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THE BOOK SERIES EDITOR is committed to donate a significant proportion (80%) of revenues from book sales to social purposes and, in particular, hospitals in Greece (Athens and Thessaloniki) in response to any forthcoming, urgent needs for purchases of vital medical resources.
[1] Convention and Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees, 2011, United Nations High Commisioner for Refugees Communications and Public Information Service.
[2] Liisa H. Malkki, "Refugees and Exile: From "Refugee Studies" to the National Order of Things," Annual Review of Anthropology 24 (1995): 497-98.
[3] Richard Black, "Fifty Years of Refugee Studies: From Theory to Policy," International Migration Review 35.1 (2001): 64-65.
[4] Malkki, "Refugees and Exile: From "Refugee Studies" to the National Order of Things," 499.
[5] Malcolm J. Proudfoot, European Refugees: 1939-1952— a Study in Forced Population Movement (London: Faber and Faber, 1956) 116-17.
[6] Malkki, "Refugees and Exile: From "Refugee Studies" to the National Order of Things," 499. This was not the first-time voluntary aid organizations had become involved in refugee management. In 1921, the Red Cross, acting on behalf of numerous aid organizations who found themselves individually incapable of managing the rising number of refugees caused by WWI and the Russian revolution, approached the League of Nations asking it to create a body which could take responsibility for distributing aid and assisting with repatriation. The scope of the resulting Commission was very narrowly defined, concerned primarily with determining the legal status of refugees and coordinating the relief efforts of aid organizations like the Red Cross. Louise W. Holborn, "The League of Nations and the Refugee Problem," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 203 (1939): 124.
[7] Jeff Crisp, Mind the Gap: UNHCR, Humanitarian Assistance and the Development Process, 2001,
Available: http://www.unhcr.org/3b309dd07.pdf. "Implementing returnee aid and development" Malkki, "Refugees and Exile: From "Refugee Studies" to the National Order of Things," 503.
[8] Malkki, "Refugees and Exile: From "Refugee Studies" to the National Order of Things," 503.
[9] Calling Katrina Survivors ‘Refugees’ Stirs Debate, 2005, Associated Press.
[10] Black, "Fifty Years of Refugee Studies: From Theory to Policy," 12.
[11] Crisp, Mind the Gap!: UNHCR, Humanitarian Assistance and the Development Process. Implementing returnee aid and development."
[12] James Butty, February 14, 2011, Voice of America:
http://www.voanews.com/english/news/africa/Conflicting-Accounts-of-Ghanaian-Police-Raid-on-Refugee-Camp-116142484.html.
Life at the Buduburam Refugee Camp, January 26, 2005, University of Nebraska Medical Center: http://app1.unmc.edu/publicaffairs/todaysite/sitefiles/today_full.cfm?match=2007.
[13] Jeff Crisp, A State of Insecurity: The Political Economy of Violence in Refugee-Populated Areas of Kenya, 1999.
[14] Crisp, A State of Insecurity: The Political Economy of Violence in Refugee-Populated Areas of Kenya. "Sources of Insecurity."
[15] Crisp, A State of Insecurity: The Political Economy of Violence in Refugee-Populated Areas of Kenya. "The state and refugee policy."
[16] Anthony Richmond, "Reactive Migration: Sociological Perspectives on Refugee Movements," Journal of Refugee Studies 6.1 (1993): 14.
[17] Crisp, A State of Insecurity: The Political Economy of Violence in Refugee-Populated Areas of Kenya. "Connections with countries of origin" Recruitment by religious extremist groups is also a very real possibility.
[18] Richmond, "Reactive Migration: Sociological Perspectives on Refugee Movements," 11.
[19] John Berry, "Immigration, Acculturation and Adaptation," Applied Psychology 46.1 (1997): 8.
[20] Clanet, L’interculturel: Intoduction aux approaches interculturelles en éducation et en sciences humaines (Toulouse: Presses Universitaires du Mirai, 1990), 90. Quoted inBerry, "Immigration, Acculturation and Adaptation," 8.
[21] Val Colic-Peisker and Farida Tilbury, "“Active” and “Passive” Resettlement: The Influence of Support Services and Refugees' Own Resources on Resettlement Style," International Migration 41.5 (2003): 67-72.
[22] Colic-Peisker and Tilbury, "“Active” and “Passive” Resettlement: The Influence of Support Services and Refugees' Own Resources on Resettlement Style," 72-73.
[23] Colic-Peisker and Tilbury, "“Active” and “Passive” Resettlement: The Influence of Support Services and Refugees' Own Resources on Resettlement Style," 79.
[24] The Plataeans were, evidently, instantly recognizable by their distinctive hats in a painting of the Battle of Marathon located in Athens’ Stoa Poecile.
[25] Sara Forsdyke, Exile, Ostracism, and Democracy: The Politics of Expulsion in Ancient Greece (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005) 77-78.
[26] Forsdyke, Exile, Ostracism, and Democracy: The Politics of Expulsion in Ancient Greece 159-65.
[27] Forsdyke, Exile, Ostracism, and Democracy: The Politics of Expulsion in Ancient Greece 149. These terms does not necessarily apply to men who were exiled for crimes such as murder or religious pollution.
[28] Forsdyke, Exile, Ostracism, and Democracy: The Politics of Expulsion in Ancient Greece 287-88.
[29] Stefan Rebenich, "Fremdenfeindlichkeit in Sparta? Überlegungen Zur Tradition Der Spartanischen Xenelasie," Klio 80 (1998): 356-58.
[30] Benjamin Gray, "From Exile of Citizens to Deportation of Non-Citizens: Ancient Greece as a Mirror to Illuminate a Modern Transition," Citizenship Studies 15.5 (2011): 569.
[31] S. D. Lambert, "Athennian State Laws and Decrees, 352/1?322/1: Iii Decrees Honouring Foreigners A. Citizenship, Proxeny and Euergesy," Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 158.115-158 (2006): 116.
[32] IG II2 342, 360, 398, 400.
[33] If proxenoi were in the habit of fleeing to the polis which had granted them proxeny upon being exiled, and received special benefits because of their titles, this may have been the foundation for late- fifth and early fourth-century grants of proxeny made to various Olynthian refugees. See Chapter Three.
[34] Elemer Balogh, Politcal Refugees in Ancient Greece (Johannesburg: Witwatersrand University Press, 1942) 42-46.
[35] David Whitehead, The Ideology of the Athenian Metic (Cambridge: Cambridge University Library, 1977) 9.
[36] Douglas MacDowell, The Law in Classical Athens (London: Thames and Hudson, 1978) 255.
[37] Mirko Canevaro, "The Decree Awarding Citizenship to the Plataeans ([Dem.] 59.104)," Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies 50 (2010).
[38] Ryszard Kulesza, "Population Flight: A Forgotten Aspect of Greek Warfare in the Sixth and Fifth Centuries B.C.," European Review of History 6.2 (1999).
[39] Mogens Herman Hansen, "City-Ethnics as Evidence for Polis Identity," More Studies in the Ancient Greek "Polis" (Stuttgart: F. Steiner, 1996) 176.
[40] Hansen, "City-Ethnics as Evidence for Polis Identity," 170-80.
[41] Hansen, "City-Ethnics as Evidence for Polis Identity," 170-80.
[42] See Chapter Three.
[43] IG II2 10020a, 10023-27, 12271.
[44] Whitehead, The Ideology of the Athenian Metic 28.
[45] Whitehead, The Ideology of the Athenian Metic 34. He goes on to say that should the metic also be an isoteles, this designation supersedes the previous designation because isoteles was a more important ranking than mere metic.
[46] Kulesza, "Population Flight: A Forgotten Aspect of Greek Warfare in the Sixth and Fifth Centuries B.C.."
[47] Whitehead, The Ideology of the Athenian Metic 11-12.
[48] Mogens Herman and Thomas Heine Nielsen Hansen, An Inventory of Archaic and Classical Poleis (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004) 98-99.
[49] I. Oropos 56 and 208.
[50] The exception to this rule are poleis who joined together in federal leagues. In such instances isopolity was generally extended to all league members within all league communities.
[51] S. C. Todd, The Shape of Athenian Law (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993) 182.
[52] Todd, The Shape of Athenian Law 183.
[53] Mabel Gude, A History of Olynthus (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1933) 39-50.
[54] Churchill, Winston. "The Sinews of Peace." Westminster College. Fulton, Missouri. 5 March 1946.
[55] John K. Davies, "Athenian Citizenship: The Descent Group and the Alternatives," The Classical Journal 73.2 (1977/1978): 107. The decree of citizenship for the Samians dates to 405/4, before the installation of the Thirty, and reaffirmed in 403/2 (IG II2 1) following their deposition. It should not be viewed as two separate decrees. See M.J. Osborne, Naturalization in Athens, vol. 1, 4 vols. (Brussels: AWSLK, 1981) 33-37.
[56] Thucydides (3.68) dates this event to 92 years before the destruction of Plataea in 427 B.C., c. 519 B.C. Grote (4.94), however, believed there was a corruption in the manuscript and the actual date should be c. 509 B.C., following the end of Hippias’ tyranny.
[57] Plutarch (Arist. 11) claims that the Plataeans ceded a portion of their own territory to Athens prior to the battle in order to fulfill an oracle that the Greeks would be victorious should they fight on Athenian soil. There is, however, no other mention of such an oracle in the historians. Herodotus (9.13.3-19.3) states that the Greek army arrived at Plataea following the retreat of Mardonius to Thebes. Fontenrose categorizes the oracle in Plutarch as quasi-historical (Q 154). He believes the first part concerning the gods and heroes to be genuine, but the second half, concerning the plain of Demeter and Kore, to be an invention. Joseph Fontenrose, The Delphic Oracle (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978) 319-20.
[58] Thuc. 2.78; Plut. Alex. 34.2; Arist. 11.9.
[59] Gordon S. Shrimpton, "When Did Plataea Join Athens?," Classical Philology 79.4 (1984): 295. This grant would have been nullified when Pausanias restored their land and city to them following the Persian war (Thuc. 2.71.2).
[60] N. G. L. Hammond, "Plataea's Relations with Thebes, Sparta and Athens," The Journal of Hellenic Studies 112 (1992): 146-7. He states that the grant to which Thucydides has the Plataean prisoners of war refer, is actually a contemporaneous one made in Athens in 427/6. It is unclear how the defenders could have been aware of such a grant since they had been besieged with no communication with Athens for some time. To work around this issue, Hammond says that the prisoners need not have known; Thucydides was merely putting words in their mouths to reflect what he knew of events. This rationalization seems to be extremely convoluted and, lacking firm evidence to the contrary, we are inclined to agree with Shrimpton.
[61] M. Amit, Great and Small Poleis: A Study in the Relations between the Great Powers and the Small Cities in Ancient Greece (Brussels: Latomus, 1973) 75-8. Another example of such a grant by Athens would be the grant of citizenship made to the Samians in 405/4 and reaffirmed (IG I2 126 = IG II2 1) in 403/2 after the fall of the Thirty. See M.J. Osborne, Naturalization in Athens, vol. 2 (Brussels: AWLSK, 1982) 25-26.
[62] This painting is also mentioned in [Dem] 59.94. Here the author cites the Plataeans and their sacrifices on behalf of Athens and Greece as an object lesson of the exemplary valor required to win Athenian citizenship.
[63] Thuc. 2.2-6. Thucydides places the number of prisoners at 180, but this number appears to include not only the Theban captives but also at least a few Plataean collaborators. A certain Eurymachus, who opened the gates of Plataea to the Thebans is named among the prisoners.
[64] Thuc. 2.5. Thucydides relates two versions of the events surrounding the prisoners executions. According to the Thebans, Plataea negotiated a retreat of their forces in exchange for a promise to release the prisoners unharmed once the army had withdrawn. This supposed promise was one of the pretexts for the execution of Plataean prisoners in 427/6. Alternatively, the Plataean story was that no promise was made to release the prisoners, rather it was a matter for further negotiations after the retreat of the Theban army.
[65] Thuc. 2.78, “Πλαταιῆς δὲ παῖδαςμὲν καὶ γυναῖκας καὶ τοὺς πρεσβυτάτους τε καὶ πλῆθος τὸ ἀχρεῖον τῶν ἀνθρώπων πρότερον ἐκκεκομισμένοι ἦσαν ἐς τὰς Ἀθήνας, αὐτοὶ δὲ ἐπολιορκοῦντο ἐγκαταλελειμμένοι τετρακόσιοι, Ἀθηναίων δὲ ὀγδοήκοντα, γυναῖκες δὲ δέκα καὶ ἑκατὸν σιτοποιοί.”
[66] As we shall see, the Messenian refugees whom Athens resettled at no point lived in Athens.
[67] Mogens Herman Hansen, "The Polis as an Urban Centre: The Literary and Epigraphical Evidence," Acts of the Copenhagen Polis Centre 4 (1997): 27-28.
[68] Mogens Herman Hansen, Three Studies in Athenian Demography (Copenhagen: Det Kongelige Danske videnskabernes selskab, 1988) 23-5.; Rhodes concurs, P. J. Rhodes, Thucydides History, ii (Warminster: Aris and Phillips, 1988) 271-77. A precise number of women and children is unknown, but one could easily envision the same number if not more. It is conceivable, then, that the urban population alone might have reached 100,000.
[69] Thuc. 2.71-78, 3.52-68; Paus. 3.10. Apollodorus states in [Dem] 59.103 that the city was taken by storm, not surrendered. While acknowledging the possibility that the divergence is due to Apollodorus’ desire to present the Plataeans in the best possible light, Trevett (1990) attributes this and other discrepancies between Apollodorus and Thucydides to the use of a now lost pro-Plataean history of the siege which Apollodorus would have consulted with Thucydides’ account. There is no hint as to who might have written such a work or when. It is probably best to consider the distortions to be of Apollodorus’ own making, prompted by the requirements of his prosecution.
[70] Isocrates (14.48) alludes to such a possibility during the Plataeans second flight to Athens, when having taken on the role of a Plataean he says “What, were you supposing, is our state of mind when we see our own parents unworthily tended in their old age, and our children, instead of being brought up as we had hoped when we bore them, but many because of petty debts being enslaved, others working for hire, and each supplying the day as far as they are able, and in such an unseemly manner for the deeds of their ancestors, and their own age, and our own spirits...” [“τίνα γὰρ ἡμᾶς οἴεσθε γνώμην ἔχειν ὁρῶντας καὶ τοὺς γονέας αὑτῶν ἀναξίωςγηροτροφουμένους καὶ τοὺς παῖδας οὐκ ἐπὶ ταῖς ἐλπίσιν αἷς ἐποιησάμεθαπαιδευομένους, ἀλλὰ πολλοὺς μὲν μικρῶν ἕνεκα συμβολαίων δουλεύοντας, ἄλλους δ᾽ἐπὶ θητείαν ἰόντας, τοὺς δ᾽ ὅπως ἕκαστοι δύνανται τὰ καθ᾽ ἡμέραν ποριζομένους,ἀπρεπῶς καὶ τοῖς τῶν προγόνων ἔργοις καὶ ταῖς αὑτῶν ἡλικίαις καὶ τοῖς φρονήμασιτοῖς ἡμετέροις...”]
[71] Thuc. 3.55.3, 3.63.2. Isoc. 12.94, 14.51-52. Lysias 23.2 refers to Plataeans who have been distributed among the Athenian voting tribes.
[72] [Dem] 59.89-92. Isoc. 14.51 also references the intermarriage of Plataeans with the Athenian population. If these were the standard terms for citizenship grants within Athens, the reason the sixth century grant of citizenship had become invalid is clear. The grant was not hereditary unless the children were born of an Athenian woman.
[73] Todd, The Shape of Athenian Law 177.
[74] Todd, The Shape of Athenian Law 179.
[75] Yvon Garlan, Slavery in Ancient Greece, trans. Janet Lloyd (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1988) 58.
[76] Canevaro, "The Decree Awarding Citizenship to the Plataeans ([Dem.] 59.104)."
[77] To date, the witness statements have been discredited by MacDowell in his Demosthenes: Against Meidias (Oxford 1990), as well as the laws and oracles included with the speech by E. M. Harris, in his Demosthenes: Speeches 20–22 (Austin 2008).
[78] For a similar grant of limited citizenship and land use rights see Kulesza (1999:159-160). Lysias 23.2 refers to Plataeans who have been distributed among the demes of Attica. This reference would seem to support the idea that the grant was made in order to provide for the refugees and decrease the burden of their presence upon the city.
[79] Thuc. 3.20-24 tells us that 212 Plataeans of the 400 who remained behind eventually reached safety in Athens. Of the remaining defenders, Thuc. 3.68 says, “διέφθειραν δὲ Πλαταιῶν μέν αὐτῶν οὐκ ἐλασσους διακοσίων, Ἀθηναίων δὲ πἐντε καὶ εἴκοσιν, οἳ ξυνεπολιορκοῦντο; γυναῖκας δὲ ἠνδραπόδισαν.” “No less than 200 Plataeans were killed and 25 of the Athenians besieged with them. The women, they enslaved.”
[80] Hammond, "Plataea's Relations with Thebes, Sparta and Athens," 147.
[81] [Dem] 59.104, “τοῖς οὖν οὕτω φανερῶς ἐνδεδειγμένοις τὴν εὔνοιαν τω δήμῳ, καὶ προεμένοις ἅπαντα τὰ αὑτῶν καὶ παῖδας καὶ γυναῖκας, πάλιν σκοπεῖτε πῶς μετέδοτε τῆς πολιταίας.”
[82] Peter Hunt, "The Slaves and the Generals of Arginusae," AJA 122.3 (2001): 363.
[83] Dionysisus of Halicarnassus places Lysias’ birth in the year 459. His latest datable work, the fragmentary For Pherenicus dates to 381/380. He is believed to have died sometime in or just after 380 B.C. The representations in Against Pancleon should then apply to the Plataeans’ first sojourn in Athens, 431-c. 386.
[84] For comparison, see the epigraphic habits of the Olynthian refugees in Athens in Chapter Three. The Plataeans leave remarkably little epigraphic trace at any point in their history. The lack of inscriptions by or for Plataeans in Athens should then, perhaps, be seen as the Plataeans continuing their own particular custom of not inscribing every bit of stone they laid hands on, in contrast to the Athenian obsession with recording events.
[85] Thuc. 4.67. Participation in this campaign may have been an act of retribution. Minoa was a Megarian holding; after the surrender of Plataea in 427, Sparta gave the city and its lands to the Megarians for approximately a year before destroying it entirely and using the spoils to expand the sanctuary of Hera (Thuc. 3.68).
[86] Thuc. 7.57.5, “...Πλαταιῆς δὲ καταντικρὺ Βοιωτοὶ Βοιωτοῖς μόνοι εἰκότως κατὰ τὸ ἔχθος.” “But the Plataeans, the only native Boeotians opposed to Boeotians, did so on a just quarrel.”
[87] Simon Hornblower, A Commentary on Thucydides: Books 5.25-8.109, vol. 3 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008) 75.
[88] Michael Gagarin, Speeches from Athenian Law (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2011) 138.
[89] Lys. 23.2, “ὡς γὰρ ἀδικῶν με πολὺν χρόνον οὐκ ἐπαύετο...”
[90] The Hellenicus fragment is found in the scholia to Aristophanes’ Frogs 693.
[91] Diodorus arrives at a slightly different number for the ships; he states that 60 ships were fitted out in Athens which rendezvoused with a further 80 ships collected from Athenian allies in the islands.
[92] Kenneth Dover, Aristophanes: Frogs (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993) 279.
[93] M.J. Osborne, Naturalization in Athens, vol. 3, 4 vols. (Brussels: AWLSK, 1983) 37-8.
[94] We also find it questionable whether the group of Plataeans sent to Scione can truly be regarded as settlers, in the sense of establishing a full-fledged polis with large numbers of dependent women and children. The word used to describe the Plataean possession of the land is νέμεσθαι which means “to inhabit or possess” but can also mean “to hold or manage.” It is possible that the Plataeans who moved to Scione were intended to hold and defend the site for Athens, using a similar composition of people to that left behind for Plataea’s defense.
[95] James A. Notopoulos, "The Slaves at the Battle of Marathon," The American Journal of Philology 62.3 (1941): 354.
[96] The irony of Thebes becoming Athens’ champion after advocating that city’s destruction at the end of the Peloponnesian war is exquisite. Nevertheless, it was not to be had without a price. Athens lost control of Oropos, a polis an the east coast of Boeotia which guarded an important route into Attica and was an important port of trade with Euboea; see Chapter Three for more details.
[97] Isoc. 14.1, 5, 7-9, 19, 35, 46; Xen, Hell. 6.3.1, 3-5. Paus. 9.1.5-8 places the destruction in 373. According to Diodorus (15.46.4-5) it was not only the refusal of Plataea to join the federation, but also the fact that they sent to Athens for troops and intended to turn the city over to the Athenians which led to the Boeotian attack. One imagines an element of payback was at play on the Thebans’ part for Plataea acting as a Spartan base in the previous war. Though the Second Athenian Confederacy had taken the part of Thebes in this war, they evidently did not see the occupation of Plataea by the Spartans as an act of collaboration on the part of the Plataeans. They later renewed the citizenship grant to Plataean refugees. See below.
[98] Plut. Alex. 34.1-2, “ὅτι τὴν χώραν οἱ πατέρες αὐτῶν ἐναγωνίσασθαι τοῖς...”
[99] It is tempting to speculate that the myriad of personal relationships the Plataeans had developed during their first stay in Athens enable the refugees to be assisted privately without interference from the government in some manner akin to personal patronage or based on the tradition of xenia, much as the Samians were. See Chapter Four.
[100] The Olynthians also possessed an alliance with Athens at the time their city was destroyed and they arrived as refugees. See Chapter Three.
[101] Nino Luraghi, The Ancient Messenians: Constructions of Ethnicity and Memory (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008) 82.
[102] Luraghi, The Ancient Messenians: Constructions of Ethnicity and Memory 68-106. Luraghi notes that the war for public opinion probably began in the mid-fifth century with the outbreak of the Third Messenian War and continued through the founding of the Messenian state by Epaminondas of Thebes in the fourth-century, when the Messenians codified an official and approved historical narrative of their state for public relations purposes.
[103] Luraghi, The Ancient Messenians: Constructions of Ethnicity and Memory 107.
[104] Diod. 15.66; Paus. 4.5-13, 4.5.15-4.23.4; Strabo 8.4.9-10.
[105] CURFRAG.tlg-0266.3
[106] Assuming, of course, that the twenty year duration of the war provided by Tyrtaeus is accurate and not poetic license. Luraghi does note, however, that Messene is already considered part of Lacedaemonia in the Odyssey (21.13ff). Citing the late eighth or early seventh century date generally assigned to the coalescence of the epic, Luraghi points out the correlation with Tyrtaeus’ date, although he declines to push the point. Luraghi, The Ancient Messenians: Constructions of Ethnicity and Memory 73. See also footnote 114.
[107] Thuc. 1.101.2, “ἐν ᾧ καὶ οἱ Εἵλωτες αὐτοῖς καὶ τῶν περιοίκων Θουριᾶταίτε καὶ Αἰθαιῆς ἐς Ἰθώμην ἀπέστησαν.”
[108] Thuc. 1.95. French notes that foremost among those who demanded the change were the recently liberated poleis of Ionia and theorizes that these cities had become dependent on Athens for relief supplies following their severance of ties with Persia, a situation which would naturally lead to an inclination for Athenian leadership that could be exploited. French, "The Spartan Earthquake," 109.
[109] Thuc. 1.135.2-3. Themistocles’ hubristic attitude in later years ultimately resulted in his ostracism in 471/470. He took up residence in the city of Argos from which place he made several tours of the Peloponnese. Sparta eventually alleged Themistocles had been complicit in their general Pausanias’ treason with the Persians, after which Athens declared Themistocles a traitor and seized all his property. See also Plut. Them. 23 and Diod. 11.54.
[110] As proxenos, Plut. Cim. 14.3; Paus. 4.24.6; Son named Lacedaemonios, Thuc. 1.45.2; Plut. Cim. 16.1.
[111] Some scholars do not in fact accept Thucydides’ account instead suggesting emendations of either six or four years for the length of the war making the range of dates for its beginning from 469/8 to 464/3. See Luraghi, The Ancient Messenians: Constructions of Ethnicity and Memory 182.
[112] Jacoby disagreed with this reading and suggested the number had been corrupted from “the eighteenth year after the battle of Plataea” FGrHist. IIIb Suppl. 1.455ff.
[113] P. J. Rhodes, A History of the Classical Greek World: 478-323 B. C. (Malden, Mass: Blackwell Publishing, 2006) 28. French takes the story of the promise to be true, although he does express some doubts; in particular, that such a promise should entail a formal vote and declaration of war by the entire Peloponnesian League. A. French, "The Spartan Earthquake," Greece & Rome 2.3 (1955): 111.
[114] The arrival of Tirynthian refugees at Halieis c. 470 provides further (circumstantial) evidence for this date. See Chapter Four.
[115] Plut. Cim. 16.4, “ὑπὸ σεισμοῦ μεγίστου δὴ τῶνμνημονευομένων πρότερον ἥ τε χώρα τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων χάσμασιν ἐνώλισθε πολλοῖς καὶτῶν Ταϋγέτων τιναχθέντων κορυφαί τινες ἀπερράγησαν, αὐτὴ δ᾽ ἡ πόλις ὅλη συνεχύθηπλὴν οἰκιῶν πέντε, τὰς δ᾽ ἄλλας ἤρειψεν ὁ σεισμός.”
[116] French, "The Spartan Earthquake," 114. Diodorus Siculus placed the death toll at 20,000 Lacadaemonians. This figure seems suspiciously high, though, and it is unclear whether it is meant to include only the men, or women and children also. Cartledge sees this number as an example of ancient authors “...weakness for large numbers...”; Paul Cartledge, Sparta and Lakonia: A Regional History 1300 to 362 B.C., Second ed. (New York: Routledge, 2002) 190. Shipley follows Cartledge; Shipley in Hansen, An Inventory of Archaic and Classical Poleis 590.
[117] Thucydides 2.27.2 says the Plataeans and Aeginetans also sent help and Xen. Hell. 5.2.3 mentions the Mantineans. It is an indication to what degree Sparta had been crippled by the earthquake that it required the assistance of its allies to put down the slave revolt, but that Athens was able to send a levy to assist Sparta while still besieging Thasos. That war did not end until the capitulation of the island c. 463. The weakness of Sparta at this time is also mocked in Aristophanes’ Lysistrata, where the Spartan ambassador is said to have appeared in Athens on begging his knees for help, pale with fear.
[118] French takes Plutarch’s story of two expeditions to be accurate and reads this as an indication of exactly how weak Sparta had become; French, "The Spartan Earthquake," 114-15. Luraghi seems skeptical of Plutarch’s extra expedition; Luraghi, The Ancient Messenians: Constructions of Ethnicity and Memory 185.
[119] Thuc. 1.102, “ δείσαντες τῶν Ἀθηναίων τὸ τολμηρὸν καὶ τὴν νεωτεροποιίαν, καὶ ἀλλοφύλους ἅμα ἡγησάμενοι...”; Plut. Cim. 17.2, “δὲ τὴν τόλμαν καὶ τὴν λαμπρότητα δείσαντες ἀπεπέμψαντο μόνους τῶν συμμάχων ὡς νεωτεριστάς.” Plutarch may have been using Thucydides as his source.
[120] Never mind the hypocrisy inherent in Athens actions on Thasos. It is always easier to see the fault in others which is also in ourselves.
[121] G. E. M. de Ste. Croix, The Origins of the Peloponnesian War (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1972) 179-80. Quoted in Cartledge, Sparta and Lakonia: A Regional History 1300 to 362 B.C. 189.
[122] It must be remembered that, even though chattel slavery was common in Athens, during the early fifth century most of these slaves would have been of foreign, non-Hellenic descent. It would not be until the Peloponnesian War, when numbers of cities were destroyed and their citizens sold into slavery, that slaves of Greek descent became common in Athens. Garlan, Slavery in Ancient Greece 46-47.
[123] Thuc. 1.102.4. Sparta and Argos had a long, inimical history. One of the chief points of contention between the two in the fifth century was ownership of Thyrea, which will be further discussed in Chapter Four.
[124] Cartledge, Sparta and Lakonia: A Regional History 1300 to 362 B.C. 194.
[125] Previously, the cities of Thessaly had each generally been led by oligarchies.
[126] “A recurrent expense for all Greek cities that left no physical trace was the need to import grain when, periodically, the local crops failed.” Michael H. Jameson, Curtis N. Runnels and Tjeerd H. van Andel, A Greek Countryside: The Southern Argolid from Prehistory to the Present Day (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1994) 83.
[127] Thuc. 1.104.4. Cartledge, Sparta and Lakonia: A Regional History 1300 to 362 B.C. 193.
[128] It is enticing to consider the strike at Aegina as Athens taking a two-birds-with-one-stone approach to the war. They could simultaneously secure a new base of operations for their fleet by seizing the island of Aegina and incidentally cause Sparta more grief by removing one of its allies from the Messenian War. The chronology of events surrounding the Messenian war is, however, too vague to reach such a conclusion.
[129] 30 It would be ironic if, as Figueira has theorized, the thought that the Athenians might suggest offering terms to the Messenians— as eventually occurred— was the ‘revolutionary’ tendency for which they were initially dismissed from the siege. Thomas J. Figueira, "The Evolution of the Messenian Identity," Sparta: New Perspectives, ed. Stephen and Anton Powell Hodkinson (Swansea: Duckworth with The Classical Press of Wales, 1999) 233-34.
[130] Thuc. 1.103.2, “τὸν ἱκέτην τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ Ἰθωμήτα ἀφιέναι.”
[131] Sparta’s actions at Phocis were precipitated by Phocian attacks against poleis in Doris, the ancestral cradle of the Spartan people; Thuc. 1.107.
[132] E. Badian, "Athens, the Locrians and Naupactus," The Classical Quarterly 40.2 (1990): 367.
[133] Badian, "Athens, the Locrians and Naupactus," 368-69. See especially fn. 12 in reference to the periplous.
[134] Cartledge, Sparta and Lakonia: A Regional History 1300 to 362 B.C. 196.
[135] Cartledge, Sparta and Lakonia: A Regional History 1300 to 362 B.C. 194.
[136] Thomas Braun, "Χρηστοὺς Ποιεῖν," The Classical Quarterly 44.1 (1994): 42-43.
[137] Braun, "Χρηστοὺς Ποιεῖν," 43.
[138] Luraghi reads the terms for the Messenians surrender and evacuation of Mt. Ithome at the end of the Third Messenian War as evidence for Spartan view that they were in essence run away slaves, especially the fact that the treaty was made because the Messenians had made themselves suppliants of Zeus Ithomatas. The clause that the Messenians could be re-enslaved if found in the Peloponnese after the truce is consistent with this view; Luraghi, The Ancient Messenians: Constructions of Ethnicity and Memory 198. It is only after the Messenians have left Spartan territory and become refugees recognized by other poleis as an independent polity that Sparta is forced to do so as well.
[139] Spartan allies could readily be expected to help in the case of a slave revolt, a circumstance feared throughout antiquity, but would not have automatically assisted in a campaign against supposedly independent states in Arcadia.
[140] The word is addressed again in Plut. Quaes. Rom. 52 = Moralia 277bc where Aristotle is quoted to say this clause specifically related to the pro-Spartan party.
[141] Braun, "Χρηστοὺς Ποιεῖν," 41.
[142] F. Jacoby, "Χρηστοὺς Ποιεῖν (Aristotle Fr. 592 R.)," The Classical Quarterly 38.1/2 (1944): 15-16.
[143] Braun, "Χρηστοὺς Ποιεῖν," 42. Braun only acknowledges two instance of citizenship grants to refugees in the classical period, the Plataeans, and a second grant to some Selinuntines in Ephesus. We shall see two more the accommodations made for Olynthians in various cities in Chapter Three and the Tirynthians at Halieis, who despite retaining their original ethnic, clearly became full members of the Haliean polity. A third example might be the grant made by Athens to the Samians, though the grant was only implemented if the Samians came to live in Athens.
[144] This interpretation resolves the conflict seen by Braun as to how the Messenians could be enfranchised if they had already been expelled, in fact it was the other way around. They were expelled, in the Spartans’ mind, to prevent them from being enfranchised and forming the nucleus of a dangerous challenge to Spartan authority.
[145] Thuc.1.103.3, “ἐξῆλθον δὲ αὐτοὶ καὶ παῖδες καὶ γυναῖκες, καὶ αὐτοὺς οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι δεξάμενοι κατ᾽ ἔχθος ἤδητὸ Λακεδαιμονίων ἐς Ναύπακτον κατῴκισαν, ἣν ἔτυχον ᾑρηκότες νεωστὶ Λοκρῶν τῶν Ὀζολῶν ἐχόντων.”
[146] The Argives later used this defeat and the chaos caused by a subsequent internal revolution as an excuse not to join the Greek alliance against the Persian invasion.
[147] These associations and the ones created during the Third Messenian War would lead to the founding of the new Messenian capital on that site by Epaminondas in the fourth-century.
[148] Luraghi, The Ancient Messenians: Constructions of Ethnicity and Memory 193.
[149] The dedication, mentioned in Pausanias (5.26.1), was comprised of a pillar on which stood a Nike sculpted by Paeonius of Mende. Pausanias attributes the offering to the war allegedly fought against the Oeniadae c. 430. The Messenians themselves said the monument was dedicated from the spoils of the battle on Sphacteria in 425.
[150] Such as the joint foundation of Syracuse by Corinth and Tenea, Strabo 8.6.22.
[151] The re-emergence of the Messenian polity in the fifth century is not quite parallel in that the “Messenians” who revolted against Sparta at Mt. Ithome and those brought together into the new city of Messene by Epaminondas in the fourth-century were only distantly, if at all related to the Messenians originally enslaved by Sparta. The identity of these Messenians was manufactured to serve political purposes. By contrast, many of the men and women claiming Olynthian identity in the third- and second- century after Olynthus’ destruction can be linked back to that city prosopographically.
[152] Herodotus (7.122) tells us that Olynthus, along with several other cities of the Chalcidice provided an unspecified number of ships and men to Xerxes fleet. No other mention is made of these troops.
[153] Thucydides (1.56) avers that Potidaea revolted because Athens, fearing the town’s ties to Corinth its metropolis, ordered the Potidaeans to tear down a portion of their city walls and provided hostages to Athens.
[154] Gude, A History of Olynthus 23. Michael Zahrnt, Olynth Und Die Chalkidier (Munich: Beck, 1971) 80-90. Allen Brown West, The History of the Chalcidic League (Madison, Wis.: University of Wisconsin, 1918) 31. J. A. O. Larsen, Greek Federal States (Oxford: 1968) 62.
[155] Thuc. 1.58: τοῖς τ᾽ ἐκλιποῦσι τούτοις τῆς ἑαυτοῦ γῆς τῆς Μυγδονίας περὶ τὴν Βόλβην λίμνην ἔδωκε νέμεσθαι.
[156] Kulesza, "Population Flight: A Forgotten Aspect of Greek Warfare in the Sixth and Fifth Centuries B.C.," 156-58.
[157] Gale and Singus, which had been part of the move to Olynthus in 432 appear to be repopulated and independent of Olynthus in 421. Ulla Westermark, "The Coinage of the Chalcidian League Reconsidered," Studies in Ancient History and Numismatics Presented to Rudi Thomsen, ed. Aksel and Erik Christiansen and Erik Hallager Damsgaard-Madsen (Aarhus, Denmark: Aarhus University Press, 1988) 92-93.
[158] Westermark, "The Coinage of the Chalcidian League Reconsidered," 100.
[159] The stone bearing the inscription actually appears to preserve fragments of two treaties. The obverse is the initial defensive treaty between the league and Amyntas. The reverse face of the treaty from 393/2 includes terms from what appears to be a second treaty dating to sometime before 382. In contrast to the first treaty, the balance of power has shifted in favor of the Chalcidians in the second with several commercial provisions included. Zahrnt, Olynth Und Die Chalkidier 122-24. For inscription see Appendix I.1.
[160] Xen. Hell 5.2-3; Diod. 15.21-23. Sparta’s justification for attacking the League was that it had violated the peace of Antalcidas, which guaranteed autonomy to all Greek poleis. The growth of the League had already encompassed land formerly belonging to Macedonia, and the Spartans most likely viewed the expansion of a potential rival dimly. Athens’ lack of participation in the war may be read as an indication of the weakness of its state.
[161] The inscription is damaged and heavily restored; face B left.col I, II lines 5-6 of the charter for the new federation are restored to read “[Χαλκι]δῆς ἀπὸ [Θράικης].” The Chalcidians were regularly referred to in official documents outside their own territory as “The Chalcdians from Thrace” to distinguish them from the Chalcidians of Chalcis. What Olynthus had to gain from the alliance is unclear unless it was intended to provide breathing room for the Chalcidian League to reform itself without interference from Sparta.
[162] Perdiccas was happy to ally himself with Athens while fighting the Chalcidian League; when matters came to a head, though, Perdiccas proved as unwilling to have the Athenians in the Chalcidice as the Olynthians were.
[163] The campaign began in the late summer or fall of 349/8.
[164] See Suda entry Κάρανος. The eventual capture of the city was facilitated by a disastrous cavalry defeat, in which two Olynthian hipparchs, Lasthenes and Euthycrates, betrayed their command to Philip, see Dem. 9.56, 66; Diod. 16.53.
[165] For a discussion of Athens’ overcommitment in Euboea and the consequences for the Chalcidian league, see John M. Carter, "Athens, Euboea, and Olynthus," Historia: Zeitschrift für Alte Geschichte 20.4 (1971).
[166] The number of home sales and leases in the city of Olynthus during the mid-fourth century is in itself quite interesting. Fifteen documents recording real estate transactions were recovered in situ during excavations of the site. Of these, approximately half date to just before the capture of Olynthus by Philip. While this may simply be indicative of the normal state of affairs in the League’s major city, one cannot help but project onto the evidence the increasing tensions between Macedonia and the League. It is very tempting to view these sales as a divestiture of material goods as the first wave of Olynthians sought refuge elsewhere, in which case they could be classified as anticipatory refugees per Richmond, see Introduction.
[167] Only one literary source from antiquity, the Suda entry Κάρανος, mentions any provisions for the Olynthians. It claims that Athenian citizenship was granted to those individuals who escaped the destruction of Olynthus: Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ τοὺς περισωθἐντας πολίτας ἐποιήσαντο. The nature of the Suda and its late date, 10th century A.D., makes it questionable as a source, however.
[168] This depiction of Olynthus continued into the Roman period. Statius Theb. 12.497–513, Seneca Con. 10.5 and Juvenal 12.47 all reference the loss of Olynthus either directly or indirectly.
[169] Dem. 9.56: ὅπως μὴδουλεύσιν οἱ πολῖται πράττοντες; Dem. 19.265.
[170] This grant was apparently later revoked under a γράφη παρρανόμων. [Dem.] 59.91 includes Apollonides in a list of men whose citizenship was revoked for unspecified transgressions.
[171] Kulesza, "Population Flight: A Forgotten Aspect of Greek Warfare in the Sixth and Fifth Centuries B.C.," 154.
[172] H. T. Wade-Gery, "Eupatridai, Archons, and Areopagus," The Classical Quarterly 25.1 (1931): 2.
[173] S.D Lambert, The Phratries of Attica (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1993) 81-2.
[174] Lambert, The Phratries of Attica 93-4. Quotation p. 93.
[175] The inclusion of a man from Salamis may, ironically, also support a conclusion of citizenship. Athens possessed cleruchies on Salamis in both the fifth and fourth centuries. Jack Cargill, Athenian Settlements of the Fourth Century (Leiden: Brill, 1995) 15. Hoplites from these cleruchies have been referred to as Salaminoi in inscriptions (though they are also recorded using their Athenian demotics) opening the door to the remote possibility of Cleon actually being an Athenian citizen. Moreover, Athens granted citizenship to the Samians in 405 (see Chapter Four). If Cleon was not a cleruch returned home, there is the alternative that he is the son or grandson of one of these Samians who has remained in Athens.
[176] Nicholas F. Jones, The Associations of Classical Athens (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999) 218-19.
[177] IG II2 1271 (298/7) honoree from Heracleia; IG II2 1273 (281/80) honorees from Troezen and Heracleia, proposer from Heracleia.
[178] IG II2 1956. Gude (1930) lists Theomnastus as a cleruch in her prosopography of Olynthians, though the basis for this conclusion is unclear. More recently, Habicht (1995) 92, has theorized that the list is one of mercenaries who helped the Athenian general Lachares to seize power between 301 and 296/5.
[179] Diod. 18.21, 20.40-42; Aristot. Econ. 2.1353a.
[180] J.P. and J. Glibart Smyly Mahaffy, Flinders Petrie Papyri, vol. 3 (Dublin: Royal Irish Academy, 1905) 115, col. 1 ln. 15.
[181] Paus. 6.16.8, 6.17.5.
[182] Pliny 34.19; IG XIV 1194.1. The statues were taken to Rome as praemia militiae following the conquest of Sinope.
[183] Base shared with Leochares IG II2 3829; theater of Dionysus IG II2 4902. For a comprehensive overview of the Sthennis family tree see Habicht (1992) and (2003).
[184] Christian Habicht, "Sthennis," Horos 10-12 (1992): 21.
[185] Athenian cleruchy populations were regularly referred to as the “Athenian demos in...” A. J. Graham, Colony and Mother City in Ancient Greece (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1964) 167.
[186] A. J. Graham, Collected Papers on Greek Colonization (Leiden: Brill, 2001) 325-26.
[187] Graham, Colony and Mother City in Ancient Greece 168.
[188] Thuc. 3.55.3, 3.63.2. Isoc. 12.94, 14.51-52; Lysias 23.2. For parallel grants of limited citizenship and land use rights see Kulesza, "Population Flight: A Forgotten Aspect of Greek Warfare in the Sixth and Fifth Centuries B.C.," 159-60.
[189] Robinson, "New Inscriptions from Olynthus and Environs," 45-6. Nicander also appears in a second unpublished deed of sale- SEG 47: 922, 2- again as a witness.
[190] Reger reconstructs the inscription to read Ὀλύνθιος, but interprets the inscription to mean Aristomenes was the proxenos of Anaphe at Olynthus during the fourth century, prior to that city’s destruction. Reger in Hansen, An Inventory of Archaic and Classical Poleis 735. The inscription, however, is dated to the late fourth or early third century B.C. and names both Aristomenes “himself and his descendants” (Ἀριστομένης Τυχασίου Ὀλ[. ]ς πρό[ξ]ενος Ἀναφαίων αὐτὸς καὶ ἔγγο[νοι]) as proxenoi leaving open the possibility that Aristomenes was residing on Anaphe after the destruction of Olynthus.
[191] IG XII, 8 434. The tombstone is that of Νικὼ Διονυσιφάνου Ὀλυνθίη. The idea that a single Olynthian female was resident or died upon the island does not seem supportable. More likely she was one member of an Olynthian family living on the island, even if only temporarily. The preservation of her stele and no other family members is simply the result of accident.
[192] IG XII, 8 435. The lack of a firm date for the gravestone of Δήμαρχος Ἰσχομάχου Ὀλύνθιος or any other reference to Demarchus or his father in the epigraphic record makes it impossible to determine whether he was in residence on the island before or after the destruction of Olynthus.
[193] Jean Pouilloux, "Inscriptions De Thasos," Bulletin de correspondance hellénique (1947): 263.
[194] BCH 83 (1959) 189, 3245, 3rd-2nd B. C. ..ικράτ[ης] [Πο]λυδή[μου] [Ὀλ]ύνθιο[ς].
[195] Miletus 139, 226/5 B.C., see Appendix II.
[196] Λεύκιππος Ἑρμογένους, Ephesos 55; Ἡγίας Παρμενίσκου, SE 126*5.
[197] IG XII, 1 75. A second inscription bearing the Olynthian ethnic- SEG 34, 822- is recorded on Rhodes. It is the gravestone of Φιλοκράτης Μενεκρατεῦς Ὀλύνθιος. Unfortunately, like many of the grave stelae, this one cannot be dated.
[198] SEG 38.625 records a couple living ἐν Ὀλυνθῳ.
[199] Militiades B. Hatzopoulos, Une Donation Du Roi Lysimique,, Meletemata, vol. 5 (Athens: Centre de Recherches de l'Antiquite Grecque et Romaine, 1988) 64-5.
[200] I. Oropos 71.
[201] Oropos as a commercial port, see Thuc. 7.28.1 and Heracleides 1.6-7. Pine forests, pasturage and cultivation of the Oropia, John M. Fossey, Toppography and Population of Ancient Boiotia (Chicago: Ares Publishers Inc., 1988) 29, 41-2.
[202] Thuc. 8.60.1, 412/11 B.C.
[203] Oropos as independent polis, Lys. 31.9; Civil strife and capture of the city, Diod. 14.17.1-3.
[204] Diod. 14.17.3; Theopomp. fr. 12.
[205] Isoc. 14.20, 37; sometime between 375-73 B.C.
[206] Denis Knoepfler, "Un Document Attique À Reonsidérer: Le Décret De Pandios Sur L'amphiaraion D'oropos," Chiron 16 (1986): 90-3.
[207] The seizure of Oropos Diod. 15.76.;1 Aeschin. 3.85; Dem. 18.99. Re-annexation by Thebes Xen. Hell. 7.4.1; Diod. 15.76.1.
[208] Paus. 1.34.1, dates this event to 338. Knoepfler advocates a date of 335 after the destruction of Thebes by Alexander, Denis Knoepfler, "Adolf Wilhelm Et La Pentétèris Des Amphiaraia D'oropos," Aristote Et Athènes, ed. M. Piérart (Fribourg: Séminaire d'histoire ancienne de l'Université de Fribourg, 1993) 295.
[209] I. Oropos 298.
[210] I. Oropos 383, c. 287-81 B.C.
[211] I. Oropos 371 and 372, beginning of the third century B.C.
[212] Δημήτριος Ζωΐλου, I. Oropos 56; Ἱέρων Αἰνησιδήμου I. Oropos 208.
[213] TAPA 69 (1938) 47.3.
[214] One recalls the Athenian orator Isocrates lived to the age of 98 (436-338 B.C.), despite the Peloponnesian War and its attendant plague, as well as Philip’s conquest of Greece. Should Zoïlos have been relatively young at the time of the house sale it is possible that his son could be mentioned in a proxeny decree of the mid-3rd century, bearing in mind such an office most likely was given to a middle age or older man well established in the community with the financial resources to carry out his duties.
[215] Jacoby considered this event to be an invention paralleling the well-known request by Aristotle made on behalf of Stagira ("Kallisthenes," No. 2, R.-E., X, col. 1676). Brown presents a convincing argument for its authenticity, establishing a pattern of representations made to Alexander on behalf of occupied or destroyed cities. Truesdell S. Brown, "Callisthenes and Alexander," The American Journal of Philology 70.3 (1949): 233. See footnote 42. To this list may be added representations made on behalf of the Samians; see Chapter Four.
[216] e.g. Osborne, Naturalization in Athens 125-6.
[217] Harpocration “Isoteles”. ἀτέλειαν mss. ἰσοτελείαν Wilamowitz: “οὗτος δέ φησιν καὶ ὡς ἐνιαχοῦ και πόλεσιν ὅλις ἐψηφίζοντο τὴν ἀτέλειαν Ἀθηναῖοι, ὥσπερ Ὀλυνθίοις.”
[218] Pausanias 6.1.6.8, 6.17.5; Plin. Nat. 34.19;
[219] Berry, "Immigration, Acculturation and Adaptation," 7.
[220] Thuc. 8.60.1.
[221] Josiah Ober, Fortress Attica (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1985) 3.
[222] Ober, Fortress Attica 207. He qualifies this statement by saying that the fortifications visible from Athens and guarding the naval stations were most likely built between 404-385.
[223] Ober, Fortress Attica 132-80.
[224] Ober, Fortress Attica 139-40.
[225] The inscription dates to ca. 300-250.
[226] Diod. 19.78.3; IG VII 2724a.5.
[227] Jameson suggested that this conflict may actually have been a more general war encompassing other periokic communities in the Argeia and that this explains why the Argives had such difficulty defeating their “slaves.” A more general war between the perioikoi and Argos would indicate a pervasive discontent with Argive hegemony and further support the notion that Tiryns had not been seized by the douloi from its current inhabitants, but rather seized from Argive control. C. Dengate, J. A. Dengate, M. H. Jameson, et al., The Acropolis and Upper Town. Excavations at Ancient Halieis, vol. 3 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press) chapter 1.
[228] Strabo 8.6.14.
[229] Jameson, A Greek Countryside: The Southern Argolid from Prehistory to the Present Day 67-68.
[230] Dengate, The Acropolis and Upper Town. Excavations at Ancient Halieis. Chapter 1. "Early Iron Age."
[231] Michael H. Jameson, "'The Excavation of a Drowned Greek Temple'," The Scientific American 231 (1974). M.H. Jameson, "The Submerged Sanctuary of Apollo at Halieis in the Argolid of Greece," National Geographic Society Research Reports 14 (1982). An extra-mural necropolis can also be dated to this period.
[232] According to Herodotus (1.82) the Battle of Champions was fought between 300 Spartans and 300 Argives over who should claim ownership of the area of Thyrea. Herodotus claims that the land belonged at that time to Argos and had been occupied by the Spartans; whichever side won the battle was to receive ownership. The battle proved inconclusive when the final two Argive champions returned to their city and claimed victory because only one Spartan survived but, the final Spartan retained the field and collected spoils from the slain Argives and thereby also claiming victory. This impasse caused a second battle to be fought between the full armies of both sides which Sparta decisively won.
[233] Jameson, A Greek Countryside: The Southern Argolid from Prehistory to the Present Day 71.
[234] Jameson, A Greek Countryside: The Southern Argolid from Prehistory to the Present Day 73. A third suggestion put forward, but ultimately dismissed, was that the Tirynthians had already taken possession of the polis at the time of the Persian Wars and Halieis is represented by the Tirynthian faction. Jameson dismissed this possibility on the grounds that the Tirynthians are explicitly mentioned by Herodotus together with the Mycenaean contingent, indicating that both groups were still in possession of their ancestral cities.
[235] Dengate, The Acropolis and Upper Town. Excavations at Ancient Halieis. Chapter 1. "Arrival of the Tirynthians." The excavators “favor a date in the later 470s/ early 460s to accommodate the archaeology.”
[236] Thomas D. Boyd and Michael H. Jameson, "Urban and Rural Land Division in Ancient Greece," Hesperia 50.4 (1981): 328. Kulesza, "Population Flight: A Forgotten Aspect of Greek Warfare in the Sixth and Fifth Centuries B.C.," 159.
[237] Thucydides (1.105) reports that Athens made an attack on the site of Halieis and was repulsed by a force of Corinthians and Epidaurians.
[238] Jameson theorized that it was the beginning of refortification at Halieis by the Tirynthians and Peloponnesians which sparked the Athenian attack. Dengate, The Acropolis and Upper Town. Excavations at Ancient Halieis. Chapter 1. "Arrival of the Tirynthians."
[239] Dengate, The Acropolis and Upper Town. Excavations at Ancient Halieis. Chapter 1. "Arrival of the Tirynthians."
[240] Dengate, The Acropolis and Upper Town. Excavations at Ancient Halieis. Chapter 1. "Arrival of the Tirynthians."
[241] Thuc. 1.103; Diod. 11.63-64.
[242] Dengate, The Acropolis and Upper Town. Excavations at Ancient Halieis. Chapter 1. "Arrival of the Tirynthians."
[243] The overcommitment of Spartan troops in the mid-fifth century may be the reason for Aneristos’ apparently private assault and capture of Halieis c. 430s.
[244] James A. Dengate, "The Mint," The Excavations at Ancient Halieis: The Fortifications and Adjacent Structures., ed. Marion H. McAllister, vol. 1 (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2005) 98-99. Hera appears to have been the major goddess of Tiryns as evidenced by her sanctuary there; John H. Young, "A Migrant City in the Peloponnesus," Expedition 5.3 (1963): 10.
[245] Michael H. Jameson, "Excavations at Halieis (Porto Cheli)," Αρχαιολογικον Δελτιον 29.B1 (1979): 262.
[246] Michael H. Jameson, "The Excavation of a Drowned Greek Temple," The Scientific American 231 (1974): 115-18.
[247] Jameson, "The Excavation of a Drowned Greek Temple," 118. Michael H. Jameson, "Excavations at Porto Cheli, Excavations at Halieis, Final Report," Αρχαιολογικον Δελτιον 27.Β1 (1976): 235.
[248] They are so similar, one of the original excavators theorized that the votives might have been brought to Halieis by the refugees. Young, "A Migrant City in the Peloponnesus," 9-10. Sarah Dublin, "A Greek Acropolis and Its Goddess," Expedition 11 (1969): 29.
[249] Hdt. 6.92.1-2 discusses how the cult league of Apollo Pythaeus was used to bind Aegina to Argos.
[250] Hdt. 5.83.1-2.
[251] The Aeginetans disputed the payment of this fine, saying that they were not guilty because Cleomenes had captured and impressed the Aeginetan ships and crew (Hdt. 6.92).
[252] This Cleomenes was the same king who later defeated the Argives at Sepeia and destroyed the male citizen population of Argos. This andropodismos is what led to the douloi, who would later flee to Tiryns, being given charge of affairs in Argos.
[253] Hdt. 6.88-91. Supposedly these exiles were granted Athenian citizenship.
[254] Hdt. 8.41. The women, children and non-serving men were removed to Troezen and Aegina for safety, while the men of military age would be based at Salamis. The Themistocles decree published by M.H. Jameson in 1960 only lists Troezen and Salamis, however, Michael H. Jameson, "A Decree of Themistokles from Troizen," Hesperia: The Journal of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens 29.2 (1960).
[255] Herodotus’ description of Attica’s evacuation is a little sketchy, but it appears that a general order was issued either by the government or the military commanders. For further discussion see “Methods of Flight” in the conclusion.
[256] Figueira in Hansen, An Inventory of Archaic and Classical Poleis 621.
[257] Thomas J. Figueira, “Four Notes on the Aiginetans in Exile,” Athenaeum 66 (1988), 523-51. Rpt. Thomas J. Figueira, ed., Excursions in Epichoric History : Aiginetan Essays (Lanham, Md.: Rowman & Littlefield, 1993) 294.
[258] Figueira, “Four Notes on the Aiginetans in Exile,” Athenaeum 66 (1988), 523-51. Rpt. Figueira, ed., Excursions in Epichoric History : Aiginetan Essays 295-96.
[259] Meiggs in Russell Meiggs and David Lewis, A Selection of Greek Historical Inscriptions to the End of the Fifth Century B. C. (Oxford: Clarendon, 2004) 184. Also, Figueira in “Four Notes on the Aiginetans in Exile,” Athenaeum 66 (1988), 523-51. Rpt. Figueira, ed., Excursions in Epichoric History : Aiginetan Essays 308-10.
[260] Lewis in Meiggs and Lewis, A Selection of Greek Historical Inscriptions to the End of the Fifth Century B. C. 184.
[261] We have considered and dismissed a third possibility in which the inscription records a composite of donations made over several years.
[262] By 396/5 the Aeginetans would have been returned home for nearly a decade, time enough to rebuild their fortunes somewhat and manage a larger donation as a demos. See below.
[263] Figueira, “Four Notes on the Aiginetans in Exile,” Athenaeum 66 (1988), 523-51.Figueira, ed., Excursions in Epichoric History : Aiginetan Essays 308-10.
[264] Notably, the Spartan contingent in the area refused to aid the defenders of Thyrea, supposedly fearing that they would be trapped in the city.
[265] Figueira, “Four Notes on the Aiginetans in Exile,” Athenaeum 66 (1988), 524-26. Rpt. Figueira, ed., Excursions in Epichoric History : Aiginetan Essays 306.
[266] Figueira supports Bursian’s and Kahrstedt’s theory that Anthene was settled after Thyrea’s destruction. Thomas J. Figueira, “Four Notes on the Aiginetans in Exile,” Athenaeum 66 (1988), 524-26. Rpt. Figueira, ed., Excursions in Epichoric History : Aiginetan Essays 306.
[267] W.W. Rudolph and T.D. Boyd, "Excavations at Porto Cheli and Vicinity Preliminary Report IV: The Lower Town of Halieis, 1970-1977," Hesperia 47.4 (1978): 334.
[268] The decree as preserved dates to 403/2 having been re-inscribed after the original was lost, presumably destroyed by the Thirty, Graham Shipley, A History of Samos: 800-188 B. C. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987) 130. It grants Athenian citizenship to all the Samians, but they are to remain autonomous from Athens in governance and maintain their own laws. Moreover the decree states (ln. 32-40) that the Samian ambassadors currently residing in Athens are to be enrolled immediately in the tribes and demes giving them full legal status as Athenian citizens and presumably voting rights. It does not provide a provision for all the other Samians to be so enrolled, leaving their Athenian citizenship titular.
[269] Shipley notes the Greek origin of Cyprothemis’ name and suggests he was a native Samnian collaborator. Shipley, A History of Samos: 800-188 B. C. 136.
[270] The section concerning shame, preserves a reference to a speech purportedly given by Cydias in which he exhorts the Athenians to consider how their actions against Samos will be viewed by the rest of Greece.
[271] Shipley, A History of Samos: 800-188 B. C. 164.
[272] Plutarch (Alex. 28.1) “ἐγὼ μὲν οὐκ ἂν,’ φησὶν, ‘ὑμῖν ἐλευθέραν πόλιν ἔδωκα καὶ ἔνδοξον ἔχετε δὲ αὐτὴν λαβόντες παρὰ τοῦ τότε κυρίου καὶ πατρὸς ἐμοῦ προσαγορευομένου.”
[273] Jameson, "A Decree of Themistokles from Troizen," 199.
[274] Jameson, "A Decree of Themistokles from Troizen," 206.
[275] Mikael Johansson, "The Inscription from Troizen: A Decree of Themistocles?," Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 137 (2001): 91-92.
[276] Jameson, "A Decree of Themistokles from Troizen." Michael H. Jameson, "A Revised Text of the Decree of Themistokles from Troizen," Hesperia: The Journal of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens 31.3 (1962).
[277] Jameson, "A Decree of Themistokles from Troizen," 203.
[278] Jameson, "A Decree of Themistokles from Troizen," 206.
[279] Johansson, "The Inscription from Troizen: A Decree of Themistocles?," 75-90.
[280] Mortimer Chambers, "The Authenticity of the Themistocles Decree," The American Historical Review 67.2 (1962): 314.
[281] Chambers, "The Authenticity of the Themistocles Decree," 316. For further discussion and bibliography relating to the decree see Russell and David Lewis Meiggs, A Selection of Greek Historical Inscriptions to the End of the Fifth Century B. C. (Oxford: Clarendon, 2004) 48-52.
[282] We do not, however, agree with Chambers’ supposition that the inscription is fourth century. We find Meiggs and Lewis’ third-century date for the inscription acceptable.
[283] One recalls the British Expeditionary Force’s mad scramble to evacuate from Dunkirk in 1940. That evacuation had not only been planned, but had the added benefits of radio communications.
[284] Malkki, "Refugees and Exile: From "Refugee Studies" to the National Order of Things," 499.
[285] Richmond, "Reactive Migration: Sociological Perspectives on Refugee Movements.", Berry, "Immigration, Acculturation and Adaptation.", Colic-Peisker and Tilbury, "“Active” and “Passive” Resettlement: The Influence of Support Services and Refugees' Own Resources on Resettlement Style."
[286] Richmond, "Reactive Migration: Sociological Perspectives on Refugee Movements," 10-11, 17.
[287] Richmond, "Reactive Migration: Sociological Perspectives on Refugee Movements," 10-11.
[288] See Fig. 1, Introduction.
[289] Richmond, "Reactive Migration: Sociological Perspectives on Refugee Movements," 19.
[290] Richmond, "Reactive Migration: Sociological Perspectives on Refugee Movements," 19.
[291] Richmond, "Reactive Migration: Sociological Perspectives on Refugee Movements," 19.
[292] Clanet, 1990, p. 70, quoted and translated in Berry, "Immigration, Acculturation and Adaptation," 8.
[293] Berry, "Immigration, Acculturation and Adaptation," 28.
[294] Colic-Peisker and Tilbury, "“Active” and “Passive” Resettlement: The Influence of Support Services and Refugees' Own Resources on Resettlement Style," 67-73.
