Notes

INTRODUCTION

1. Murai, Ky ryri no rekishi, p. v.

2. Cwiertka, Modern Japanese Cuisine, p. 12.

3. For a comprehensive listing of the surviving culinary writings of the medieval and early modern periods, see Ota, Nihon shoku bunka tosho mokuroku.

1. JAPANESE CUISINE, A BACKWARD JOURNEY

Epigraph: Shsekiken, Ryri mmoku chmish, pp. 322–23. Unless otherwise indicated, all translations from the Japanese are mine.

1. Shsekiken, Ryri mmoku chmish, pp. 245–50, 255–56, 289.

2. Cwiertka, Modern Japanese Cuisine, pp. 175, 12.

3. Murai Yasuhiko, Ky ryri no rekishi, p. v.

4. Rath, The Ethos of Noh.

5. In Edo, for instance, shops selling a rice dish called “Nara rice” (Nara chameshi), consisting of cooked rice with soybeans, salt, and tea poured on top, opened in Asakusa in 1657. By the 1770s, Edo was home to numerous shops selling prepared foods such as soba, sushi, and grilled eel, and the number of these establishments grew to 6,165 by 1804—one for every 170 people living in the city. Ishige, The History and Culture of Japanese Food, pp. 120, 122–23; Harada, Edo no ryrishi, pp. 51–55, 132.

6. So discovered culinary scholar Okumura Ayao, who reported that he could not find any old menus in the historic restaurants he visited in Kyoto or Osaka. “Ryriya no ryri,” p. 58.

7. Akisato Rit, Shi miyako meisho zue, pp. 310–11.

8. Nakano, Makiko’s Diary, pp. 59–60, 63.

9. The other teahouse was the Fujiya (Kumakura, “Nihon ryriyashi josetsu,” p. 24). It no longer exists.

10. Tfu hyakuchin zokuhen indicates that the recipe for tofu with rice cakes was popular up to fifty years ago at the nikenjaya teahouses, but that recently—not long before the publication of this text in 1783—the recipe was prepared as a seasonal dish only on the first day of the sixth month (pp. 90–91). Since grilled tofu remained a specialty of these teahouses until the twentieth century, we can infer that the rice cakes were simply omitted from the recipe.

11. Murai Yasuhiko, Ky ryri no rekishi, p. 130.

12. Tfu hyakuchin, p. 18.

13. Miyako rinsen meisho zue, pp. 214–15.

14. Ky habutae, p. 205.

15. Koma, Miyako no aji, pp. 269–70.

16. The assertion that Kyoto cuisine is both the origin of Japanese cuisine and a distinct style can also be found in the scholarly literature; see Murai Yasuhiko, Buke bunka to dbsh, p. 290.

17. Shjin mono were meals that supported spiritual practice, for example, by excluding certain foods like meat in respect for the Buddhist precept against killing. By the turn of the eighteenth century, the term shjin ryri was coined, and it referred to a style of cooking that did not use any meat. Kumakura, “Shjin ryri,” pp. 34–35; Harada, “Shjin no keifu to kaiseki,” p. 69.

18. This clever parsing of the word hashiru can be found in Ise Sadatake’s definition of the word feast (gochis). Ise wrote that “the meaning of feast [chis] or activity [hons] has it that all three of the characters chi, s, and hon mean ‘to run’ [hashiru]; in other words, a host runs about collecting delicacies for the entertainment of his guests, and he exerts himself in cooking these foods.” Teij zakki, p. 258.

19. Kuriki, “Ky yasai no rekishi to shoku seikatsu,” p. 14.

20. Rath, “New Meanings for Old Vegetables in Kyoto,” forthcoming.

21. Hideyoshi had the Jurakudai (also known as the Jurakutei) torn down after forcing the death of his nephew and onetime heir, Hidetsugu, in 1595.

22. Murata, Ky ryri no fukubukuro, p. 76.

23. Cook and Crang, “World on a Plate,” p. 138.

24. Murai Yasuhiko, Ky ryri no rekishi, p. v. Kumakura Isao adds that the term Ky ryri was coined in the Meiji era, and that it did not become widely used until the Taish era (1912–26). Nihon ryri no rekishi, p. 124.

25. Shsekiken, Ryri mmoku chmish, p. 322.

26. A definitive text on foodways in Kyoto prefecture, Kikigaki Kyto no shokuji, by Hata Akemi, follows the boundaries of the ancient provinces to describe the diversity of the foodways of the modern prefecture. This text also differentiates the foodways found in the rural parts of Kyoto prefecture from those in Kyoto city.

27. Cwiertka, Modern Japanese Cuisine, p. 176.

28. Appadurai, “How to Make a National Cuisine,” pp. 16, 19–21.

29. Csergo, “The Emergence of Regional Cuisines.”

30. Kumakura, Nihon ryri bunkashi, p. 140. For a discussion of the characteristics of honzen ryri, see chapter 3.

31. Murai Yasuhiko, “Ky ryri no rekishi.”

32. Shgakukan, Nihon kokugo daijiten, 13:972.

33. Hosking, Dictionary of Japanese Food, p. 120.

34. Ise Sadatake, Teij zakki, p. 259.

35. Harada, “Culinary Culture and Its Transmission in the Late Edo Period”; see also Ishige, History and Culture of Japanese Food.

36. Harada, Edo no ryrishi.

37. Harada, “Edo no shoku seikatsu to ryri bunka,” pp. 1–7.

38. Ibid., pp. 1–3.

39. Ferguson, Accounting for Taste, pp. 3, 19.

40. Douglas, “Deciphering a Meal,” pp. 44–45.

41. This was lucrative for the Kawabata, despite the court’s poverty, because the primary expenses for court ceremonies in the sixteenth century were food and drinks such as the ones Dki supplied them. Butler, Emperor and Aristocracy in Japan, p. 88.

42. Hayashi Jun’ichi, Edoki no kytei to kashi, p. 14; Kanzawa, Okinagusa, 19:297–98.

43. The oldest document in the possession of the Kawabata family is a license from the Muromachi bakufu (Ky mochi za ate Muromachi bakufu bugynin hsho) dated to the ninth year of Eish (1512) granting the right to operate a rice-cake guild (za) and sell rice cakes in and around the capital. The document grants this right to someone named Awataguchi Yoshichiyo (n.d.), whose relationship with the Kawabata family is uncertain.

44. Mirror to Our Family (Ie no kagami) describes the daily rite of the rice cake and other services that generations of Dki provided to the court. The text was written by a national learning (kokugaku) scholar, Minagawa Kien (1734–1807), in the calligraphy of his younger brother Fujia Seigen, and it included paintings by Hara Zaisei. Kawabata Dki, Wagashi no Kyto, p. 169. The Kawabata family moved in the Meiji period. The television station and cultural center KBS Kyoto currently occupies the site of the former Kawabata residence.

45. Watanabe Susumu’s adopted son-in-law was the first person to take the name Dki as a Buddhist name, when he entered retirement in 1572. A document in the family’s archive dating from the same year granted Dki the right to serve as a purveyor (hikan or hikannin) and enter the imperial compound. Nishida, “Kawabata Dki monjo ni tsuite,” p. 68.

46. The chronology of the early Dkis is uncertain. Nakanishi indicated that the first Dki died in 1572. Ibid., p. 63. I employ the dates from the family’s genealogy in Kokumin Seishin Bunka Kenkyjo, Tateri Munetsugu monjo, Kawabata Dki monjo, pp. 314–22.

47. Hayashi Jun’ichi, Edoki no kytei to kashi, p. 12.

48. Kawabata Dki, Wagashi no Kyto, p. 87.

49. Nishida, “Kawabata Dki monjo ni tsuite,” p. 64.

50. Hayashi Jun’ichi, Edoki no kytei to kashi, p. 12.

51. Kawabata Dki, Wagashi no Kyto, p. 157.

52. Kokumin Seishin Bunka Kenkyjo, Tateri Munetsugu monjo, Kawabata Dki monjo, p. 292.

53. Hayashi Jun’ichi, Edoki no kytei to kashi, pp. 18, 35.

54. Kawabata Dki, Wagashi no Kyto, p. 160.

55. Shogun Tokugawa Iemitsu (1604–51) tripled the court’s annual income to thirty thousand koku in 1634. I have not found any reference to what happened to the emperor’s meals that he never ate. One possibility is suggested by practices of religious offerings at shrines. Some offerings presented to the deities may be removed from an altar after a suitable length of time and eaten by the priests, while others are discarded. The emperor may have given his breakfast to someone else, or it may have simply been thrown away. Ultimately, the presentation and reception of the meal as a ritual mattered more than the disposal of the food.

56. Hayashi Jun’ichi, “Edoki no kytei to kashi,” p. 40.

57. Butler, Emperor and Aristocracy in Japan, p. 97.

58. Wakabayashi, “In Name Only,” pp. 31, 55.

59. Kawabata Dki, Wagashi no Kyto, p. 110.

60. Shintani, Nihon no “gyoji” to “shoku” no shikitari, p. 84.

61. Ikeda, Nihon no gyji ryri, p. 87.

62. tsubo and Akiyama, “Chsen tsshinshi ky’ shoku (dai 2 h),” p. 90.

63. Goble, “Visions of an Emperor,” p. 126.

2. OF KNIVES AND MEN

1. One exception to this is Nakazawa Tadasu’s Lifeways of a Chef (Hchnin no seikatsu), which provides a historical survey of the culinary profession that spotlights knife ceremonies, identifying them as pivotal to that history.

2. Ise Sadayori, Sg zshi, pp. 542–43.

3. Ego, Daimy no kurashi to shoku, p. 38.

4. End Genkan, Cha no yu kondate shinan, p. 51.

5. I describe these writings in detail in the next chapter.

6. Ise Sadatake, Teij zakki, p. 259.

7. Ibid., pp. 261–62.

8. Hayashi Razan, Hch shoroku, p. 38.

9. Ebara, Edo ryrishi ko, pp. 44–45.

10. The crystallization of a distinct style of cooking for these culinary schools is marked by their codification in culinary writings, according to Nishiyama Matsunosuke. He specifically cites the Shij School Text on Food Preparation (Shijry hchsho; also called Shijry hchgaki), which dates to 1489, and the Culinary Text of the kusa House (kusake ryrisho); which Nishiyama dates to 1537; see Iemotosei no tenkai, p. 159. However, based on the technical words and the cooking techniques used in the latter work, Kawakami Kz and colleagues conclude that it dates from the Edo period. Ryri bunken kaidai, p. 14.

11. Hayashi Razan, Hch shoroku, p. 338.

12. Motofuji might actually be Fujiwara Motouji (1211–82). Yoshida, Essays in Idleness, pp. 188–89.

13. In Kyoto, restaurants specializing in tofu dishes appeared in the 1660s. Harada, Edo no ryrishi, p. 51. However, restaurants did not become more widespread in major cities until a century later. Kumakura, “Nihon ryriyashi josetsu,” p. 30.

14. Nakazawa, Hchnin no seikatsu, p. 64. The historical relationship between hchnin and itamae is uncertain. Nishiyama Matsunosuke compares it to the relationship between Noh actors and Kabuki performers in the Edo period. Leading Noh actors were patronized by the shogun and daimyo, while Kabuki actors enjoyed popular support. However, both types of performers borrowed from each other’s artistic traditions, with the older, Noh theater having a far greater influence on the development of Kabuki than the other way around. Iemotosei no tenkai, p. 164.

15. Nishiyama, Iemotosei no tenkai, p. 157.

16. Shimofusa, “Buke hch no setsuritsu,” p. 186.

17. Cwiertka, Modern Japanese Cuisine, p. 186.

18. Smith, “Transmitting Tradition by the Rules,” p. 41.

19. In the current repertoire, there are three kygen plays about hchnin: How to Cut a Sea Perch (Suzuki bch); Knife of the Son-in-Law (Hch muko); and Priest Shachi (Shachi), about a former hchnin turned Buddhist priest.

20. Ishii Taijir attributed the book, later republished as Nihon ryrih taizen, to his father, Ishii Jihee, the eighth-generation head of the Ishii family. However, Ishii Taijir is the author. Ebara, Hch bunkaron, p. 3. Since Jihee is presented as author, I refer to the description as his.

21. End Genkan, Cha no yu kondate shinan, p. 51.

22. The description of the preliminaries that follows is from Ishii Jihee, Zho Nihon ryrih taizen, pp. 7–10.

23. Ibid., p. 8.

24. Ryri kirikata hidensh, pp. 73–100.

25. Ishii Jihee, Zho Nihon ryri taizen, p. 10.

26. Ibid.

27. In the seventeenth century, with the development of the fishing industry, sea bream replaced carp as the most popular fish, Harada. Edo no ryrishi, p. 20.

28. Yoshida, Essays in Idleness, p. 100.

29. Hayashi Razan, Hch shoroku, pp. 343–44.

30. Shijry hchsho, pp. 51–52.

31. Ryri kirikata hidensh, p. 116.

32. Ise Sadatake, Teij zakki, p. 261.

33. Shij Takashima’s descriptions of the lore of the knife, chopsticks, and cutting board were not his own invention but appeared in Secret Treatise on Ceremonial Cuisine and Cutting (Shikish hch ryri kirikata hidensh), published at least six decades earlier. Scholars are uncertain of the date of publication of this work, also called Ryri kirikata hidensh. It may have been published as early as 1642 but was definitely in print by 1659. For the parts relevant to the symbolism of the knife, chopsticks, and cutting board, see pp. 55–57.

34. Shij, Try setsuy ryri taizen, p. 27.

35. Ibid.

36. Ibid., pp. 26–27.

37. The description of the preliminaries that follows is from Ishii Jihee, Zho Nihon ryri taizen, pp. 7–10.

38. Miller broadens this definition of sacrifice to illuminate the shopping habits of people living in London, showing that some purchases that might be economically poor decisions, since they are unnecessary, are in fact forms of “sacrificial” expenditure that show devotion and other transcendent values. Theory of Shopping, pp. 92–94, 155.

3. CEREMONIAL BANQUETS

1. The distinction between ryrisho and ryribon is a historiographic one, in that it pertains to the contents of the writings, not the titles of these works. See Harada, “Culinary Culture and Its Transmission in the Late Edo Period,” p. 141.

2. For brief overviews of the contents of most of these writings, see Kawakami et al., Ryri bunken kaidai.

3. Shijry hchsho, also known as Shijry hchgaki, may be the earliest culinary text by a hchnin, but it is not the earliest Japanese text devoted to preparing and serving food. That work is Various Records on Matters of the Kitchen (Chjiruiki), which bears the date of 1295. In its three volumes, it describes the formal modes of service for morning and evening meals at the imperial court, discusses serving ware, and has some references to food preparation, respectively. Kawakami et al., Ryri bunken kaidai, p. 223. Since the text dates from an earlier period and cannot be attributed to a hchnin, I make only passing reference to it in this study.

4. Nishiyama, Iemotosei no tenkai, p. 159.

5. See Rath, Ethos of Noh, especially pp. 34–114.

6. Yamanouchi ryrisho, p. 71.

7. Ise Sadayori, Sg zshi, p. 543.

8. Ego and Iwata, Karukan no rekishi, p. 101.

9. See Kurabayashi, “Nihon ryri no kigen.” pp. 390–93.

10. The volumes included in Ryri kirikata hidensh include Secrets of the Knife (Hch himitsu), Writings on Culinary Rules and Deportment (Ryh shitsuke sh), Thirty-six [Patterns for Slicing] Carp (Sanjroku no koi), Collections of Fish, Names of Fins (Gysh hirena), Birds and Waterfowl (Tori mizutori), Flagstones: kusa Banquets (Ishitadami kusa ky), On Tables (zenbu), and The Sake Pourer: Notes on Carp (Chshi koich).

11. Ryri kirikata hidensh contains nine volumes but eight separate texts. The first two volumes are two halves of the same text, Secrets of the Knife (Hch himitsu). This entire work is also known by the shorter title of this first text; see Kawakami et al., Ryri bunken kaidai, p. 141.

12. Kawakami et al., Ryri bunken kaidai, p. 141. Kawakami’s line of reasoning follows the genealogy of transmission for the Sonobe branch of the Shij house that Ishii Jihee sets forth in Nihon ryri taizen, a text that dates from several centuries later, but one that is consciously part of the Shij tradition. Without comparisons to other genealogies of the Shij, it is difficult to know the historicity of these claims beyond the fact that Ishii Jihee saw these authors as part of a single culinary lineage. He offered no further biographical data about them, and one wonders what other evidence he had besides Secret Writings on Culinary Slicing to claim these names for his lineage. Nihon ryri taizen, p. 26.

13. See for example the end of volume 1, Ryri kirikata hidensh, p. 49.

14. A catalogue of publications dated to 1696 lists Takahashi Gozaemon as author of a nine-volume work on ceremonial cutting published by the Kyoto publisher Murakami Hye, active from the Kan’ei to the Genwa period (1615–44). Yoshii, RBS, 11:194–95. A collection of artistic writings on Noh performance, titled Eight Volume Treatise on the Flower (Hachij kadensho), provides an interesting point of comparison to Secret Writings. Both texts were multivolume works, encyclopedic in scope. Interestingly, Hachij kadensho was falsely attributed to two groups of authors at different times to give the work authority. At the time of the work’s compilation in the late sixteenth century, the writings in Hachij kadensho were attributed to four performers from prominent Noh lineages. But when the same text was published in the mid-seventeenth century, around the time that Secret Writings on Culinary Slicing was printed, Hachij kadensho was reattributed to Noh’s “founder,” Zeami, whose name recognition had grown with the rise in popularity of his plays. Rath, Ethos of Noh, p. 168.

15. Only after the work was first printed, which was sometime after 1659, were the writings repacked as a three-volume set with the title The Formal Knife, Secret Writings on Culinary Slicing (Shikish hch ryri kirikata hidensh). The date of publication of these texts is uncertain, as is the name of the publisher; one list of publications indicates that these texts were in circulation as a group by 1659, so it can be assumed that they were published together before then. Yoshii, RBS, 11:194–95.

16. Shijryu hchsh, Hch kikigaki, and Shikisankon shichigosan zenbu no ki were included in the massive collection of pre-Edo-period texts, Gunsho ruij, edited by Hanawa Hoki’ichi and others by 1819 and finally published from 1924 to 1930.

17. That Ryri kirikata hidensh was read by a wider audience of aristocrats, upper-level warriors, and wealthy townspeople is a view held by the work’s modern editors; see Yoshii, RBS, 11:196.

18. Tales of Cookery (Ryri monogatari) contained the statement that it was “not a text on the rules of cutting with a knife [in the fashion of hchnin], but [that it] instead described what common people actually made.” Ryri monogatari, p. 92. Culinary historian Harada Nobuo surmises that Secret Writings may actually predate Ryri monogatari. Edo no ryrishi, p. 29.

19. For instance, the 1714 publication Complete Manual of Cuisine of Our School (Try setsuy ryri taizen) by Shij Takashima (n.d.) heavily excerpted Secret Writings and provided annotations to make the work more user-friendly. The same work also borrowed freely from culinary books by authors outside the ranks of hchnin, such as Tales of Cookery.

20. Ryri monogatari, p. 83. Despite the fact that the recipe creates a yellow snow cake, the coloring is still favored in the modern version made from small yams (tsukune imo) and chestnuts. Nakayama, Jiten, p. 238.

21. Shijry hchsho, p. 52.

22. Ebara, Edo ryrishi ko, p. 24. Murai Yasuhiko traced the first use of the term sashimi to 1448, noting that it was sliced fish served with vinegar. Buke bunka to dbsh, p. 296.

23. These sauces remained popular for sashimi throughout the Edo period. Soy sauce did not become the usual accompaniment for sashimi until the modern period. Matsushita, zusetsu Edo ryri jiten, p. 97.

24. Ryri monogatari, pp. 57–60.

25. Ibid., p. 58.

26. Yamanouchi ryrisho, p. 71.

27. Ibid., p. 86.

28. Sanb come in a variety of sizes and are usually made from white cypress wood. The top of a sanb is not flat but has a small lip around the edge to prevent dishes from sliding off when carried. Sanb were used for banquets and are still used for food offerings to deities at Shinto shrines.

29. For the argument that this earlier form of dining was a precursor to honzen, see Kumakura, “Honzen ryri,” p. 45. Some Heian-period banquets for aristocrats on special occasions made use of a common table in the style called “grand feast cuisine” (daiky ryri); however, honzen ryri became the dominant form of elite dining in the medieval period. For a description of daiky cuisine, see Kumakura, Nihon ryri bunkashi, pp. 147–51. A form of Chinese dining in the Edo period called “table dining” (shippoku ryri) allowed diners to sit around a common table. Apart from these special meals, the custom of a shared table did not become prevalent until the Meiji period.

30. Kumakura, Nihon ryri bunkashi, p. 156.

31. The first written reference to the word honzen appeared in a guide to letter writing, Sekiso rai, by Ichij Kanera (1402–81). Kumakura, Nihon ryri no rekishi, p. 70.

32. Kumakura, Nihon ryri bunkashi, pp. 168, 170.

33. On fancier occasions the wooden trays and earthenware cups used for the meal would have been thrown away after one use, as was the custom for offerings at shrines before the Meiji period.

34. The rice served here would have been “soft rice” (himeii), prepared by boiling rice in a metal pot, like in the modern method of preparation. Depending on the amount of water added to the pot, himeii could be as soft as watery gruel (okayu) or could be prepared as simmered rice. The more prevalent way to prepare rice was in a wooden steamer (koshiki). This way of cooking rice was one of the oldest in Japan, dating from the colossal-tomb period (A.D. 300–600). Rice prepared this way was called “hard rice” (kowaii) and was a more typical fare for commoners, who could not afford metal pots to make the steamed rice preferred by elite warriors and aristocrats.

35. The custom of serving rice in this way was established by the Kamakura era. Ebara, Edo ryrishi ko, p. 189. This allowed diners to place the rice bowl on the palm of the left hand, and then eat from it using the chopsticks held in the right hand.

36. Sumptuary legislation in the Edo period set limits on the number of allowed trays for different categories of individuals, such as commoners and different ranks of samurai. For example, bakufu sumptuary legislation in 1668 limited the number of dishes at commoner banquets to two soups and five side dishes. Maruyama, “Kinsei ni okeru daimyo,” p. 186. I discuss this topic in further detail in chapter 5.

37. There is some disagreement on whether pickles (k no mono) were counted as a separate side dish (sai). Kumakura Isao indicates they never were. Nihon ryri bunkashi, p. 79. Harada Nobuo contends that pickles were counted as a side dish only when there were at least two soups and five side dishes in the meal. Edo no shoku seikatsu, p. 118. Since Harada’s method of counting often allows five items to appear on the first tray rather than four, which is an unlucky number, I have chosen to follow that method in tabulating the number of side dishes for the menus I have translated.

38. Rodrigues writes, “According to ancient custom, the wine is generally brought out at the end of the meal when they have finished eating both the rice and the shiru and also the dishes which they fancied.” Cooper, This Island of Japon, pp. 245–46.

39. When Shogun Tokugawa Iemitsu (1604–51) and his father, the retired shogun Hidetada (1579–1632), hosted Emperor Gomizuno’o (1596–1680) in 1626, there were only seven side dishes served on three trays for the honzen banquet on the evening of the sixth day of the ninth month, but this was followed by thirty-five additional dishes, including three soups, seven varieties of sweets, and twenty-three side dishes. See Rath, “Honzen Dining.”

40. Cooper, This Island of Japon, pp. 243–44.

41. Ibid., p. 245.

42. kusadono yori sden no kikigaki, pp. 108–9.

43. See Kinski, “How to Eat the Ten Thousand Things.”

44. The text offers two formulations for the snacks that follow the summer honzen. The first of these is a series of four trays followed by seven trays of more substantial dishes that comprise an “after meal” (godan). The second formulation contains three trays of snacks and seven trays of light dishes for the after meal. Descriptions of two trays of refreshments for tea (cha no ko) follow. These tea snacks were not desserts. Thin slices of gelatin served in a glucose derived from rice (mizu ame) were the only real sweet. The other snacks suggested for tea included seaweed, chestnuts, and oysters on skewers. Yamanouchi ryrisho, p. 84. Serving sugary confectionery with tea became the norm only in the Edo period.

45. Yamanouchi ryrisho, pp. 74–75. Kumakura Isao provides a brief analysis of the first menu in Culinary Text of the Yamanouchi House. Nihon ryri bunkashi, pp. 158–62. For a translation and discussion of this menu, see Rath, “Banquets against Boredom.”

46. Shijry hchsho, pp. 65, 52–53.

47. Ibid., p. 54.

48. Ibid., p. 52. Though sushi is familiar to diners throughout the world today, its mode of preparation in the Muromachi period produced something more akin to a Southeast Asian fish sauce than the thinly sliced fish resting on vinegared rice of modern sushi shops. In the period of Culinary Text of the Yamanouchi House, fish was preserved in salt and cooked rice. After a period of months, the rice was thrown away, and the fish, which had become gelatinous and quite pungent, was consumed.

49. Yamanouchi ryrisho, p. 73.

50. Ryri monogatari suggests soup and grilling as two ways to serve heron, p. 26.

51. The third tray on the other banquet menu in the same text also includes separate rice with the notation about something “on top of it at weddings”; unfortunately, the passage is corrupted at that point. Yamanouchi ryrisho, p. 73. A culinary text dating from more than a century later, Shij-House Decorations for 7-5-3 Trays, indicates that at weddings the bride sometimes poured the soup on the separate rice (wake no meshi) and offered it to the groom. However, the author of this 1612 text derided this practice as something warriors must avoid doing. The same text noted that, at memorial services, this “separate rice” was used as an offering to the deceased. Shijke shichigosan no kazarikata, pp. 181–82. Neither context is specified for this summer menu in the Yamanouchi text, so the function of the separate rice, and whether or not it was polite to pour the soup on top of it, or even to eat it, remains unclear. In his analysis, culinary historian Kumakura Isao glossed this dish as wage no han, and he suggested that the rice was served in a round box (magemono) on top of an earthen dish, which explains why the accompanying drawing indicates a circle within a circle. Nihon ryri bunkashi, p. 160. He does not explain the purpose of the rice or how it was eaten.

52. In an analysis of a different menu from Culinary Text of the Yamanouchi House, Kumakura noted the problematic use of the term hikimono and the oddity of the soup. Nihon ryri bunkashi, p. 161.

53. Yamanouchi ryrisho, pp. 74–75.

54. On the origin of shikisankon, see Kumakura, Nihon ryri bunkashi, p. 142.

55. The description of three trays of snacks for the shikisankon is the last entry in Culinary Text of the Yamanouchi House, but a notation indicates that “this can be recorded before the three trays, or it can be recorded as it is here.” Yamanouchi ryrisho, p. 85.

56. Cooper, This Island of Japon, p. 213.

57. The sakazuki is usually made of earthenware (kawarake).

58. Sake served at the shikisankon was poured into the cups from a container with a long handle called a chshi.

59. Ogura, Komatsuzaki, and Hatae, Nihon ryri gyji, 1:104.

60. On the origin of the term for menu (kondate), see ibid., 1:101. Notation to Shsekiken, Ryri mmoku chmish, p. 243.

61. There is a third tray pictured, but it lacks both content and an explanatory note. Yamanouchi ryrisho, p. 85.

62. Like other texts in this genre, Culinary Text of the Yamanouchi House does not specify an ideal number of guests.

63. Ibid., p. 84.

64. Guide to Meals for the Tea Ceremony provides a formulation of snacks similar to the one provided by Culinary Text of the Yamanouchi House. The only difference is the amount of the various ingredients served: “On the front of the tray, place three earthenware sake cups in a stack, place nine strands of the dried abalone in front, five dried chestnuts on the right-hand side, and two slices of konbu on the left side in their respective places.” End Genkan, Cha no yu kondate shinan, p. 182.

65. Nakamura, Shinban Nihon ryri gogensh, p. 148.

66. Watanabe Minoru, Nihon shoku seikatsushi, p. 130; Nakamura, Shinban Nihon ryri gogensh, p. 148. Kachi is also the “clashing sound” made when the skins of the chestnuts are removed by striking them with a pestle, according to tea master Sasaki Sanmi (1893–1969). Sasaki, Chado, the Way of Tea, pp. 534–35.

67. Watanabe Minoru, Nihon shoku seikatsushi, p. 130.

68. The feast called ban—as it was celebrated in the thirteenth century—consisted of a small meal of flattened dried abalone (uchi awabi), jellyfish (kurage), and pickled apricot (umeboshi), which accompanied the ceremonial toasts of sake that celebrated the New Year. Small dishes of salt and vinegar were served with these foods as condiments. Harada, Washoku to Nihon bunka, pp. 24–25.

69. kusadono yori sden no kikigaki, pp. 102, 104.

70. Shij Takashima, Try setsuy ryri taizen, p. 18.

71. Ogura, Komatsuzaki, and Hatae, Nihon ryri gyji, 2:161.

72. Pickled apricots (umeboshi) were also served for shikisankon. Though certainly edible, they were considered a seasoning and not a snack.

73. Mintz, Sweetness and Power, p. 89.

74. This is probably a description of a shikisankon; Rodrigues refers to this as a ceremony that occurs before sake is served to guests. Cooper, This Island of Japon, p. 149.

75. Namura, Onna chhki, p. 65.

76. Translation by Kinski, “How to Eat the Ten Thousand Things.”

77. Lindsey, Fertility and Pleasure, pp. 83–84.

78. Yamanouchi ryrisho, p. 85.

79. Ishikawa, Shoku seikatsu to bunka, p. 43.

80. Ise Sadatake, writing in 1763, announced that “authentic fish cake is made from catfish [namazu].” Teij zakki, p. 264.

81. Shijry hchsho, p. 55.

82. The other two delicacies were sea urchin and dried salted mullet roe (karasumi). Hosking, Dictionary of Japanese Food, pp. 73, 84, 165.

83. Yamanouchi ryrisho, p. 85.

84. Shijry hchsho, pp. 56–57. For Edo period recipes for cold soups, see Matsushita, zusetsu Edo ryri jiten, pp. 89–90.

85. Sat, “Shgun no onari to cha no yu,” p. 159.

86. Cooper, This Island of Japon, p. 236.

87. Ogura, Komatsuzaki, and Hatae, Nihon ryri gyji, 2:195. An early version of part of this discussion of mori dishes appeared previously, in Japanese, as Rath, “Nihon ryri no takamori no bunkateki juysei.”

88. A reproduction of an Edo-period copy of this text is in Kyoto Bunka Hakubutsukan Gakugeika, Ky no shoku bunkaten, p. 33.

89. tsubo and Akiyama cite the work of Hashimoto Fumio and Sma Mariko, which provides more detail. “Chsen tsshinshi ky’ shoku,” p. 90; Hashimoto and Sma, “Kych gyji ryri,” pp. 185–86.

90. The authors cite Hosokawa, “Daimyke no ryri to shgatsu no zen.”

91. Apparently the entrails of the spiral shellfish are spicy, giving rise to the name “spicy shellfish” (hashi). For a description, see Nakamura, Shinban Nihon ryri gogensh, p. 516.

92. Green moss appears to be an ingredient unique to this stew (fukume). It might be a poetic name for another ingredient.

93. tsubo and Akiyama, “Chsen tsshinshi ky’ shoku,” p. 91. Konishi Shigeyoshi, head of the Ikama school of cuisine and owner of Mankamer restaurant, explained to me that hamori and funamori dishes could keep for several days depending on the season and would have been reused even if they started smelling ripe.

94. Ibid., p. 99.

95. Some mori dishes mentioned in culinary writings were meant to be consumed. For example, Shij School Text provides directions for serving sashimi in the “abundance serving” style (fukusa mori), with vinegar and Japanese pepper, which suggests that it was supposed to be eaten. Shijry hchsho, p. 61.

96. kusadono yori sden no kikigaki, p. 98.

97. Hch kikigaki provides some warnings about combining different ingredients: wild boar should not be combined with rabbit; and pheasant should not be combined with raccoon dog. Hch kikigaki, p. 93.

98. Ryri no sho, pp. 156, 157.

99. Shijry hchsho, p. 60.

100. Hch kikigaki, p. 96.

101. Ryri no sho, p. 157.

102. kusadono yori sden no kikigaki, pp. 105–6.

103. kusadono yori sden no kikigaki, p. 112.

104. Hch kikigaki, p. 94.

105. Nakamura, Shinban Nihon ryri gogensh, p. 640. Paper butterflies were also affixed to bottles of sake used at weddings for the same reason: they signified felicity. Lindsey, Fertility and Pleasure, p. 83.

106. Shijke shichigosan no kazarikata, pp. 185, 175.

107. Ryri kirikata hidensh indicates that crane sushi was once served with paper holders (kisoku) for the kezurimono, but that pheasant was the fowl now used (pp. 54–55).

108. Yamanouchi ryrisho, p. 76.

109. Ise Sadatake, Teij zakki, p. 300.

110. For a table of these correspondences and further information on the five colors in reference to traditional ideas about cooking, see Ogura, Komatsuzaki, and Hatae, Nihon ryri gyji, 2:290. Because there were five elements but just four seasons, the color yellow lacked a seasonal correspondence.

111. Ryri kirikata hidensh, p. 44; this section was later included verbatim in Shij Takashima, Try setsuy ryri taizen, p. 18.

112. Ryri kirikata hidensh, p. 45.

113. Ryri kirikata hidensh indicates that a carp is used for the second tray for the shikisankon (p. 57).

114. kusadono yori sden no kikigaki, p. 99.

115. For a description of a hrai for a modern wedding, see Ogura, Komatsuzaki, and Hatae, Nihon ryri gyji, 1:243.

116. The combination of zni and kezurimono occurs twice in the text in the two descriptions of snacks that accompany drinks following the main banquet. In the first example, it is on the second tray, and in the other it is on the first tray of snacks (sakana). Yamanouchi ryrisho, pp. 76, 80. Zni was a favorite dish among the samurai. On the use of zni in shikisankon, see Ogura, Komatsuzaki, and Hatae, Nihon ryri gyji, 2:160.

117. Ishikawa, Shoku seikatsu to bunka, p. 13.

118. End, Cha no yu kondate shinan, p. 184.

119. Ma, the king of demons, rules a hell realm under the earth, but he is also a protector of humanity who vanquishes devils to benefit mankind. This makes him a good spirit and a powerful one who “controls all functions of human life.” Reader and Tanabe, Practically Religious, p. 141.

120. Shij Takashima, Try setsuy ryri taizen, p. 20.

121. End, Cha no yu kondate shinan, p. 187.

122. For a description of the foods served at a traditional wedding and at New Year’s celebrations in modern Japan and all their symbolism, see Ogura, Komatsuzaki, and Hatae, Nihon ryri gyji, 2:257–65.

4. THE BARBARIANS’ COOKBOOK

1. Estimates of the date of composition of the Barbarians’ Cookbook range from before 1600, to the late 1600s, to the middle of the Edo period, but no one has provided conclusive evidence to support one date over another. Suzuki and Matsumoto contend that it was composed before 1600. Kinsei kashi seihsho shsei, 2:399. Ego Michiko dates it to the late 1600s. Nanban kara kita shokubunka, p. 207. Nakayama Keiko concluded that it was a mid-Edo-period work. Wagashi monogatari, p. 242.

2. Two important studies of Japan’s print culture are Kornicki, Book in Japan; and Berry, Japan in Print.

3. The name Morita Shir Saemon Sadamasa (n.d.) appears in the writings of the Ikama school of cuisine in the Kansei era (1789–1801), but it is unclear if this is the Morita mentioned in Barbarians’ Cookbook. Kawakami et al., Ryri bunken kaidai, p. 120.

4. The same library holds a derivative copy of the work titled Making Southern Barbarian Dishes and Sweets (Nanban ryri kashi koshiraekata). Another copy, titled Southern Barbarian Dishes (Nanban ryri), is in the collection of Kaga Bunko. Kawakami et al., Ryri bunken kaidai, p. 120.

5. On the meaning of the word tempura, Ishige writes: “There are several theories on the etymology from Portuguese. One points to the word tempero, ‘to season.’ Another cites the religious term tempora, which signified certain days on which fish was to be eaten instead of meat.” History and Culture of Japanese Food, p. 93.

6. For descriptions of these cooking techniques, see Ego, Nobunaga no omotenashi, pp. 163–65.

7. Nanban ryrisho, p. 37.

8. According to legend, a Chinese immigrant, Rin Jin (n.d.), brought manj to Japan in 1349. Rin is considered a founding father of the art of Japanese sweet making, and a family of manj makers in Kyoto claimed to be his descendants. Suzuki Shin’ichi, “Kaisetsu,” p. 248. However, manj arrived earlier, and they are mentioned as a tenshin snack in Dgen’s Treasury of the True Dharma Eye (Shbgenz; 1200–53), which dates to 1241. Nakayama, Jiten, p. 130.

9. Yoshikawa, “Sat,” p. 264.

10. Ise Sadatake, Teij zakki, p. 265.

11. Aoki, zusetsu wagashi no konjaku, p. 28.

12. Ibid., pp. 27, 64.

13. Yamanouchi ryrisho, p. 84. Included is a dish labeled as kakeshi, which I have been unable to identify.

14. Tsutsui, “Chanoyu no kashi,” pp. 300, 303.

15. Grui nichiy ryrish, p. 213.

16. The later addition of brown sugar may have made uir look like the black medicine by the same name, but that key ingredient is missing in the recipe in Barbarians’ Cookbook. Another theory about the origin of this sweet is that it was eaten after taking the medicine, the equivalent of the proverbial spoonful of sugar to make the medicine go down. Nakayama, Jiten, p. 23. Grui nichiy ryrish, published in 1689, contains an early recipe for uir using sugar (p. 129).

17. Ise Sadatake, Teij zakki, p. 271.

18. Nakayama, Wagashi monogatari, p. 18.

19. Nakayama, Jiten, p. 146.

20. Suzuki Shin’ichi, “Kaisetsu,” p. 244.

21. Ibid., p. 243; Harada, Edo no ryrishi, p. 88.

22. Besides sugar, Iberians brought other spices and vegetables to Japan, including corn (tmorokoshi) and pumpkin (kabocha) from South America, and peppers (tgarashi) from Central America; see Adachi, Nihon shokumotsu bunka no kigen, pp. 254–66. Most important of these arrivals was the sweet potato (Satsuma imo), which the Spanish introduced to the Philippines, and which later came to Japan via the Ryukyu Islands, becoming an important staple food in areas inhospitable to rice paddies. Ishige, History and Culture of Japanese Food, p. 95. Unfortunately, Barbarians’ Cookbook does not mention any of these.

23. Sugar was not refined in Japan until the eve of the Portuguese expulsion from that country. In the Ryukyu Islands, the process of refining sugar dates to 1623 at the earliest. Mazumdar, Sugar and Society in China, pp. 41, 172.

24. Innes, “Door Ajar,” p. 505.

25. Idei, Kasutera no michi, p. 146.

26. Stols, “Expansion of the Sugar Market in Europe,” p. 241.

27. Joy of Cooking warns: “One of the greatest frustrations in candy making comes when a smooth, promising candy syrup turns with lightening speed into a grainy mass. This is often caused by sugar crystals that have formed on the sides of the pan in the process of being stirred down into the syrup.” Rombauer, Rombauer, and Becker, Joy of Cooking, p. 847.

28. Nanban ryrisho, p. 24.

29. Ibid., pp. 20–21.

30. Ryri monogatari, p. 89.

31. “To perform the ice-cold water test,” Joy of Cooking advises, “drop a small quantity of candy syrup . . . into a small container of very cold (not ice) water. Quickly gather the syrup between your fingers. The temperature to which the sugar has been cooked can be identified by the way the syrup reacts. As the water heats and evaporates, the concentration of sugar in the syrup rises; the higher the concentration of sugar, the harder the mixture will be upon cooling.” Rombauer, Rombauer, and Becker, Joy of Cooking, p. 845.

32. Weinstein, Ultimate Candy Book, p. 10.

33. Suzuki Shin’ichi and Matsumoto Nakako, who edited the Barbarians’ Cookbook for modern publication, have dated the work to the mid- to late sixteenth century based on its use of the word egg (tamago). Tamago appears in the Jesuit Portuguese-Japanese dictionary Vocabulario da Lingoa de Iapam (Nippo jisho) published in Nagasaki in 1603. The citation indicates the word was prevalent in western Kyushu, and that eggs were called kaigo in the area of the capital, Kyoto. Use of the word tamago did not become prevalent throughout Japan until the seventeenth century, according to these two scholars. “Kaisetsu,” pp. 399–401. However, it could also be argued on the basis of the same evidence that the text dates from a later period, when the word tamago became more popularized throughout Japan. Matsumoto develops her ideas more fully about the dating of the manuscript in “ ‘Nanban ryrisho’ no seiritsu nendai ni tsuite.”

34. Kumakura cites Hareda’s viewpoint. Nihon ryri bunkashi, p. 172. There may have been some cultural prejudice against egg consumption among the elite. The story collection Nihon ryiki, complied in 822, contains a tale about someone eating a chicken egg and going to hell. Akai, Kashi no bunkashi, p. 104.

35. One wonders if the Spanish, the Portuguese, or someone else introduced new breeds of chicken to Japan that proved better to eat and produced more eggs than the native bantams.

36. Chicken eggs may have been preferred, but the culinary book Collected Writings on Cuisine and an Outline on Seasonings (Ryri mmoku chmish), published in 1730, which includes several recipes for chicken eggs, notes that crane and duck eggs could be substituted. Shsekiken, Ryri mmoku chmish, pp. 256, 304.

37. Ryri monogatari, p. 27. Egg drop soup (fuwafuwa) was a particular favorite in Edo-period culinary books, and various recipes for it were available. Matsushita, zusetsu Edo ryri jiten, p. 174. For example, Four Seasons of Menus (Shiki ryri kondate), published circa 1750, provides five variations for fuwafuwa: Egg Drop Simmer (fuwafuwa ni), Salty Egg Drop Soup (shio shitate fuwafuwa), Whitebait Egg Drop Soup (shirauo no fuwafuwa), Egg-White-Only Egg Drop Soup (shiromi fuwafuwa), and Egg Drop Soup with Sea Bream (tai no fuwafuwa). Shiki ryri kondate, p. 211.

38. Shij Takashima, Try setsuy ryri taizen, pp. 75–76.

39. In the same year that he published his work on eggs, Kidod also published other culinary books; see chapter 5.

40. Matsushita, “Edo jidai no ryri no shuzai to chrih,” p. 145. For a discussion of eggs in Edo-period culinary books, see Matsumoto, “Edo jidai no ryribon in miru tamago ryri ni tsuite,” pp. 263–85.

41. Sakurai, “Kinsei daimyo yashiki ni okeru shoku seikatsu,” pp. 90–91.

42. With the rise in domestic production of sugar in the eighteenth century, the cost of sugar fell. By the 1830s, the cost of sugar was one-third to one-half of what it had been at the beginning of the Edo period. Idei, Kasutera no michi, p. 149.

43. Higashibaba, Christianity in Early Modern Japan, p. xvii. In sixteenth-century Spain and Portugal, convents helped popularize sugar consumption among the lower classes. Stols, “Expansion of the Sugar Market in Europe,” p. 242.

44. Nakayama, Jiten, p. 114.

45. Ego, Nanban kara kita shokubunka, p. 14.

46. Idei, Kasutera no michi, pp. 82–91; Nakayama, Jiten, p. 38.

47. Oze, Taikki, pp. 8–9.

48. Ihara, Nippon eitaigura, pp. 147–49.

49. Nakayama, Jiten, p. 45.

50. Kasutera appears at this banquet, along with other sweets, served on the morning of the eighth day of the ninth month. “Gomizuno’oinsama Nijj gyk onkondate,” p. 18.

51. Akesaka, “Tobu kasutera nabe,” p. 23. Kasutera was also adopted for use in the tea ceremony in the eighteenth century. An early reference to it appears in 1725, in Kaiki, the tea journal of the high-ranking aristocrat Konoe Iehiro (1667–1736). Tsuji, Ky no wagashi, p. 143.

52. Nakayama, Jiten, p. 114. Kasutera is identified closely with Nagasaki due to the history of Iberian and Jesuit influence there; however, kasutera stores could be found in other cities in the Edo period. In the 1780s one store in Edo sold four different grades of kasutera, which varied according to the amount of sugar and eggs used. Ego, Nanban kara kita shokubunka, p. 157.

53. Besides being known as the “cookie from Castile,” another possible reason this sweet was given the name kasutera is the way that the egg whites “foam like a castle,” as in the Portuguese sweet bater Claras em Castelo. Nakayama, Jiten, p. 39.

54. Idei, Kasutera no michi, p. 165.

55. Nanban ryrisho, pp. 18–19.

56. Ibid.

57. On the history of ovens in Japan, see Furushima, Daidokoro ygu no kindaishi, p. 229.

58. Grui nichiy ryrish, p. 142. The earliest published recipe for kasutera appears in Anthology of Foods and Their Seasonings (Ryri anbaish), published in 1668. The directions are similar to those in Grui nichiy ryrish; see Nakayama, Jiten, pp. 308–9.

59. Nanban ryrisho, p. 13.

60. The first part of the recipe directs readers to “break open 50 chicken eggs and mix these together, knead together with 600 monme [2,250 grams—approximately 5 pounds] of white sugar, and 500 monme [1,875 grams] of wheat flour.” Kokon meibutsu gozen kashi hidensh, p. 16.

61. Ibid., p. 50.

62. Nakayama, Jiten, p. 40.

63. Ego, Nanban kara kita shokubunka, p. 158; Ryri hayashinan, p. 190.

64. Suzuki and Matsumoto, Kinsei kashi seihsho shsei, p. 32.

65. The use of the Portuguese term fermento points to Iberian influence on the history of bread baking in Japan. Directions for making a starter from amazake—cooked rice mixed with water and the mold kji (Aspergillus oryzae)—appear in the recipe for stuffed buns (manj) in Barbarians’ Cookbook. That recipe does not state how long the starter is allowed to sit and ferment. Recipes for baked goods mentioned in the text do not use salt, which would hinder fermentation by killing the yeast. Kji catalyzes fermentation, and it is used in making sake, soy sauce, miso, and natto. Hosking, Dictionary of Japanese Food, p. 80.

66. Kokon meibutsu gozen kashi hidensh, p. 36.

67. Culinary historians Suzuki Shin’ichi and Matsumoto Nakako support this contention by citing evidence for Jesuit participation in the tea ceremony and Jesuit interest in Japanese foodways in general, as seen in the Jesuit-compiled Japanese-Portuguese dictionary Vocabulario da Lingoa de Iapam, which contains some 120 food-related words from approximately 2,800 total entries. Kinsei kashi seihsho shsei, pp. 399–401.

68. Ishikawa, Shoku seikatsu to bunka, p. 47.

69. The degree to which Japanese ate beef before and after the Edo period is a subject of scholarly debate. Eating beef and horsemeat were prohibited by imperial edicts and by pronouncements by warlords, but this also is evidence that consumption of both persisted. Kumakura, Nihon ryri bunkashi, p. 173.

70. Ise Sadatake, Teij zakki, p. 264.

71. Ryri monogatari, pp. 78–81.

72. Ego, Daimy no kurashi to shoku, pp. 65–70.

73. Photographs of reproductions of eight of these dishes belonging to the Miketsukuni Wakasa-Obama Shokubunkakan in Fukui can be found in Kyoto Bunka Hakubutsukan Gakugeika, Ky no shoku bunkaten, pp. 44–45.

74. More research needs to be done on the possible Iberian prototypes for the recipes in Barbarians’ Cookbook. Elizabeth Newman’s study of an early Portuguese cookbook in the National Library in Naples dating from the late fifteenth century offers recipes for cfeitos, alfelos, farts, and other foods that offer points of comparison for the recipes in Barbarians’ Cookbook; see Newman, “Critical Edition of an Early Portuguese Cookbook.”

75. Nanban ryrisho, pp. 49–50. Barbarians’ Cookbook also contains a recipe for a variation of tenpurari called desuheito; see appendix.

76. For a discussion of these theories, see Uda, “Tenpura.”

77. Matsushita, zusetsu Edo ryri jiten, p. 193.

78. Hirano, Shyu, tenpura monogatari, pp. 182–87, 205–6.

79. Gyoch ryri ky’sho, p. 12.

80. Hirano, Shyu, tenpura monogatari, p. 187.

81. Ryri monogatari, p. 61. The hchnin text Culinary Text of the kusa House (kusake ryrisho) contains a recipe for sea bream fried in pork lard, but the cooking techniques and terminology indicates that this is an Edo-period text and not a medieval one. Kawakami et al., Ryri bunken kaidai, p. 14.

82. Hakubshi, Ryri sankaiky, p. 69.

83. One recipe for eggplant tempura did not require any frying at all, but it did call for a stock made from soy sauce as described in Anthology of Special Dishes (Ryri chinmish), published in 1764. Hakubshi, Ryri chinmish, p. 104.

84. Kasen no kumi’ito, p. 108.

85. Matsushita, zusetsu Edo ryri jiten, p. 193.

86. Nanban ryrisho, pp. 51–52.

87. It should also be noted that, even though chicken eating might be taken for granted today in the United States, this was not always the case. Chicken was expensive and not widely consumed in this country until after World War II, and according to consumer studies up through the 1960s, it was considered an alternative to meat but not a meat itself. Horowitz, Putting Meat on the American Table, pp. 103, 117.

88. Nanban ryrisho, p. 48.

89. The recipe calls for first adding gardenia to the stock to make an infusion. The chef probably allows the mix to stand to permit the color to deepen. When this infusion is added to the dish, the color will spread evenly. If the gardenia were added directly to the food, this might cause some parts to be dyed darker than others.

90. Kumakura, Nihon ryri bunkashi, p. 172.

91. Some culinary historians cite religious rationales for the disinclination to consume meat, such as Emperor Temmu’s Buddhist-inspired laws in 675 prohibiting certain meats (which actually did not mention chicken), or the fact that a chicken was the heavenly messenger (tsukai) of the sun goddess Amaterasu; see Ego, Nanban kara kita shokubunka, p. 32.

92. Hch kikigaki, p. 89.

93. Cooper, This Island of Japon, pp. 237–39.

94. Hayashi Razan, Hch shoroku, p. 208.

95. Shij Takashima, Try setsuy ryri taizen, pp. 75–76.

96. Manp ryri himitsu bako, p. 7.

97. Ibid., p. 23.

98. More data is needed to support this hypothesis. Matsushita, “Edo jidai no ryri no shuzai to chrih,” p. 141.

99. Shively, “Sumptuary Regulation and Status in Early Tokugawa Japan,” p. 135; Ego, Daimy no kurashi to shoku, p. 187.

100. Ryri monogatari, pp. 25–26.

101. The text claims to list forty-eight types of snipe (most of them it identifies as dunlins or ox birds [hamashigi], a variety of sandpiper), but the list actually contains only twenty-seven varieties. Shij Takashima, Try setsuy ryri taizen, p. 39.

102. Ryri monogatari, p. 48.

103. Grui nichiy ryrish, p. 188.

104. Ibid., p. 184.

105. Hakubshi, Ryri sankaiky, p. 51. The addition of hemp seed (Cannabis sativa) does not indicate a Tokugawa-period hash brownie, since these were nonnarcotic and commonly used in flavorings, such as “seven spice chili mix” (shichimi tgarashi) sprinkled on noodles and rice dishes. Hosking, Dictionary of Japanese Food, p. 24.

106. Grui nichiy ryrish, p. 190.

107. Tales of Cookery devotes a chapter to simmered dishes that contains thirty-five recipes. Excepting the one called “Suruga simmer,” mentioned earlier, none of these are identified as “southern barbarian” dishes. Ryri monogatari, pp. 61–66.

108. Teisa hiroku, p. 109.

109. Jippensha, Mochigashi sokuseki teseish, pp. 304–5.

5. FOOD AND FANTASY IN CULINARY BOOKS

Epigraph: Shsekiken, Ryri mmoku chmish, p. 322.

1. Some examples of Edo-period culinary texts include Atsumono gakuy dki, compiled in 1702 by Kakuonin Kangetsu, a hchnin who worked in service of a daimyo, and Chikaragusa, completed in 1749 by Funaki Dennai Kanehaya, a hchnin in the service of the Maeda daimyo house of Kaga domain.

2. Marceau, “Cultural Developments in Tokugawa Japan,” p. 120.

3. Berry, Japan in Print, p. 209.

4. Rubinger, Popular Literacy in Early Modern Japan, pp. 31, 41.

5. Japanese learned of Western moveable type from Jesuit missionaries and of the Korean version during Hideyoshi’s expeditions to Korea in the 1590s.

6. Chibbett, History of Japanese Printing and Book Illustration, pp. 67–69.

7. Kornicki, Book in Japan, pp. 174, 140.

8. Moriya, “Urban Networks and Information Networks,” p. 117.

9. Rubinger, Popular Literacy in Early Modern Japan, p. 84.

10. Kornicki, Book in Japan, p. 139.

11. Harada Nobuo found that publication numbers rose in periods of economic growth, such as the end of the seventeenth century, but declined in periods when the Tokugawa bakufu attempted conservative political and social reforms. See Harada, Edo no ryrishi, pp. 10–11; and Harada, “Culinary Culture and Its Transmission in the Late Edo Period,” pp. 156–57. However, more research needs to be done to confirm this hypothesis. Aside from government policies and fiscal retrenchment, other reasons for declines in publication rates for cookbooks could be changes in readers’ tastes and market saturation: an over-abundance of unsold cookbooks left over from previous years may have prompted bookstores to switch to other genres.

12. Kawakami, “Edo jidai no ryrisho ni kan suru kenky (dai 2 h),” p. 112.

13. Lindsey, Fertility and Pleasure, p. 94.

14. The exact historical relationship between hchnin and itamae is uncertain. Nishiyama, Iemotosei no tenkai, p. 164.

15. Shively, “Sumptuary Regulation and Status in Early Tokugawa Japan,” p. 135.

16. Ibid.

17. Maruyama, “Kinsei ni okeru daimy, shmin no shoku seikatsu,” p. 186.

18. One popular expression was: “Eat the season’s first produce, live seventy-five days longer.” Ishige, History and Culture of Japanese Food, p. 113.

19. Harada, “Edo jidai ni miru shun no tabemono kaisetsu,” p. 133.

20. Law no. 2784. Ishii Rysuke, Tokugawa kinreik, 5:153–54.

21. Ebara, Edo ryrishi ko, p. 70.

22. Ego, Daimy no kurashi to shoku, p. 187.

23. Harada, Edo no ryrishi, p. 7.

24. Shively, “Sumptuary Regulation and Status in Early Tokugawa Japan,” p. 148.

25. Matsushita, zusetsu Edo ryri jiten, p. 85.

26. Kasen no kumi’ito, p. 80; Shiki ryri kondate, p. 208; Ryri iroha bch, p. 31.

27. Ryri mmoku chmish, p. 302.

28. Harada, Washoku to Nihon bunka, p. 152.

29. After 1722, published works were required to include the real names of the author and publisher in a colophon. However, in the case of author names this rule was not often followed, and it was common practice to use a pen name. Kornicki, Book in Japan, pp. 232–33.

30. Kawakami, “Edo jidai no ryrisho ni kan suru kenky (dai 2 h),” pp. 113–15.

31. Kawakami offers profiles of three authors of culinary books. Ibid., pp. 115–22. However, these three are rare examples, since more is known about them than merely their names and professions. For most culinary books published during this period, we do not have this information.

32. Kasen no kumi’ito, p. 64. The first menu in this collection features an “additional serving tray” (hikide) bearing sushi and a soup, called an atsumono to differentiate it from the soups called shiru served with the two trays of food for the main meal (p. 65).

33. Yamakawa Kikue, Women of the Mito Domain, p. 56.

34. Cwiertka, Modern Japanese Cuisine, p. 95.

35. Ishige, History and Culture of Japanese Food, p. 113.

36. Ferguson, Accounting for Taste, p. 44.

37. Higashiyotsuyanagi, “History of Domestic Cookbooks in Modern Japan.”

38. Harada, Washoku to Nihon bunka, p. 141.

39. Harada, Edo no ryrishi, p. 10; Harada, “Edo no shoku seikatsu to ryri bunka,” p. 8.

40. Harada, Washoku to Nihon bunka, pp. 144, 157.

41. Higashiyotsuyanagi, “History of Domestic Cookbooks in Modern Japan.”

42. Priscilla Parkhurst Ferguson explains that “[it] is largely the work of the culinary text, which extends the private into the public, raises the individual to the collective, and removes food from culinary place to cultural space,” thereby transforming the cooked into cuisine, an intellectual and aesthetic practice. Accounting for Taste, p. 22.

6. MENUS FOR THE IMAGINATION

Epigraph: Gyoch ryri ky’sho, p. 26. The four most prominent Noh troupes were the Kanze, Konparu, Hsh, and Kong. With the Kita troupe, they received the patronage of the Tokugawa shoguns and powerful daimyo.

1. Ryri kondatesh, p. 7.

2. For example, the first section of Ryri kondatesh lists recipes for 14 to 15 untitled soups each month, for 180 soups total.

3. Ibid., p. 53.

4. Ibid., p. 9. Sugina are field horsetail. The shoots (tsukushi) appear in the spring and are edible. They resemble writing brushes, hence the Chinese characters used to write tsukushi literally mean “earth brush.”

5. Matsushita, zusetsu Edo ryri jiten, p. 250.

6. Kaiyaki is a method of preparation in which food is cooked on a large abalone shell over a fire.

7. Tsutsui, Chasho no kenky, pp. 149–50.

8. Yokota Yaemi notes that Cha no yu sendensh is likely the first work on the topic of flowers for the tea ceremony (chabana). “End Genkan no hank chasho,” p. 152. Regarding the fact that Cha no yu kondate shinan is the first text on tea cuisine, see Hayashiya, Kadokawa chad daijiten, p. 904.

9. Three modern editions of End Genkan’s writings are included in Kad Enkaku Kenkykai, Kad kosho shsei. Transmission from Six Tea Masters (Chanoyu roko ssh no denki) is in Hashimoto, Chad koten shsei.

10. Yokota, “End Genkan no hank chasho.”

11. Tsutsui, Chasho no kenky, pp. 148–49.

12. Yokota, “End Genkan no hank chasho,” p. 151; Harada, “ ‘Chakaiseki’ kaidai,” p. 269.

13. Yokota, “End Genkan no hank chasho,” p. 163.

14. End Genkan, Cha no yu kondate shinan, p. 7.

15. Yokota, “End Genkan no hank chasho,” p. 175.

16. End wrote during a period that witnessed the renaissance of Sen no Riky‘s ideas about the tea ceremony, which coincided with the hundred-year anniversary of Riky‘s death. The renewed interest in Riky is exemplified by works such as Nanp’s Record (Nanproku), an apocryphal treatise by a Riky disciple that came into circulation around the end of the seventeenth century.

17. Harada, “ ‘Chakaiseki’ kaidai,” p. 270.

18. For a brief description of kuchi kiri, see Sasaki, Chado, the Way of Tea, pp. 551–53.

19. End Genkan, Cha no yu kondate shinan, pp. 7–8.

20. Sat, “Shgun no onari to cha no yu,” p. 156.

21. For further information about visitations (onari), see Rath, “Banquets against Boredom.”

22. Kumakura, Nihon ryri bunkashi, p. 156.

23. Sat, “Shgun no onari to cha no yu,” p. 159.

24. Ibid., pp. 156–57.

25. Ibid., p. 173.

26. As noted in the previous chapter, in 1668 the bakufu limited the number of dishes at commoner banquets to two soups and five side dishes. Maruyama, “Kinsei ni okeru daimyo, shmin no shoku seikatsu,” p. 186.

27. Ebara, Edo ryrishi ko, p. 165.

28. There are several places in Japan named “visitation gate” (onari mon), indicating that at each one a gate once stood that had been built expressly for a shogun’s or daimyo’s visitation. Kumakura, Nihon ryri no rekishi, p. 76.

29. End Genkan, Cha no yu kondate shinan, p. 11.

30. Ibid., p. 20.

31. Ibid., p. 25.

32. Ibid.

33. Ibid., pp. 25–26.

34. Ibid., p. 26.

35. Ibid., p. 196.

36. Besides describing the dishes, End noted that chopsticks and a toothpick, both wrapped in paper, should be placed on the main tray, and that a wooden box (ori’ita) containing pieces of paper that would serve as “holders for eating [(kaishiki) in the shape of] chrysanthemum and bamboo leaves” should be placed on the third tray to be used to consume the duck by hand. Volume 7 of the same text provides a vegetarian (shjin) version of the “formal menu” for a lord’s visitation that is equally as complicated, except that it does not use meat. Ibid., pp. 175–79.

37. udo is a stalk; both the leaves and the stalk can be eaten. Hosking, Dictionary of Japanese Food, pp. 163–64.

38. Moriguchi daikon, named after Moriguchi city in modern Osaka prefecture, is a narrow variety that grows as long as two meters; the pickle created from it, called moriguchizuke, is made with sake lees. Nakamura, Shinban Nihon ryri gogensh, p. 694; Ashizawa, Tod fukenbestu chih yasai taizen, pp. 162–63. “Pickles in the Nara style” (Narazuke), named after the city associated with this method of preparation, are vegetables pickled in sake lees, typically burdock, eggplant, or pickling melon (shirouri). Hosking, Dictionary of Japanese Food, p. 161.

39. One exception to this is a recipe for namasu made of sea cucumber. Grui nichiy ryrish, pp. 177–79.

40. Ego, Daimy no kurashi to shoku, p. 187.

41. Besides the box of papers for eating the duck, noted earlier, the third tray had a container of spiced sake used for seasoning. This was probably the sauce (kakeshiru) to be poured on the unseasoned carp.

42. Hosking, Dictionary of Japanese Food, p. 92.

43. End Genkan, Cha no yu kondate shinan, p. 70.

44. Ibid., pp. 60–61.

45. Technically, mioga is a type of ginger, but it looks more like a bulb. The buds and thin stems are consumed; it is fragrant but not as spicy as ginger. Hosking, Dictionary of Japanese Food, p. 101. It would serve as a pungent garnish in this dish.

46. Named after Suizenji temple in Kumamoto near where it was once grown, suizenji nori, also called “river fungus” (kawatake), is made from freshwater algae and is harvested today from rivers in Kyushu. Since little was made in the Edo period, it was considered a rare delicacy. Ibid., p. 147; Matsushita, zusetsu Edo ryri jiten, p. 257.

47. Editors’ notes, End Genkan, Cha no yu kondate shinan, p. 34.

48. Matsushita, zusetsu Edo ryri jiten, p. 306.

49. Ego, Daimy no kurashi to shoku, p. 187.

50. Harada, “Edo jidai ni miru shun no tabemono kaisetsu,” p. 133.

51. Kumakura, Nihon ryri bunkashi, p. 116.

52. Nakayama, “Genroku ki no kashi to Toraya shiry,” p. 363.

53. Record of Seasonal Fish, Fowl, Vegetables, and Provisions (Gyoch yasai kanbutsu jisetsuki) was written by chefs in the bakufu’s employ and is of uncertain date, but likely reflects conditions for the Kan’ei period (1624–44). Despite the fact that this work may date to fifty years before End published Guide to Meals for the Tea Ceremony, it remained a reference for chefs through the early eighteenth century, as testified by the fact that a copy was made in 1710 and it was preserved by the Ishii family of chefs in bakufu employ throughout the Edo period. This suggests that the Record reflected food availability during and after End’s time. Harada, “Edo jidai ni miru shun no tabemono kaisetsu,” p. 134.

54. The spoon is for sprinkling the sesame on top of the noodles, not for eating them.

55. This dish is probably a version of watairi, a simmered dish made from the internal organs of abalone and vegetables simmered in stock, sake, and soy sauce. This dish was a staple of formal banquets (shikish ryri). Matsushita, zusetsu Edo ryri jiten, p. 153. The notation of yaki in the recipe in Guide to Meals for the Tea Ceremony indicates that the ingredients would have been grilled before or after simmering.

56. End Genkan, Cha no yu kondate shinan, pp. 29–32.

57. “Translators’ Notes,” in Shij Takashima, Try setsuy ryri taizen, pp. 233–34.

58. End Genkan, Cha no yu kondate shinan, pp. 48–49.

59. Ebara, Edo ryrishi ko, p. 20.

60. End Genkan, Cha no yu kondate shinan, pp. 41–42.

61. Ibid., pp. 45–49.

62. Shij Takashima, Try setsuy ryri taizen, pp. 120–24.

63. The Tokugawa bakufu required all daimyo to live alternate years in Edo and retain dwellings there; their wives and heirs had to live in Edo permanently.

64. The Dutch brought guinea fowl to Japan in the Edo period.

65. Ego, Daimy no kurashi to shoku, pp. 65–70.

66. Hosking, Dictionary of Japanese Food, p. 63; Ego, Daimy no kurashi to shoku, p. 205.

67. For an overview of Satsuma’s involvement in the sugar trade in the Ryukyu Islands and Amami shima, see Mazumdar, Sugar and Society in China, pp. 173–74.

68. End Genkan, Cha no yu kondate shinan, pp. 93–94.

69. In Kyoto “preserved stems” (kukizuke) refers to daikon and turnip preserved in salt with their leaves. Matsushita, zusetsu Edo ryri jiten, p. 211. Kukina may be a related dish.

70. In the kodatami method of cooking, sea cucumber is first cut into small pieces, covered in a sauce of spiced sake, and served garnished with wasabi. This recipe dates to the Muromachi period, and it became popularized in the Edo period. Ibid., p. 105.

71. End Genkan, Cha no yu kondate shinan, pp. 95–97.

72. Ebara, Edo ryrishi ko, pp. 144–45.

73. End Genkan, Cha no yu kondate shinan, pp. 113–14.

74. Ebara, Edo ryrishi ko, p. 161.

75. Shsekiken, Ryri mmoku chmish, p. 232. A portion of this analysis of Collected Writings appears in Rath, “Honzen Dining.”

76. Shsekiken, Ryri mmoku chmish, p. 244.

77. Ibid., p. 322.

78. Ibid., pp. 245–48.

79. “Tadesu is a dip served with [sweetfish] ayu and is made by steeping the pounded leaves or leaf buds of the varieties of [water pepper] called aotade or sasatade in vinegar or [vinegar mixed with soy sauce] nihaizu.” Hosking, Dictionary of Japanese Food, p. 151.

80. The modern editors cannot identify torizukushi, although the term bears a similarity to a game played with painted shells, kaizukushi. Shsekiken, Ryri mmoku chmish, pp. 248–49. Since it is glossed as “garnish for fowl” (toritsuma), I have translated it that way here.

81. “Wheat gluten in the brocade style” (nishikifu) appears in other culinary texts and tea writings, but what this dish actually was remains uncertain. Shsekiken, Ryri mmoku chmish, p. 249.

82. “Shore-grilled” (hamayaki) refers either to grilling fish caught on shore, with salt, or to baking fish in the pot (shiogama) used for making sea salt. Matsushita, zusetsu Edo ryri jiten, p. 172.

83. The text states that pears (nashi) are the pairing here for dried abalone, but this ingredient is more likely to be nashimono, salted and fermented fish intestines, and that is how I have translated it.

84. Shiki ryri kondate, pp. 123–24.

85. Ibid., p. 143.

86. Matsushita, zusetsu Edo ryri jiten, pp. 79–80. Why this soup containing sardines is named for the historical Buddha Shakyamuni is puzzling, but perhaps that is the point.

87. Ikeda Tritakashi, Hayami kondatech, pp. 159, 162–63.

88. Kawakami et al., Ryri bunken kaidai, p. 49.

89. Yamakawa Kabutsu, Kondatesen, p. 56.

90. Harada, Edo no ryrishi, p. 111.

91. Yamakawa Kabutsu, Kondatesen, p. 55.

92. Ibid., pp. 57–58.

93. The five-category classification scheme for Noh was not firmly set for all plays until the twentieth century, so the author of Kondatesen may have viewed his choice for the final play, Kantan, as a fifth category work.

94. Eguchi, in Tyler, Japanese N Drama, p. 70. For the references to golden leaves, see ibid., p. 79.

95. Kantan translation from ibid., p. 140.

7. DEEP THOUGHT WHEAT GLUTEN AND OTHER FANTASY FOODS

1. Harada includes in this category of playful texts the culinary book Threading Together the Sages of Verse (Kasen no kumi’ito, 1748), a collection of menus described in the previous chapter. Harada, Edo no ryrishi, pp. 104–6, 113.

2. Harada, “Culinary Culture and Its Transmission in the Late Edo Period,” p. 157.

3. Ferguson, Accounting for Taste, p. 3.

4. Harada, Edo no ryrishi, pp. 10–11.

5. Harada writes of playful cookbooks of the 1770s: “These books stand in sharp contrast to the earlier ryrisho manuals, because they were produced for a growing readership among commoners interested in food and culinary enjoyment.” “Culinary Culture and Its Transmission in the Late Edo Period,” p. 143.

6. Tales of Cookery consists of twenty different sections, as listed in the work’s table of contents: “Ocean Fish,” “Edible Seaweeds,” “River Fish,” “Fowl,” “Beasts,” “Mushrooms,” “Green Vegetables,” “Sauces” (including stocks and sake-based stocks), “Light Soups,” “Fish Salads,” “Sashimi,” “Simmered Dishes,” “Grilled Dishes,” “Stews,” “Cooking Sakes,” “Fish,” “After Meal [godan] Snacks,” “Sweets,” “Teas,” and “Notations.” Each of these sections contains a number of recipes. For example, section 4, on fowl, lists methods of preparation for seventeen birds, including crane, swan, goose, duck, pheasant, copper pheasant (yamadori), moorhen (ban), plover (keri), and heron. Under the subheading for plover, the text maintains that the bird can be “used in a soup, grilled, and prepared other ways.” Section 5, under the heading of “Beasts,” provides suggestions for cooking deer, raccoon dog (tanuki), boar, rabbit, river otter, bear, and dog. According to the text, dog is best prepared in a stew or cooked over a fire on a large shell (kaiyaki). The final section entitled “Notations” contains thirty-four additional recipes. Ryri monogatari, pp. 7, 25–26, 28. Assembly of Standard Cookery Writings provides a more detailed table of contents that divides recipes according to cooking technique but also lists individual recipes. Grui nichiy ryrish, pp. 96–104.

7. Borges, Book of Imaginary Beings, p. 12.

8. Hakubshi, Ryri chinmish, p. 73.

9. Examples of restaurants in the eastern part of Kyoto operating in that period include the two teahouses (nikenjaya) operating outside the gates of Gionsha (Yasaka shrine) mentioned in chapter 1.

10. Kawakami, “Edo jidai no ryrisho ni kan suru kenky (dai 2 h),” p. 124.

11. Harada, Edo no ryrishi, pp. 106–7.

12. Strassberg, Chinese Bestiary, pp. 3, 43–44, 88–89, 91, 94.

13. The table of contents to volume 5 of Hakubshi’s Ryri sankaiky is on pp. 59–60; the following discussion of the recipes comes from pp. 61–70 of that text.

14. For example, Tales of Cookery includes the recipe Egg Lotus (tamago hasu) with the following instructions: “Pour egg yolk into the middle of a lotus flower. Pull up the edges, boil it, and cut to serve.” Ryri monogatari, p. 76. Assembly of Standard Cookery Writings contains the similarly straightforward recipe Chicken and Rice (niwatori meshi): “Thoroughly pluck the chicken’s feathers, cut off the wings, singe off the remaining feathers, leaving the bird clean. Boil the whole bird in water. Remove the bird when its oils begin to float in the water, and cook rice, using the water as stock. Next, remove the skin from the bird, taking it off entirely. Then tear the meat into small pieces. Avoid tearing it up too roughly. When the rice in stock comes to a boil, make a space in the center of the rice and place the shredded chicken within it, pressing rice on top. Place a lid on the pot and steam well. When the rice has turned yellow, it is done. Serve in a rice bowl with the steamed chicken meat on top of the rice.” Grui nichiy ryrish, p. 187.

15. Teika’s simmer appears in Ryri mmoku chmish, published in 1731, and in other texts; see Matsushita, zusetsu Edo ryri jiten, pp. 139–40.

16. Hakubshi, Ryri sankaiky, pp. 14, 38.

17. The reason for the name Kasuga Miso is the conjecture of the modern editor of ibid., p. 64.

18. Harada, Edo no ryrishi, pp. 107–8.

19. Harada, Ryri sankaiky, p. 100. This poetic term originated as a women’s word (nyb kotoba), referring to the language of women serving the imperial court in the Muromachi period.

20. The play is Quiver of Plums (Ebira no ume), referenced because of the use of plum flowers in the recipe, according to ibid., p. 115. Today this play is simply called Quiver (Ebira).

21. Harada Nobuo holds that the fish is not a freshwater trout (masu) but rather a type of grouper (hata) (ibid., p. 110).

22. Hakubshi, Ryri sankaiky, pp. 13, 32. In modern culinary discourse, frosting (shimofuri) refers to blanching, putting meat into boiled water until it turns white. It also refers to the marbleized pattern prized in Japanese beef. See Wells, “Irretrievably in Love with Japanese Cuisine.”

23. Ferguson, Accounting for Taste, p. 74.

24. The recipe Deep Thought Wheat Gluten (shianpu) appears also in the late-eighteenth-century work Shiki ryri kondate (p. 210). And the recipe appears in two unpublished manuscripts that date after Ryri sankaiky. See Matsushita, zusetsu Edo ryri jiten, p. 256.

25. Harada, Edo no ryrishi, p. 117.

26. Delicacies from the Mountains and Seas was initially published in 1750. Existing printed versions date from 1819 and 1820. There is also another printed version lacking a date. Editions of Anthology of Special Delicacies include the first edition of 1764 and one dating from 1819; there are also two known manuscript copies of the text based on printed versions. Harada, Ryri sankaiky, pp. 224–26.

27. Akai, Kashi no bunkashi, p. 107.

28. Ibid., p. 127.

29. Shashi, Toraya no goseiki, pp. 11, 41.

30. Nakayama, “Genroku jidai to wagashi ish,” p. 25.

31. Tyler, Tale of Genji, pp. 248–49. Warlord Toyotomi Hideyoshi owned a famous incense burner called Plover, which inspired a play. One of the famous seven tea bowls of Nonk (1599–1656), the third head of the Raku lineage of potters in Kyoto, was given the name Plover. The name was often used for tea containers, tea scoops, and water containers, and it described a way of exchanging sake cups and of folding a tea cloth (chakin). Sasaki, Chado, the Way of Tea, p. 636.

32. Namura, Onna chhki, otoko chhki, pp. 326–42.

33. Nakayama, “Genroku jidai to wagashi ish,” p. 26.

34. Ibid., p. 22.

35. Yamaguchi, “Wagashi no ish are kore,” pp. 12–13.

36. One example of a sweet with two different names is a product of the Kyoto confectioner Tsuruya Yoshinobu, which produces a sweet called Kyoto Kanze (Ky Kanze), a name that references a famous well owned by a family of Noh actors. A similar sweet called Cloud Dragon (unry) is produced by a rival business in Kyoto, Tawaraya Yoshitomi, said to have been inspired by a painting at Shkokuji Zen temple in the city. Having sampled them both, I can attest to the fact that both are delicious, but they evoke different sentiments: Noh theater on the one hand and Zen Buddhism on the other.

37. Kidod, Shokoku meisan daikon ryri hidensh, pp. 203, 206.

38. Kidod, Shinch ryri ychin himitsu bako, pp. 156–57.

39. Kidod, Shokoku meisan daikon ryri hidensh, p. 206.

40. Ibid., p. 207.

41. Ibid., pp. 208–9, 214–15, 218.

42. Ibid., p. 211.

43. Ibid., p. 223.

44. Ibid., pp. 218–19, 224, 225, 226, 233.

CONCLUSION

1. Cwiertka, Modern Japanese Cuisine, p. 12.

2. Chikamatsu’s views are presented in A Present from Naniwa (Naniwa miyage), translated in Addiss, Groemer, and Rimer, Traditional Japanese Arts and Culture, p. 211.

3. Bestor, Tsukiji, p. 150.

4. Ogura, Komatsuzaki, and Hatae, Nihon ryri gyji, 1:265.

5. Matsushita, Iwai no shoku bunka, pp. 80, 87.

APPENDIX

Epigraph: This translation is based on Nanban ryrisho in Kinsei kashi seihsho shsei, edited by Suzuki and Matsumoto, but it references Okumura, Nanban ryrisho.

1. The salt water mentioned here could be actual seawater, which was often used in bread baking in Europe and is still preferred by some modern bakers. Okumura hypothesizes that the dough was probably shaped into tiny clumps and grilled or fried in oil. Nanban ryrisho, p. 267. Today bro are often made as round cookies with a hole in the middle.

2. This recipe creates something akin to the sweetened, fried dough treat called karint. Ibid., p. 267. Cosocaráo are eaten during the Christmas holiday in Portugal. One contemporary recipe uses flour, water, egg, lard, orange juice, and sugar. The dough is fried in oil and then covered in cinnamon and sugar. Nakayama, Wagashi monogatari, p. 244.

3. This may be an adaptation of a Portuguese cheesecake called queijada. Nakayama, Wagashi monogatari, p. 245.

4. This might be the same as the sweet harute mentioned in passing in the 1720 Collection of Evening Tales of Nagasaki (Nagasaki yawaso). Ibid., p. 245. Okumura glosses haruteisu as farte, a grilled confectionery with an almond filling or some other kind of filling. Nanban ryrisho, p. 268. A late-fifteenth-century Portuguese cookbook contains a recipe for sweet cakes called farts made from parched flour, oil, water, honey, cloves, ginger, pepper, and anise leaves. The dough is formed into cakes, or it can be molded around pine nuts. Newman, “A Critical Edition of an Early Portuguese Cookbook,” pp. xxxiv–xxxv.

5. The history of chichira’ato, a type of aruheit made with sesame, is uncertain, but there were similar sweets called chijirat, shijirat, and chikat, which were probably derived from chichira’ato. Chichira’ato may not even be a foreign sweet, but a Japanese one given a foreign-sounding name. Nakayama, Wagashi monogatari, pp. 242, 249.

6. Aruheit is a Japanese version of the Portuguese sweet alfeloa. A late-fifteenth-century Portuguese cookbook includes a recipe for pera fazer alfelos, a type of taffy made from “clarified sugar flavored with scented water, boiled until it forms a hard ball, kneaded on a marble slab and pulled, allowed to harden, then broken up.” Newman, “A Critical Edition of an Early Portuguese Cookbook,” p. xxxiv.

7. Karumeira are not to be confused with karumeyaki, an inexpensive sweet (dagashi) made from brown sugar, egg, and baking soda introduced in the Meiji period. Nakayama, Jiten, p. 45.

8. A late-fifteenth-century Portuguese recipe for anise candy (pera cfeitos) is made from sugar and chopped anise leaves, and flavored with scented water. Newman, “A Critical Edition of an Early Portuguese Cookbook,” p. xxxiv.

The recipe for konpeit in Barbarians’ Cookbook is very similar to the one in the first published book of sweet making in Japan, Secret Writings on Famous Japanese Confectionery New and Old (Kokon meibutsu gozen gashi hidensh), which appeared in print in 1718. The latter recipe, however, is more detailed: “Wash rock candy once in water and drain. For 1 sh [1.8 liters] of sugar add 2 sh [3.6 liters] of water and heat to dissolve. Strain through a silk strainer. Boil down until half of it remains. Place poppy seeds in a different pot and heat over a low fire, then slowly cover these with the reduced sugar. Stir with a teaspoon. Repeatedly coat these with sugar while stirring, and they will grow as big as a berry. Next, divide the sugar into five parts and make these five colors. Dye green with dayflowers [tsuyugusa], yellow with gardenia, red with safflower, for white leave as it is, and [use] soot for black” (p. 15).

9. The name kren might come from the Portuguese word for color (cor), referring to the four colors of treats made with this recipe. Editors’ notes, Nanban ryrisho, p. 26.

10. Portuguese filhó, the inspiration for this dish, is still made in the same way. Nakayama, Wagashi monogatari, p. 247. The fried tofu dish also called hiryzu, which dates to at least the late seventeenth century, may be related to this earlier sweet, but the connection between the two remains uncertain. Editors’ notes, Nanban ryrisho, pp. 28–29. Culinary historian Ishige Naomichi observed, “The usage of the word hiryzu probably changed first to include not just pancakes but anything cooked in oil, and later to the name of one type of tofu dish.” Ishige, The History and Culture of Japanese Food, p. 93. Only the tofu dish survives to this day.

11. Hasuteira is a dough crust for a meat pie, according to Okumura, Nanban ryrisho, p. 269.

12. Biscuits (bisuketto) became a sweet in the Meiji period with the addition of sugar and milk to the recipe. Tsuji, Ky no wagashi, p. 148.

13. The shell-like shape of the dough for these sweets holding a dollop of bean paste resembles pearl oysters (akoyagai), hence the name. Also called hichigiri in the Kansai area, they are a popular sweet for the doll festival (hinamatsuri).

14. Instead of kudzu starch, modern ykan is usually made with gelatinous agar agar (kanten), an addition dating to the late eighteenth century. Nakayama, Jiten, p. 146.

15. Rice cakes wrapped in leaves (chimaki) dates to at least the Heian period, if not earlier, but the confectionery version using bamboo leaves and a red bean paste or other sweet filling became popular in the Edo period. Ibid., p. 96.

16. Okumura identifies this as arak or arrach (araki), a distilled alcoholic beverage made from rice, molasses, or cocoa palm sap—or in Japan, shch—that is seasoned with cloves, cinnamon, aloe wood, and fennel. Okumura, Nanban ryrisho, p. 271.

17. This is the only recipe in the text without a name.

18. The text reads, “Make a chicken drink salted vinegar” (niwatori sushio nomase), but a figurative reading makes more sense.

19. A Portuguese dish named desfeito is made from codfish, so the connection between it and the chicken recipe here is uncertain. Editors’ notes, Nanban ryrisho, p. 54.

20. The Portuguese word cozido, meaning “simmered and boiled” and also referring to a dish of meats simmered with vegetables, might be the inspiration for this dish. Ibid., p. 56. Ryrish, a manuscript of Nagasaki foodways, compiled in 1797, contains a similar dish called kujito made from whale instead of beef. Matsushita, zusetsu Edo ryri jiten, p. 126.

21. This recipe is identical to a well-known Edo-period dish called “fluffy eggs” (tamago fuwafuwa). The recipe for “egg tofu” in the popular culinary text One Hundred Tricks with Tofu (Tfu hyakuchin), published in 1782, is different, since it uses tofu not eggs as its main ingredient. Editors’ notes, Nanban ryrisho, p. 57.

22. The dish called keifun might be egg noodles (keiran), but without the cooking instructions, this is unknown. Ibid., pp. 57–58.

23. Suisen is a sweet made from kudzu starch dissolved in water that is then boiled until it solidifies; it is finely cut and sprinkled with molasses before eating. Ibid., p. 59.

24. “Cut noodles” are called “chilled noodles” (hiyamugi) today and served cold. Ibid., p. 62. The recipe here describes how to make these noodles year-round. The seasonal differences in the amount of salt indicate the effects of temperature on the consistency of the dough; more salt is added to make sure that it remains firm. Okumura, Nanban ryrisho, p. 274.