble titles” and appended the preposition “de” to his last name in order to pass for a count (JGR 29–30). The nature of Faÿ and Gueydan’s personal relationship is unclear. According to documents in Faÿ’s dossier, the Germans referred to Faÿ as “Nadette” and Gueydan as his “Tante.” But in the deposition for his trial (July 3–9, 1945), Faÿ responds to these charges by saying “If you maintain this damning accusation, I will immediately demand witnesses to my morality” (“Si vous maintenez cette accusation infame, je reclamerai immediatement des témoignages sur ma moralité”). D d’I AN Z/6/288.

102.  In his journal dated November 11, 1940, Gueydan writes: “I am leaving on a mission to the free zone to bring back to Paris the archives of the Masonic lodges. I am leaving with a truck from the Secours national, a driver from the Secours national, and B. F. [Bernard Faÿ]” (“Je pars en mission en zone libre pour ramener les archives des loges maçonniques à Paris. Je pars avec un camion du Secours national, un conducteur du Secours national et B. F.”). JGR 125.

103.  This is seen in an unsigned, classified document of November 22, 1941 (D d’I AN Z/6/291): “Concerning—governmental measures against Freemasonry. VM FR1 let it be known to the person named below in a strictly confidential manner that Minister of the Interior Pucheu, during the course of an interview several days ago, formally forbade him from taking any Masonic document found in the free zone to Paris, where it might fall into the hands of the Germans. VMFR1 in no way considers himself obligated by this injunction, because his work as chief of the French anti-Masonic Service is under the immediate direction of the Marshal” (“Conc.—Mesures gouv. Anti-Maçonniques. VM FR1 a fait savoir aujourd’hui au soussigné d’une façon strictement confidentielle que le Ministre de l’Interieur Pucheu, au cours d’un entretien il y a quelques jours, lui avait formellement interdit d’amener aucun document franc-maçonnique trouvé en zone libre à Paris, où il tomberait entre les mains des allemands. VMFRI ne se considere nullement obligé par cette injonction, car dans son travail, comme chef du Service français anti-maçonnique, il est sous la direction immediate du Maréchal”).

104.  In his official annual “Report on the Bibliothèque Nationale,” written in 1943, Faÿ announced the rationale behind the formation of the Centre: “The librairies and archives seized from the French people stripped of their nationality, or because of political associations declared dissolved, present in effect collections of extraordinary richness and of particular interest.” Faÿ’s unpublished “Rapport sur la Bibliothèque Nationale” is reproduced in JGR 277.

105.  Combes, La franc-maçonnerie sous l’occupation, 79.

106.  Faÿ edited every issue of this journal except for the last two.

107.  Bernard Faÿ, “Rapport à M. Du Moulin de la Barthète” (March 31, 1941). In D d’I AN Z/6/289.

108.  The Service des Sociétés Secrètes in the occupied zone, of which Faÿ was the director, was located in Paris at the Grand Orient; it was the “central service” of anti-Masonic activity. For the unoccupied zone, the central service was located at Vichy, under the direction of Robert Labat. In April or May 1942, Labat left the service and was replaced by Jean de Verchère. Faÿ, who in 1942 was moved over to the “historical section” of the SSS, was replaced by J. Sens-Olive. D d’I Z/6/289.

109.  Rossignol, Histoire de la propagande, 244.

110.  PSS. The later activities of the SSS are described by de Verchère in an undated memo sent to his SSS delegates: “the regional delegates should enter into close liaison with the Legion [la Legion Française des Combattants, the Veterans Affairs organization], the Milice [the Collaborationist citizens army], and the Jewish Affairs service” (“le délégués regional doit entrer en liaison intime avec la Legion, la Milice et les Affaires Juives”). D d’I AN Z/6/288.

111.  “Les fiches concernant les noms des membres du Grand Orient (environ 29,000) sont terminées, et l’on peut dire que sur ce terrain, nous sommes arrivés à un résultat à peu près parfait.” Bernard Faÿ, “Rapport à M. Du Moulin de la Barthète” (March 31, 1941). In D d’I AN Z6/289.

112.  Combes, La franc-maconnerie sous l’occupation, 80.

113.  In August 1940, the journal Gringoire named ministers from the defunct Third Republic who had belonged to lodges, while in November 1940 Au Pilori published the names of men who occupied the highest grades in the order, alongside an announcement: “Frenchmen! See here the murderers of France and their names! The list begins today. It will be long. Keep it. We’re going to need it” (“Français! Voilà les meurtriers de la France et leurs noms! La liste commence aujourd’hui. Elle sera longue. Gardez-la. Nous en aurons besoin”). Henri Amouroux, La grande histoire des français sous l’occupation (Paris: Robert Laffont, 1976), 1:687. Published denunciations proliferated, including an anonymous Vichy publication, La Franc-Maçonnerie démasquée: Listes de F … M … appartenant au Parlement, à la presse, au barreau et les dirigeants de la secte (Paris: Eds Anti-Maçonniques, n.d.).

114.  André Combes points out that the Vichy definition of “dignitaries” was much more far reaching than might be thought, including both those who had achieved a high degree within the organization and those who were apprentices in the lodges. La franc-maçonnerie sous l’occupation, 84.

115.  PSS. According to Dominique Rossignol, names on the fichier were annotated not in terms of identity but in terms of intended police investigation: “to be placed under surveillance, to be eliminated, to be interned, dangerous, very dangerous, to be dismissed, escapee, sought by the Gestapo, Gaullist, listens to British radio, etc.” (“à surveiller, à eliminer, à interner, dangereux, très dangereux, à revoquer, en fuite, recherché par la Gestapo, Gaulliste, écoute la radio anglaise, etc.”). Rossignol, Vichy et les franc-maçons, 157.

116.  See Combes, “Annexe” to La franc-maconnerie sous l’occupation, 386–404, which provides a list of Freemasons killed during the Nazi occupation. Combes notes that the official estimate of persecuted individuals (as of 2001) “is not definitive. It does not include those who died in prison camps.… It is missing, notably, the names of those who were in combat in the Free French Forces” (386). Combes does not identify which Freemasons who died at the hands of the Nazi or Vichy authorities were persecuted for other affiliations. Many Freemasons were Jews, politically on the Left, or involved in the Resistance, all affiliations that could have contributed to their persecution.

117.  “Je proteste que je n’ai point assumé la responsabilité du fichier et ne l’ai pas dit. J’ai obei à des instructions gouvernementales me prescrivant de recomplèter le fichier.” “Procès-Verbal” of Bernard Faÿ, conducted by René le Pottevin, Commissaire de Police Judiciaire (July 3–9, 1945), in D d’I AN Z/6/289.

118.  In a typed report of June 29, 1946, an unsigned document notes that Faÿ put at the disposal of the Germans “a file of ‘Masons’ that he had compiled. Also the Gaullist activity of ‘Masons’ was mentioned in the files” (“un fichier de ‘maçons’ qu’il avait constitué. Or, l’acitivité gaulliste des ‘maçons’ était mentionée sur les fichiers”). The same document notes that among the names of those who died as a result of this file given to the Germans was Pierre Brossolette, the journalist and Gaullist, who committed suicide in 1943, a “martyr” who was much celebrated after the war. Cited in Bernard Faÿ dossier (Renseignements Generaux), Archives de la Prefecture de la Police, Paris.

119.  Janet Malcolm claims outright that Faÿ was a “Royalist anti-Semite” (Two Lives: Gertrude and Alice [New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2007], 74), but Antoine Compagnon offers a more measured assessment, suggesting that “Faÿ, despite his recourse to [certain anti-Semitic] clichés of the period, seems to have never given proof of a spiteful or systematic anti-Semitism.” Le cas Bernard Faÿ: du Collège de France à l’indignité nationale (Paris: Gallimard, 2009), 90.

120.  At his trial, Faÿ claimed any references he made to Jews as “usurers” were “more literary than political,” arising out of his familiarity with Shakespeare’s play “The Merchant of Venice” (PSS).

121.  This comment appears in the same unsigned letter discussed above in note 73.

122.  Jean Laran, “Rapport à la commission d’épuration des bibliothèques, 5 décembre 1944” (“Report on the Commission for the Purge of Libraries, December 5, 1944”), in JGR 283. At his trial, Faÿ’s lawyer gave a series of testaments in his favor by Jewish friends of Faÿ, including the claim that Faÿ had procured a certificate of “Aryanism” for one of his Jewish colleagues in the library’s Department of Prints and Engravings. Faÿ also pointed out that he had been personally denounced by the archcollaborationist Marcel Déat as a “judeophile” (PSS).

123.  For more on Denise Aimé Azam, see chapter 4, note 123, and chapter 6.

124.  Dr. Kurt Ihlefeld, Notiz für Herrn Botschafter, March 1, 1941. AN Wiii 212.2 no. 46[17]. The “Botschafter” (ambassador) is never identified, but is presumably Otto Abetz. The other names on the list with Faÿ were Leon de Poncins, Georges Batault, Claude Vacher de la Pouge, and the notorious anti-Semites Louis Darquier, George Montandon, Serpeille de Gobineau, and Louis-Ferdinand Céline. The office was founded in March 1941 under the name “Commissariat-General for Jewish Affairs” and was directed by Xavier Vallat until March 1942; after that, by Louis Darquier.

125.  “Projet, non daté, de revue mensuelle ‘La Question Juive’ de Gabriel Malglaive” (“Undated Project Proposal for a Monthly Review, La Question Juive, by Gabriel Malglaive”), Fonds CGQJ, Archives of the CDJC, Mémorial de la Shoah, Paris, CXCV-111-001.

126.  The SSS was supported secretly until June 1942 by “fonds speciaux” (secret funds) of the Cabinet Civil of Philippe Pétain. After June 1942, the SSS was given an official budget (PSS).

127.  PSS.

128.  Laran, “Rapport à la commission d’épuration des bibliothèques,” 284.

129.  According to the Commissaire du Gouvernment’s statement at Bernard Faÿ’s trial in 1946 (PSS), Faÿ sought assurance from Pétain early in the war that he would be the chief liaison between French and German anti-Masonic activity. Nevertheless, his power would be challenged on many fronts. Lieutenant August Moritz was the German officer most directly involved in coordinating the SSS with Faÿ; he also was keeping Faÿ under surveillance and reporting his findings back to his Nazi superiors. Robert Labat, a naval commander, was the man that Pétain assigned to coordinate the SSS in the unoccupied zone and the effective director of operations throughout France; administratively beneath Faÿ, his power often eclipsed Faÿ’s. In the occupied zone, at the end of 1941, a second Service des Rechèrches et de Renseignments (Research and Information Service) oriented toward the investigation of Freemasons in the north was established and placed under the control of Faÿ’s old friend Jean Marques-Rivière. This service would vie for power with the Ministry of the Interior under the direction of Pierre Pucheu, who was already at odds with Faÿ over the transfer of Masonic archives from the south (unoccupied) to the north (occupied) zones. In 1942, after the arrival of Pierre Laval, the police service of the SSS officially ceased to persecute; however, the information-gathering process continued in both zones.

130.  Bernard Faÿ letter to Gertrude Stein, May 1, 1943. In Gallup, ed., The Flowers of Friendship, 363.

131.  In a letter to Madame Jacqueline Aubry of Buenos Aires, dated July 31, 1942, Faÿ writes: “Mr. Laval has relieved me from the whole practical side of the Freemason question, finding me too harsh! For myself, I am happy because it was difficult, tiring, ungratifying, and dangerous work to do.… For the country, I believe frankly that this is an error” (“M. Laval m’a dessaisi de tout le coté pratique de la question F. M. me trouvant trop dur! Pour moi je m’en réjouis car c’était une besogne difficile, fatiguante, ingrate et dangereuse à faire.… Pour le pays, je crois franchement que c’est une erreur”). “Bernard Faÿ” (Dossier individuel des Renseignements generaux), Centre des archives contemporaines, Fontainebleau (CAC).

132.  Mazower, in Hitler’s Empire, makes a strong case for the idea that Vichy France ran as well as it did by ensuring a seamless continuity of administrators from the pre- to the post-1940 period. Because—as Faÿ himself so often pointed out—Freemasons made up a large percentage of the ranks of the French civil service, Faÿ’s anti-Masonic crusade invariably faced resistance and ultimately suppression by both Germans and French who recognized that “administration was the essence of a military occupation” (432). The continuity and docility of French administration is also the central point of Marc-Olivier Baruch’s book Servir l’état français: L’administration en France de 1940 à 1944 (Paris: Librairie Arthème Fayard, 1997).

133.  Marcel Déat, “Réponse à un jésuite déguisé en bibliothécaire,” L’Oeuvre (October 9, 1941). See Lucien Sabah, Une police politique de Vichy, where in a letter to Déat dated December 26, 1941, Faÿ refutes Déat’s charge of December 24 and notes that the chair was created “after a vote of the Collège de France and of Parliament … without the participation of any French or foreign donor” (488).

134.  Cited in Compagnon, Le cas Bernard Faÿ, 170. The German response to the Faÿ-Déat spat is interesting. A secret “Situation Report” of the German Embassy in Paris (October 29, 1941) emphasizes the need for supporting Déat in his battle with Faÿ while continuing to struggle against the “Freemason problem” in France. Yet in a document dated April 16, 1942, entitled “Attaque de Déat contre Faÿ dans l’Oeuvre,” the German Obersturmführer de SS (Knochen) notes the importance of “prohibiting new publications concerning this affair” because of the need to work closely with Faÿ. “Situation Report” in Archives of the CDJC, Mémorial de la Shoah, Paris, LXXV-217. “Attaque de Déat” in D d’I AN Z/6/290.

135.  Marcel Déat, Mémoires politiques (Paris: Denoël, 1989), 618.

136.  GTF 263.

137.  Bernard Faÿ dossier (Renseignements Generaux), Prefecture de la Police, Paris. The unsigned document also notes that Faÿ replaced Jean Baudry in Pétain’s inner circle. Baudry was a member of Pétain’s civil cabinet until 1943 and one of the editors of Les Documents Maçonniques; he had moved in the same right-wing circles as Faÿ before the war.

138.  Bernard Faÿ letter to Gertrude Stein, September 13, 1941. In Gallup, ed., The Flowers of Friendship, 356–357.

139.  Jacques Bardoux, La déliverance de Paris: Séances secrètes et négociations clandestines (Paris: Fayard, 1958), 61.

140.  The Himmler affair is recounted in Michèle Cointet, Le Conseil National de Vichy: Vie politique et réforme de l’état en régime autoritaire (1940–1944) (Paris: Aux Amateurs de Livres, 1989), 328–332; as well as in GTF 332–335. Faÿ may have been chosen as intermediary in this instance because of his friendship with General Henri Giraud, the Americans’ choice during this period to lead the French Resistance. In La guerre des trois fous, Giraud makes an appearance as a guest at one of the salons Faÿ frequented before the war (47–53). Elsewhere, he is described as an “intimate friend” of Faÿ (D d’I AN Z/6/289).

141.  Unsigned document in German from the “Einsatzstab FR” (French Special Staff), March 21, 1944. In the same document, it is reported that Pétain is resisting firing Faÿ. Archives of the CDJC, Mémorial de la Shoah, Paris, CXLI-194.

142.  Botrel, Histoire de la franc-maçonnerie francaise sous l’occupation 1940–1945, 154. A declassified, unsigned U.S. State Department document from January 25, 1944, reveals that Faÿ was the object of American surveillance: it concerns “a list of names culled from our French Files which fall into a miscellaneous category of Suspects, those who by virtue of their office or connections in private life have been reported as questionable.” “Bernard Faÿ” file, National Archives and Records Administration, Washington D.C.

143.  Bernard Faÿ, De la prison de ce monde: Journal, prières, et pensées 1944–1952 (Paris: Plon, 1974), 95.

144.  On August 22, 1944, a letter signed by L. Villard, elected secretary of the Conseil de l’Ordre (Council of Order), noted that Faÿ had burned most of his papers at the rue Cadet office as well. Cited in Rossignol, Vichy et les franc-maçons, 39.

145.  D d’I, AN Z/6/290.

146.  Faÿ’s honorary membership at the University of Clermont-Ferrand was revoked February 2, 1945; his chair at the Collège de France was revoked March 30, 1946.

147.  Cited in Henry Coston, dir., Partis, journaux et hommes politiques d’hier et d’aujourd’hui (Paris: Lectures français, 1960), 19.

148.  Rousso, paraphrased in Megan Koreman, The Expectation of Justice: France 1944–1946 (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1999), 3. Koreman’s book effectively shows how difficult the ideological “unification” of France was in the years immediately following the war, given the range of local experiences of the occupation.

149.  In Vichy en prison: Les épurés à Fresnes après la Libération (Paris: Gallimard, 2006), a study of the postwar purge, the imprisonment of collaborators, and their trials, Bénédicte Vergez-Chaignon states the obvious: “the [purge] juries were obviously not neutral, whatever the high conscientiousness with which they accomplished their task” (75).

150.  See ibid., 40.

151.  Faÿ, De la prison de ce monde, 101.

152.  Faÿ, quoted in Vergez-Chaignon, Vichy en prison, 281.

153.  At the time, the journalist Janet Flanner had described “dégradation nationale” as “being deprived of nearly everything the French consider nice.” Flanner, quoted in Tony Judt, Postwar: A History of Europe Since 1945 (New York: Penguin, 2005), 46.

154.  Reports of Faÿ’s demeanor at his trial are described in Rossignol, Vichy et les franc-maçons, 216–217. Faÿ’s shrug at the mention of Oberg is reported by an eyewitness at the trial, in Bernard Faÿ dossier (Renseignements Generaux), Prefecture de la Police, Paris.

155.  “[D]e très nombreuses années, je considère la maçonnerie comme une institution dangereuse, et…sur ce point depuis une vingtaine d’années, je n’ai changé ni d’opinion ni de langage. La presence des allemands n’a pas eu d’action sur mes idées.” “Procès-Verbal” of Bernard Faÿ, June 9, 1945, D d’I AN Z/6/289.

156.  Anonymous, undated note from “Bernard Faÿ” (Dossier individuel des Renseignements generaux), Centre des archives contemporaines, Fontainebleau (CAC).

157.  Gertrude Stein letter to Bernard Faÿ, n.d. From the unpublished correspondence of Gertrude Stein and Bernard Faÿ, Vincent Faÿ collection. Confined to the region of her country home in the Ain, Stein presumably attended the lecture in the nearby town of either Aix-les-Bains or Chambéry, ten or twenty kilometers south of Belley. It would be the only such public lecture she would attend during the war.

158.  A copy of the letter Stein wrote to Maître Chresteil, Faÿ’s attorney, can be seen in the Gertrude Stein and Alice B. Toklas Papers, Yale Collection of American Literature, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library. As Burns and Dydo write, “It is not a powerful testimony.” Edward M. Burns and Ulla E. Dydo with William Rice, The Letters of Gertrude Stein and Thornton Wilder (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1996), 412.

159.  Gertrude Stein letter to Francis Rose, n.d. Gertrude Stein collection, Harry Ransom Humanities Research Center, The University of Texas at Austin.

160.  For Faÿ’s denunciation of Masons, communists, and BN colleagues, see above. Faÿ’s denunciation of colleagues at the Sorbonne appears in a letter written to Pierre Laval on October 31, 1940 (in D d’I AN Z/6/290). Faÿ’s language is particularly harsh in this instance: “The damned soul of the anglophile resistance is Mr. Maurice Guyot, General Secretary of the University and Academy of Paris at the Sorbonne.… He is supported by a series of people, who are identified on the attached list. It is these whom it would be urgent to make disappear, and to replace.” The fate of Guyot, who was removed from his post at the Sorbonne on November 15, 1940, and of the three colleagues whom Faÿ identifies (Professors Maurin, Baudouin, and Faral), is not known.

161.  Gertrude Stein, “The Good Anna,” in Three Lives (New York: Penguin, 1990), 35.

6. VICHY-SUR-LÉMAN

    1.  Copy of deed of purchase, from Registry of Public Civil Acts, Office of Château-du-Loire. Archives Dèpartementales, Château-du-Loire, 3 Q 3821.

    2.  The exact cause of Stein’s death was ascertained through a document filed with the American Foreign Service, “Report of the Death of an American Citizen,” August 12, 1946, 351.113, National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. It states that Stein died of “carcinoma of the uterus according to doctor’s statement.” It has often been erroneously reported that she died of stomach cancer.

    3.  Thomas Whittemore, cited in Linda Wagner-Martin, “Favored Strangers”: Gertrude Stein and Her Family (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1995), 267.

    4.  The letters Toklas wrote after Stein died are collected in a volume entitled Staying on Alone: Letters of Alice B. Toklas, edited by Edward Burns (New York: Liveright, 1973).

    5.  Alice Toklas letter to Saxe Commins, August 22, 1946, in Staying on Alone, 12.

    6.  LP 169.

    7.  Bernard Faÿ letter to Alice Toklas, August 1, 1946, in The Flowers of Friendship: Letters Written to Gertrude Stein, ed. Donald Gallup (New York: Alfred Knopf, 1953), 402.

    8.  LP 168–169.

    9.  Bernard Faÿ letter to Alice Toklas, March 10, 1947. Gertrude Stein and Alice B. Toklas Papers, Yale Collection of American Literature, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library.

  10.  According to Virgil Thomson, in his autobiography, Faÿ was helped in his effort to be transferred to the prison hospital in Angers by the intervention of Suzanne Blum, a Jewish lawyer. Virgil Thomson, Virgil Thomson (New York: Alfred Knopf, 1966), 388. The Blum-Thomson correspondence at Yale University, however, gives no indication of this intervention. If anything, Blum insists to Thomson that she cannot help with the case of Faÿ: “I don’t envision the possibility—morally speaking—to do anything for him” (“je ne vois pas la possibilité—moralement—de faire quelque chose pour lui”). Suzanne Blum letter to Virgil Thomson, January 18, 1947. Virgil Thomson Papers, Irving S. Gilmore Music Library, Yale University.

  11.  Sylvia Beach letter to Richard Wright, May 26, 1947. Richard Wright Papers, Yale Collection of American Literature, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library.

  12.  Gertrude Stein, “Off We All Went to See Germany,” Life (August 6, 1945): 54, 56–58.

  13.  John Whittier-Ferguson, “The Liberation of Gertrude Stein,” Modernism/modernity 8, no. 3 (2001): 421. Although I not persuaded by Whittier-Ferguson’s reading of the tone of “Off We All Went to See Germany,” I am in agreement with his sense that Stein’s post–World War II writings are much more ambiguous and uncertain about the war than one might think from the contemporary American press accounts (417).

  14.  Cited in Wagner-Martin, “Favored Strangers,” 261.

  15.  Burns and Dydo describe an unusual chain of events that led to Cerf receiving Stein’s proposal for the Pétain translation project after the war had ended, in February 1946. Cerf immediately sent an angry rejection letter to Stein, to which she responded in a short telegram that again reveals an evolution in her thinking: “Keep Your Shirt On Bennett Dear Letter Re Petain Was Written In 1941.” Edward M. Burns and Ulla E. Dydo with William Rice, The Letters of Gertrude Stein and Thornton Wilder (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1996), 414.

  16.  Sarah Bay-Cheng argues that “The Mother of Us All” is “a deeply personal, perhaps even narcissistic work in comparison with every other play Stein wrote.” Mama Dada: Gertrude Stein’s Avant-Garde Theater (New York: Routledge, 2004), 109.

  17.  Gertrude Stein, “Brewsie and Willie,” in Gertrude Stein: Writings, 1932–1946, ed. Catharine R. Stimpson and Harriet Chessman (New York: The Library of America, 1998), 778.

  18.  Gertrude Stein, In Savoy; or, Yes Is for a Very Young Man (London: The Pushkin Press, 1946), 57.

  19.  Antoine Compagnon, Le cas Bernard Faÿ: du Collège de France à l’indignité nationale (Paris: Gallimard, 2009), 125.

  20.  Many of these postwar interlocutors are present in a volume dedicated posthumously to Robert Brasillach and published on the key date of February 6, 1965: “Hommages à Robert Brasillach” (Cahiers des amis de Robert Brasillach 11–12 [février 1965]). In his “hommage” to Brasillach, Faÿ writes bitterly: “As it is just to be punished for having served a blind people, he and I found ourselves together at Fresnes [prison]” (“Comme il est juste d’être puni pour avoir servi un peuple aveugle, lui et moi nous retrouvâmes à Fresnes”) (153).

  21.  See Aram Mattioli, Gonzague de Reynold: Idéologue d’une Suisse autoritaire (Fribourg: Editions Universitaires, 1997), 26. In describing de Reynolds’s family, Mattioli writes: “They abhorred the upheavals introduced by the French Revolution, the origin of everything bad in their eyes, that had deprived patrician families of their privileges, of their titles, of their material goods.… [They] took the democratic governmental system as a vulgar and populist concession to the detestable spirit of the times” (26–27).

  22.  Faÿ describes this event in a letter to de Reynold, July 17, 1939. From the unpublished correspondence of Bernard Faÿ to Gonzague de Reynold. Archives littéraires suisses (ALS). Fonds Gonzague de Reynold.

  23.  See chapter 5, note 53.

  24.  Hans K. E. L. Keller, ed., under the sponsorship of Akademie für die Rechte der Völker, Der Kampf um die Völkerordnung (Berlin: Franz Vahlen, 1939).

  25.  Compagnon, Le cas Bernard Faÿ, 195.

  26.  GTF 402.

  27.  According to Edward Burns, the executor of the Alice B. Toklas estate, Toklas helped Faÿ financially by funneling money to him through the intermediaries of Virginia Knapik and Denise Aimé Azam. In order to raise this money, Toklas sold two works by Picasso, a drawing and a gouache. Personal correspondence between Edward Burns and the author, July 2010.

  28.  The account of Faÿ’s escape is described in “Bernard Faÿ” (Dossier individuel des Renseignements generaux), Centre des archives contemporaines, Fontainebleau (CAC); and by Faÿ himself in GTF 403–407.

  29.  Three people were arrested and charged with aiding Faÿ in his escape from the hospital at Angers: Jeanne Marie Therèse Bigot (born March 8, 1925), a nursing student who was sentenced to fifteen days in prison for “trafic de correspondances” (illegal transport); Nicole de la Chaise (born January 15, 1898), sentenced to two months in prison for “trafic de correspondances”; and Paul Bureau (born August 4, 1917), sentenced to two years in prison for “complicité d’évasion” (helping an escape). From “Bernard Faÿ” (Dossier individuel des Renseignements generaux), Centre des archives contemporaines, Fontainebleau (CAC).

  30.  In a letter to de Reynold of October 18, 1951 Faÿ asks him to direct all correspondence to him using this pseudonym. From the unpublished correspondence of Bernard Faÿ to Gonzague de Reynold. Archives littéraires suisses (ALS). Fonds Gonzague de Reynold.

  31.  Henry Rousso, “Préface,” in Luc Van Dongen, Un purgatoire très discret: La transition “helvétique” d’anciens nazis, fascistes et collaborateurs après 1945 (Paris: Eds. Perrin, 2008), iv.

  32.  GTF 407.

  33.  Bernard Faÿ letter to Gonzague de Reynold, July 10, 1952. From the unpublished correspondence of Bernard Faÿ to Gonzague de Reynold. Archives littéraires suisses (ALS). Fonds Gonzague de Reynold.

  34.  Van Dongen, Un purgatoire très discret, 278.

  35.  Ibid., 171–172.

  36.  From Kathy Casey interview with Professor Francis Python, University of Fribourg, June 20, 2008. Van Dongen implies that the French may have actually been in favor of Faÿ receiving shelter in Switzerland. Un purgatoire très discret, 314.

  37.  Sylvie Couchepin, La correspondence de Gonzague de Reynold et de Bernard Faÿ: Regard de deux intellectuels de droite sur un XXe siècle en mutation, unpublished master’s thesis (Mémoire de Masters), Faculty of Letters, University of Fribourg, Switzerland (2009), 26n61.

  38.  Van Dongen, Un purgatoire très discret, 488n18.

  39.  Bernard Faÿ letter to Gonzague de Reynold, January 3, 1955. From the unpublished correspondence of Bernard Faÿ to Gonzague de Reynold. Archives littéraires suisses (ALS). Fonds Gonzague de Reynold.

  40.  Bernard Faÿ letter to Gonzague de Reynold, July 18, 1955. From the unpublished correspondence of Bernard Faÿ to Gonzague de Reynold. Archives littéraires suisses (ALS). Fonds Gonzague de Reynold.

  41.  Bernard Faÿ letter to Gonzague de Reynold, July 10, 1952. From the unpublished correspondence of Bernard Faÿ to Gonzague de Reynold. Archives littéraires suisses (ALS). Fonds Gonzague de Reynold.

  42.  Bernard Faÿ letter to Gonzague de Reynold, September 21, 1957. From the unpublished correspondence of Bernard Faÿ to Gonzague de Reynold. Archives littéraires suisses (ALS). Fonds Gonzague de Reynold.

  43.  Mattioli, Gonzague de Reynold, 25.

  44.  de Reynold collaborated in helping Faÿ find jobs with José Python, the director of cantonal education, and Professor Cherix. From Kathy Casey interview with Professor Francis Python, University of Fribourg, June 20, 2008.

  45.  Kathy Casey, a Rosary College student who studied with Faÿ in Fribourg in 1964–1965, describes the atmosphere at his social teas: “the guests included one female student from his literature classes at the Villa des Fougères who acted as his hostess and poured the tea and a contingent of young men from the German fraternity at the University. Faÿ was a charming host and a mesmerizing conversationalist who spoke with ease, self confidence, and good humor … [but] there was a sad sense of mystery about him.” From personal correspondence with author.

  46.  Mattioli, Gonzague de Reynold, 14.

  47.  Ibid., 14.

  48.  W. D. Dinges, “Marcel Lefebvre,” in New Catholic Encyclopedia (Detroit: Thomson Gale, 2003), 8:448.

  49.  Marcel Lefebvre, Open Letter to Confused Catholics (Angelus Press, 2007).

  50.  Ecône was established in 1970. According to Jean-Marie Savioz, before founding Ecône, Lefebvre also created a maison d’étude (study center) in Fribourg at the initiative of Faÿ. Jean-Marie Savioz, “Essai historique sur la fondation de la Fraternité sacerdotale Saint Pie X par Mgr Lefebvre et sur l’installation de son séminaire à Ecône en Valais (1969–1972),” unpublished undergraduate thesis (Mémoire de Licence) in Theology, Fribourg (1995), 35.

  51.  Rachel Donadio, “Healing Schism, Pope Risks Another,” New York Times (January 26, 2009).

  52.  Bernard Tissier de Mallerais, Marcel Lefebvre, The Biography (Arlington, Va.: Angelus Press, 2004), 445.

  53.  Bernard Faÿ, L’église de Judas? (Paris: Plon, 1970), 26, 39.

  54.  Ibid., 26, 32–33.

  55.  Ibid., 42.

  56.  Ibid., 28.

  57.  Alain Clément, “Bernard Faÿ est mort,” Le Monde (January 4, 1979): 30.

  58.  Editor’s preface to “As Gertrude Stein Reviews a Book on President Roosevelt,” Kansas City Star (January 20, 1934): 5.

  59.  Archbishop Lefebvre, cited in Angelus (Information Bulletin for Ecône). Available online at: http://www.angelusonline.org/modules.php?op=modload&name=News&file=article&sid=3275&mode=thread&order=0&thold=0. The Church of Saint Nicolas de Chardonnet is the seat of the Society of Saint Pius X in Paris; as recently as 2009 it celebrated a requiem mass on the anniversary of the death of Louis XVI.

  60.  Georges Narcy [pseudonym of René Rancoeur], “Bernard Faÿ,” Aspects de la France (January 25, 1979).

  61.  D. I., “Bernard Faÿ Wieder Aufgetaucht,” National-Zeitung 308 (July 7, 1959); Gérard Glasson, “Présences suspectes,” La Gruyère 54 (May 14, 1959); and “Paladin de la franc-maçonnerie?” La Gruyère 59 (May 26, 1959).

  62.  Union des Etudiants Juifs en Suisse, “Resolution,” May 30, 1960. Unpublished draft found in IB JUNA-Archiv, Dossier 561, Archiv für Zeitgeschichte, Zürich.

  63.  Kathy Casey, interview with Alex Erik Pfingsttag, Fribourg, June 24, 2008.

  64.  Bernard Faÿ, “Mise au point,” La Suisse 168 (June 16, 1960): 9.

  65.  See Janet Malcolm, Two Lives: Gertrude and Alice (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2007), 74.

  66.  Linda Simon, The Biography of Alice B. Toklas (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1991), 293.

  67.  Toklas writes Faÿ on March 10, 1958: “When you come to Paris I shall ask you to tell me how we can pray for her [Stein]—for my father confessor gives me no such hope. It would be a great comfort to be able to include her in a mass and Denise Azam says I can pray for her—but is that not catholic as well as Catholic? You will tell me when you get here.” From the unpublished correspondence of Gertrude Stein and Bernard Faÿ, Vincent Faÿ collection.

  68.  Alice Toklas letter to Bernard Faÿ, June 1960 (?), in Staying on Alone, 383.

  69.  Author interview with Vincent Faÿ, Paris, July 21, 2002.