FOREWORD: INTRODUCING AZOULAY’S PERICLES
1. For his Périclès. La Démocratie athénienne à l’épreuve du grand homme (Paris: Armand Colin, 2010), Dr. Azoulay was awarded the Prix du Sénat du Livre d’histoire. This was not his first monograph; that was Xénophon et les grêces du pouvoir: De la charis au charisme (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 2004), the book of his 2002 Sorbonne thèse directed by Professeure Pauline Schmitt Pantel, for which—I declare an interest—I was one of the examining “jury” that granted him the degree of Doctor with highest distinction. Dr. Azoulay is currently Maître de conférences en histoire grecque at l’Université Paris-Est Marne-la-Vallée and a leading member of the research “Equipe Anhima,” which devotes itself to studying “Anthropologie et histoire des mondes antiques.”
2. In his bibliography, Dr. Azoulay lists several works addressed to a supposed “Periclean Age” or to “Periclean Athens”—for example, Chêtelet 1982; Cloché 1949; Flacelière 1966; Hurwit 2004; and Samons II ed. 2007. I myself have contributed (“Pericles-Zeus: a study in tyranny”) to a fairly recent such collection titled (in Greek) The Democracy of Pericles in the 21st Century, edited by Ch. Giallourides (Athens: I. Sideres, 2006). The publication of a “sourcebook and reader” titled just Pericles by a leading U.S. press (University of California Press, 2009, ed. S. V. Tracy) is symptomatic.
3. Anglophone readers may wish to consult Louise Bruit Zaidman and P. Schmitt Pantel, Religion in the Ancient Greek City, ed. and trans. P. Cartledge (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1992 and repr.).
4. Helen Roche, Hitler’s German Children: The Ideal of Ancient Sparta in the Royal Prussian Cadet-Corps, 1818–1920, and in National Socialist Elite Schools (the Napolas), 1933–1945 (Swansea: Classical Press of Wales, 2013).
INTRODUCTION
1. “Prayer on the Acropolis,” in Renan 1929, 50.
2. See later, chapter 12.
3. Loraux 1993a.
4. See, for example, Cloché 1949; Flacelière 1966; and Chêtelet 1982. In the Anglo-Saxon world, Robinson 1959; and Samons II ed. 2007. In the Germanic world, Filleul 1874–1875; and Schmidt 1877–1879.
5. See Loraux 2011.
6. See the remarks of Schmitt Pantel 2009, 204.
7. Lahire 1999, 121–152.
8. The date is probable but not certain. See the remarks of Lehmann 2008, 30 and 273.
9. See later, chapter 10.
10. See Keesling 2003, 193–195; Hölscher 1975, 191.
12. See Pelling 2002 and Schmitt Pantel 2009, 175–196 (“Plutarque, biographe et historien”).
13. See Strasburger 1955, 1–25, here p. 3, who traces the idea to Eduard Meyer, Ulrich von Wilamowitz, and Victor Ehrenberg.
14. Histories, 6.131. On this ambiguous dream, see later, chapter 1.
15. See later, chapter 1 and chapter 4. On Herodotus’s nuanced opinion of Pericles, see Schwartz 1969, 367–370, according to whom the historian’s remark about illegitimate children among the Lycians incorporates a slur against Pericles and Aspasia (at 1.173); cf. also Thomas 1989, 265–272.
16. On Cratinus and Pericles, see McGlew 2002, 42–56, and Bakola 2010, 181–208.
17. See later, chapters 6 and 7, and, more generally, Vickers 1997.
18. Saetta Cottone 2005.
19. See Geddes 2007, 110–138. Although his work is ostensibly apolitical, in truth it reflects the social position of its author, Ion, who lived under an oligarchic government in Chios and himself belonged to the elite, was critical of the democratic and patriotic politics promoted by Pericles, and preferred Cimon, who was more in step with his own pan-Hellenic political ideals.
20. Banfi 2003, 46 ff.
21. See Schmitt Pantel 2009, 12–13 and 197–205.
22. That admiration of his was by no means without reservations, according to Foster 2010, 210–220. She suggests that Thucydides did indeed admire the stratēgos, but implicitly criticized his imperialist policy and his overconfidence in Athenian military power. It is a view that is shared by Taylor 2010. She radicalizes that analysis to the point of maintaining that Thucydides “implicitly censures Pericles” and the Athenian imperial project itself (p. 1). But this “reading between the lines” is not convincing: given that Thucydides openly criticizes democracy and the way that it functions, there seems to be no reason for him to praise Pericles but at the same time to slip in a covert negative message intended to be picked up by the “happy few” capable of detecting it.
23. See the remarks of Gribble 2006, 439.
24. See Dodds 1959, 325–326, for references to “great men” by orators. See, in particular, Isocrates, Antidosis, 111 and 234–235, and Lysias, Against Nicomachus (30), 28.
25. Aubenque 1986, 53–60.
26. Pericles, 12.1. Cf. Plutarch, Were the Athenians More Famous in War or in Peace?, 348C and 351A.
27. Aelius Aristides, To Plato, In Defence of the Four (3), 11–127, and, in particular, 20 (see also Panathenaica, 383–392). The speech was composed between 161 and 165 A.D. See Behr 1986, 460.
28. Pausanias, 8.52.3. See the remarks of Pébarthe 2010a, 273–290.
29. See later, chapter 11.
CHAPTER1. AN ORDINARY YOUNG ATHENIAN ARISTOCRAT?
1. Aristotle, Politics, 4.4.1291b14–30.
2. Callias I, who was a priest of Eleusis, is the only notable exception, for he also promoted several decrees in the mid-fifth century and negotiated the peace that bears his name, in 449. It was not until the defeat at Chaeronea in 338 B.C. and the rise of the orator Lycurgus, a member of the Eteoboutadae (who held the priesthood of Poseidon Erechtheus) that a member of a genos played an important political role. There is also another historiographical myth that needs to be refuted: there is no attested link between the Philaid genos—which may or may not have existed—and the Cimonid family, the origin of which is said to go back to Philaius (Herodotus, 6.35.1). On this subject, see Parker 1996, 316–317.
3. Ps.-Aristotle, Constitution of the Athenians, 28.2.
4. Historians of Greek religion do not agree about the roles of the Bouzygae: were they a true priestly family (genos) or did they just exercise a religious function in the city? See Parker 1996, 287–288. Whatever the case may be, their function concerned the earth’s fertility and the ritual purity of the soil.
5. Eupolis, fr. 103 K.-A., probably from his play, The Demes. On this subject, see Storey 2003, 135.
6. See Bourriot 1976, 1270–1275.
7. In Athens, the kinship system was bilateral, with a patrilinear bias. The importance of the maternal branch was strengthened by the law that Pericles himself promoted in 451. See later, chapter 5.
8. Isocrates, Concerning the Team of Horses (16), 25.
9. Plutarch is mistaken when he claims that Agariste was the legislator’s granddaughter (Pericles, 3.1). It is a mistake that is sometimes repeated in certain modern works, such as that of Kagan 1991, 68.
10. According to Thucydides (1.126.10–11), Cylon himself escaped and only his followers took up the position of suppliants at the altar on the Acropolis.
12. Herodotus, 5.59–61.
13. See Gernet 1981, 289–302.
14. Herodotus, 5.131. The historian furthermore suggests that Cleisthenes the Athenian introduced his reforms modeling himself on his grandfather, Cleisthenes of Sicyon, as if his action resembled that of a tyrant (5.65).
15. IG I3 1031 = ML 6C = Fornara 23C. See Pébarthe 2005. Was it in order to wipe out the memory of his ancestor’s collaboration that Pericles stressed the action of the tyrannicides in 514, rather than the reforms introduced by Cleisthenes? He certainly seems to be the one who proposed that the descendants of Harmodius and Aristogeiton should thenceforth live at the expense of the city in the Prytaneum, to commemorate the liberating act of their ancestors. Cf. IG I3 131 (between 440 and 432 B.C.), where the proposal is made by a certain “… ikles” (unfortunately, the inscription is mutilated), which many historians believe to be part of the stratēgos’s name, on the strength of Wade-Gery 1932–1933, 123–125.
16. Herodotus, 6.115.
17. On this matter, see Williams 1980.
18. Herodotus, 5.92.3.
19. The fact that Pericles physically resembled Pisistratus, the founder of tyranny in Athens, cannot have favored the young man’s reputation (Plutarch, Pericles, 7.1). On this matter, see later, chapter 10.
20. Plutarch, Pericles, 16.2–3.
21. See Pericles, 6.2 and 16.5. See later, chapter 5.
22. Plutarch, Pericles, 33.2. See later, chapter 6.
23. Thucydides, 2.13.1.
24. See, for example, Kagan 1991, 39.
25. On the number of liturgists in Athens, see Gabrielsen 1994. The group of men liable for liturgies numbered around 1,000 to 1,200 individuals. Demosthenes’ law of 340 was not designed to reduce their number to 300, but simply to make sure that most of the burden fell upon the 300 Athenians who were the most wealthy.
26. Balot 2001a, 125–126.
27. Herodotus, 6.125.5.
28. Author unknown [adespota], fr. 403 Edmonds.
29. Plutarch, Pericles, 8.4. On this, see Banfi 2003, 57–58.
30. See for example, Aristophanes, Clouds, 1015–1019.
31. Isocrates, Antidosis (15), 235: in defense of the role of the sophists, the orator pointed out that “Pericles was the pupil of two sophists, Anaxagoras of Clazomenae and Damon, who was considered the wisest of the citizens in his day.”
32. Phaedrus, 269e–270a. See later, chapter 6.
33. The same goes for the relations between Pericles and Zeno of Elea, who is mentioned only by Plutarch, Pericles, 4.3. See later, chapter 6.
34. According to Plato (Republic, 400c), he also had Socrates as a pupil.
35. Plato the comic poet, fr. 207 K.-A.
36. Wallace 2004a.
37. Pericles, 4.2. See the doubts expressed by Raaflaub 2003, 317–331, and later, chapter 6.
38. Plutarch, Cimon, 4.4.
39. See Lysias, The Defence of an Anonymous Man Accused of Corruption (21), 1 (3,000 drachmas for a tragic khorēgia in 410), and Lysias, On the Goods of Aristophanes (19), 29 and 42 (5,000 drachmas for a tragic khorēgia in 392).
40. Wilson 2000, 133–134.
41. Other spectacular liturgies were undertaken by very young citizens: see Demosthenes, On the Crown (18), 256–267; Lysias, The Defence of an Anonymous Man Accused of Corruption (21), 1 (a tragic khorēgia at the age of 18).
42. Constitution of the Athenians, 56.2. On the matching of poets to khorēgoi, see Antiphon, On the Choreutes (6), 11, for the Thargelia (but the procedure was probably similar for the Dionysia).
43. After that first success, Aeschylus won five victories in as many competitions. See Podlecki 1966, 1–7, on Aeschylus’s career.
44. Pericles, 7.1. Schmitt Pantel 2009, 35.
45. See the doubts expressed by Fornara and Samons II 1991, 158–159.
46. Plutarch, Cimon, 14.3–4, recording the testimony of Stesimbrotus of Thasos.
47. This means not that more experienced politicians never attacked their enemies, but rather that they divided their energies between attack and defense. Lycurgus of Athens, who remained an accuser throughout his career, was in this respect a notable exception. On this subject, see Azoulay 2011, 192–204.
48. See Osborne 1990, 83–102; and Christ 1998.
49. Herodotus, 6.104.
50. Herodotus, 6.136. One ostrakon describes Xanthippus as alitērios, “accursed,” a term that probably alludes to the curse laid upon his family-in-law: see Duplouy 2006, 93. However, for a different view, see Valdes Guia 2009, 313–314 (who regards Xanthippus as a member of the Bouzygae genos).
51. See Loraux 2001, 71–75.
52. Diodorus Siculus, Library of History, 11.77.6. See also Antiphon, On the Murder of Herodes, 68; Ps.-Aristotle, Constitution of the Athenians, 25.4; Plutarch, Pericles, 10.8. On the murder of Ephialtes as an aborted “great cause,” see the remarks of Payen 2007a, 30–31.
53. Idomeneus of Lampsacus, On the Demagogues, FGrHist 338 F 8 (= Plutarch, Pericles, 10.6).
54. On this matter, see Fornara and Samons II 1991, 27–28.
CHAPTER2. THE BASES OF PERICLEAN POWER: THE STRATĒGOS
1. Thucydides, 1.139.4.
2. Contra, for example, Jouanna 2007, 17 or 31. According to one circular argument, the fact that he served as a stratēgos proved that Sophocles, the son of a craftsman, “came from a census class that allowed him to serve as a stratēgos” (p. 31). But this involves accepting, without criticism, the a priori assumptions of the late biography, The Life of Sophocles, 1: “For it is unlikely that a man born from a modest father should be judged worthy of the office of stratēgos alongside Pericles and Thucydides, the foremost leaders of the city.” But this in no way proves the existence of any kind of census-barrier denying access to the post of a stratēgos.
3. Ps.-Aristotle, Constitution of the Athenians, 58. Stratēgoi also presided over the people’s tribunal for affairs concerning military law and conflicts between trierarchs.
4. This idea, already present in Grote 1870 (vol. 5), 429, stems from an initial reading of Thucydides, 2.59.3, in which Pericles seems, on his own initiative, to convene an assembly. On this matter, see Hansen 1991, 133 and 229.
5. Perlman 1963; and Hamel 1995, 29–31.
6. See Ps.-Aristotle, Constitution of the Athenians, 61.1. Five stratēgoi were assigned very precise tasks: defending the territory, leading the hoplites, and overseeing the symmories or guarding the Piraeus. Furthermore, the board of stratēgoi as a whole could no longer be sent off on expeditions, as used to happen in the fifth century.
7. However, this break should not be exaggerated. As is pointed out by Ober 1989, 91–93 and 120, orators (rhētores) and stratēgoi were considered to be a coherent group of powerful men who stood out from the mass of ordinary citizens—the idiōtai. See, for example, Demosthenes, On the Crown (18), 171; Hyperides, Against Dēmosthenes (5), fr. 6, col. 24; Dinarchus, Against Philocles (3), 19.
8. See Androtion, FGrHist 324 F 38 (= Strabo, 14.1.18). He was a member of the office of Hellēnotamiai—federal treasurers—in 443/2 (IG I3 269). See Develin 1989, 90; and Jouanna 2007, 23–27.
9. Ion of Chios, FGrHist 392 F 6 (= Athenaeus, 13.603E–604F).
10. See later, chapter 6. See also Jouanna 2007, 35–36, who emphasizes Pericles’ distrust of the poet’s military competence at the time of the war against Samos.
11. Pericles was also elected stratēgos three times in succession between 448/7 and 446/5.
12. Androtion, FGrHist 324 F 38. In his history of Athens, written in the mid-fourth century, Androtion provides eleven names. But this passage appears to be corrupt and one of those names should probably be suppressed, as almost all commentators agree—for example, Develin 1989, 89; and Harding 1994, 143–148. Only Brulé 1994, 85, claims that the people elected eleven stratēgoi: first ten ordinary stratēgoi, elected within each tribe, and then Pericles, voted by the whole people to be an exceptional supernumerary stratēgos. But there is no proof to support this.
13. On this matter, see Ehrenberg 1945.
14. See Hamel 1998, 86, following Fornara 1971, 71.
15. See Gomme 1956, 183 (ad loc.).
16. Pericles, 13.10. See also Plutarch, Precepts of Statecraft, 812C: “Pericles used Menippus to command his armies.”
17. Lycurgus, [Against Kephisodotos on the honours allotted to Demades], fr. 8.2. On these various successes, see later, chapter 4.
18. Pericles, 8.6; and Aristotle, Rhetoric, 1.7.1365a32–33. In this speech, Pericles resorted to hyperbole, for he evoked those who died in Samos not only by associating them with cosmic cycles (“The year has lost its spring”) but also by comparing them to the immortal gods.
19. See, for example, Lycurgus, Against Leocrates, 5. On this subject, see Azoulay 2009, 325.
20. Actually, he simply copied a strategy for glorification introduced by Cimon, following the victory over the Persians at Eurymedon: see Aeschines, Against Ctesiphon (3), 183; and Demosthenes, Against Leptines (20), 112.
21. Pausanias, 1.28.2.
22. Plutarch alludes to a physical abnormality in Pericles’ skull, which the stratēgos apparently concealed by his helmet (Pericles, 3.2): this is a late “medical” explanation for a type of statue that was no longer understood.
23. Comparison of Pericles and Fabius Maximus, 1.2.
24. On the careers of these stratēgoi who surrounded Pericles, see Podlecki 1998, 55–76.
25. Banfi 2003, 69.
26. Pericles, 28.4.
27. Thucydides, 2.41.4.
28. Pericles, 10.2.
29. Pericles, 29.1–3.
30. See Thucydides, 1.45.2, and IG I3 364 (= ML 61 = Fornara 126 = Brun 116), which cites the names of three stratēgoi dispatched on the mission: Lakedaimonius from the Lakiadai deme, Proteas from the Erchia deme, and Diotimus from the Euonymon deme. The Corcyraeans, threatened by a naval expedition of Corinthians, had contracted a defensive military alliance (epimakhia) with Athens in 433 B.C.
31. Pericles, 18.1.
32. Pericles may have been inspired by the strategy of Themistocles, at the time of the Persian Wars: see Krentz 1997, 62.
33. Thucydides, 1.113.
35. Thucydides, 1.127.3 (author’s italics).
36. Aristophanes, Peace, 605 ff.: “What started [the war] in the first place was Phidias getting into trouble. Then Pericles became frightened that he might share Phidias’s fate—for he was afraid of your character and your hard-biting temper—and before anything terrible could happen to him, he set the city ablaze by dropping in a tiny spark of a Megarian decree: and he fanned up so great a war that all the Greeks were in tears, in the smoke, both those over there and those over here” (trans. Sommerstein 1990).
37. See Rhodes 2006, 88.
38. Plutarch, Cimon, 13.6–7. The Phaleron wall had been constructed earlier: see Thucydides, 1.107.1.
39. On this phase of the construction (known as 1b), see Conwell 2008, 77.
40. These different elements are stressed in Thucydides’ account (1.143.4–1.144.1). See Conwell 2008, 81.
42. The “plague” that struck Athens at the beginning of the war was apparently a form of typhus, although this is still a subject of debate among specialists.
43. Hermippus, Moirai, fr. 47 K.-A. (= Plutarch, Pericles, 33.7). The poet Cratinus launched into similar attacks in this same period. See Tatti 1986, 325–332, and the nuances introduced by Bakola 2010, 181–208.
44. On these various area sizes, see Bresson 2007, 150.
45. Ps.-Xenophon, Constitution of the Athenians, 2.14.
46. Thucydides, 2.62.3.
47. See Ober 1985, 171–188.
48. See Thucydides, 2.65.
CHAPTER3. THE BASES OF PERICLEAN POWER: THE ORATOR
1. Thucydides, 2.40.2.
2. Aeschines, Against Ctesiphon (3), 2.
3. Aeschines, ibid. For an analysis of this democratic tumult, see later, chapter 10.
4. The fact that two men proposed the same decree in no way implied that they agreed on the city’s policies as a whole—as was the case, for example, of Demades and Lycurgus, in the fourth century. See Brun 2000, 135–136.
5. Gorgias, 452e. This dialogue, composed in the fourth century by Plato, describes a clash between Socrates and Gorgias in the late 410s. Although the term “rhetoric,” for a specific tekhnē, was probably invented by Plato, as early as the mid-fifth century the arts of discourse were not unknown to the Athenians: Schiappa 1990, 457–470.
6. Euripides, Suppliant Women, 425.
7. These speeches, constructed with great care, contain numerous allusions to the works of the sophists and the tragic authors. To mention but one example, Pericles, in one of the speeches ascribed to him by Thucydides (2.61.2), uses a metric trimeter that probably came from a tragedy well-known to the Athenians. See Haslam 1990, 33.
8. Thucydides, 1.22.1.
9. See, for example, Thucydides, 2.61.2: “For my part, I stand where I stood before and do not recede from my position; but it is you who have changed. For it has happened, now you are suffering, that you repent of the consent that you gave me when you were still unscathed, and in your infirmity of purpose my advice to you now appears wrong.”
10. “By instruction and reason, Pericles tries to discourage all mistaken popular action and to transform the crowd into a collection of responsible individuals”: Tsakmakis 2006, 168.
11. Plutarch, Pericles, 8.5. See earlier, chapter 1.
12. Kentron often denotes the masculine phallus. See Henderson 1975, 122. See also Xenophon, Memorabilia, 1.3.12, where Socrates compares a kiss to the sting of a spider: “Don’t you know that the scorpion, though smaller than a farthing, if it but fasten on the tongue, inflicts excruciating and maddening pain?” Speech, like beauty, can produce a sting from a distance.
13. Pericles, 8.3. See also Aristophanes, Acharnians, 530–531.
14. See Detienne and Vernant 1991, 75–79.
15. Cratinus, fr. 171 K.-A., I, 18–22. See Bakola 2010, 49–53 and 317 (the passage is unfortunately very mutilated and the sense is not certain). On the implications of this identification with Zeus, see later, chapter 8.
16. In Athens, this way of distinguishing oneself was very ambivalent: although the Athenians were fascinated by the power of language, they also deeply distrusted it. In the fourth century, the speeches of Attic orators even testify to the existence of “an anti-rhetoric rhetoric,” the aim of which was to criticize the excessive skill of their opponents in such a way as to make the people mistrust them. See Hesk 1999, 208–218.
17. Pericles, 5.1.
18. Ps.-Aristotle, Constitution of the Athenians, 28.3.
19. Respectively, Thucydides, 3.36.6, and Aristophanes, Knights, 137.
20. Aeschines, Against Timarchus (1), 25–26.
21. Plutarch, Pericles, 34.1. See earlier, Thucydides, 2.60.1.
22. Plutarch, Pericles, 5.2–3. It was this singular ability to tolerate insults that prompted Plutarch to compare Pericles to Fabius Maximus, who was himself expert at doing this: see Plutarch, Pericles, 2.4. See Bloomer 2005, 224.
23. Demosthenes, Against Midias (21), 32–33.
24. As Aristotle states, in Nicomachean Ethics, 1126a6–8, “it is considered servile [andrapodōdes] to put up with an insult or to suffer one’s friends to be insulted.”
25. Tanner 2006, 128–129.
26. Ion of Chios, FGrHist 392 F 15 (= Plutarch, Pericles, 5.3).
27. In Hippolytus, 91–96, Euripides explicitly underlines the risks of a solemnity that may soon be taken for arrogance.
28. Cratinus, fr. 348 K.-A.: anelktais ophrusi semnon. See Banfi 2003, 41.
29. Demosthenes, On the Embassy (19), 314 (author’s italics). See Tanner 2006, 129–130.
30. Frowning brows such as these characterize both tragic kings in South Italian fourth-century painting and the effigy of Philip of Macedon, exhibited in the Copenhagen Glyptotek (a Roman bust, a copy of an original of the late-fourth century).
31. Precepts of Statecraft, 812C–D. See also Pericles, 7.7: “the rest of his policy, he carried out by commissioning his friends and other public speakers.”
32. Ps.-Demosthenes, Against Neaera (59), 43. See Ps.-Aristotle, The Constitution of the Athenians, 29.1–3 for an example that goes back to the fifth century: at the time of the establishment of the regime of the Four Hundred, in 411, Melobius addressed the people, but it was Pythodorus who made the proposal. On this, see Hansen 1991, 145–146.
33. Metiochus may have been the brother-in-law of Cimon, Pericles’ great opponent, which shows that hostile relations between great families were by no means definitive in Athens (Herodotus, 6.41.2).
34. Adespota [author unknown], fr. 741 K.-A.
35. See Plutarch, Pericles, 6.2–3.
36. Cratinus, Drapetides (The Runaway Female Slaves), fr. 57–58 and 62 K.-A.
38. Aeschines, Against Ctesiphon (3), 220.
39. Precepts of Statecraft, 811C–D.
CHAPTER4. PERICLES AND ATHENIAN IMPERIALISM
1. Diodorus Siculus, 12.4.4–6. Even if the existence of such a treaty is not entirely certain—since Thucydides makes no mention of it—the fact is that from 449 B.C. onward the Persians and the Greeks were no longer de facto at war.
2. See Lewis 1992, 121–146.
3. IG I3 34 = ML 46 = Fornara 98 = Brun 9.
5. The term is used for the first time by Thucydides (1.117.3) in connection with Byzantium. See Raaflaub 2004, 118–122.
6. See, for example, Mattingly 1992.
7. Brun 2003, 24. On this thorny question, see the helpful assessment by Papazarkadas 2009.
8. This is, in particular, the position adopted by Mattingly 1996, 147–179 (“Periclean imperialism”): “None of the inscriptional evidence for fully organized Athenian imperialism can be dated before 431 B.C. Even the very language of imperialism does not seem to have been current until the last years of Pericles’ ascendancy” (p. 178).
9. See Banfi 2003, 64.
10. Thucydides, 1.100.2–101.3.
11. IG I3 14 = ML 40 (ca. 453/2 B.C.?).
12. Gauthier 1973, 163–178.
13. That is the hypothesis of Briant 1995, 51–52.
14. See Kagan 1991, 141, on Samos: “There must have been some sentiment in Athens for a harsher punishment, but Pericles was able to convince the Athenians to restrain their anger. This moderation was characteristic of Pericles’ management of the empire in the remaining years before the Peloponnesian War. By the standards of the time, and sharply in contrast with Athenian practice after Pericles’ death, his was a firm but reasonable policy.” The American historian joins a long tradition going back to George Grote and Victor Duruy in the mid-nineteenth century, analyzed later, in chapter 12.
15. See also Romilly 2000.
16. Thucydides, 1.114.1. See Diodorus, 12.22.2.
17. Plutarch, Pericles, 23.2.
18. See IG I3 39–40 (decrees for the Euboean cities of Eretria and Chalcis).
19. Clouds, 211–213. See Aristophanes, Wasps, 715, and the anonymous comic author [adespota], fr. 700 K.-A. (= Plutarch, Pericles, 7.8): after Ephialtes, “the people were rendered unruly, just like a horse, and, as the comic poets say, ‘no longer had the patience to obey the rein, but nabbed Euboea and trampled on the islands.’”
20. See Meritt 1984, 123–133.
21. IG I3 363 (= ML 55). On this repayment, see Thucydides, 1.117.3. The Samians subsequently became a model of fidelity up until the end of the Peloponnesian War, for they remained committed to the Athenians despite the progressive dislocation of the Delian League.
22. Pericles, 26.3–4. The lexicographer Photius (s.v. Samiōn ho dēmos) tells the story, attributing it to Douris of Samos (FGrHist 76 F 66). In the Babylonians (fr. 71 K.-A.), Aristophanes also alludes to this episode: “This people of Samos, how rich in letters [polugrammatos] it is!” This remark probably refers to the coinage of the island, for there was a Samian monetary series (class VII, identified by Barron 1966), marked with different letters of the alphabet, possibly indicating the year of coinage. These coins were minted either by the aristocrats before 440, or else by the democrats after that date, possibly for paying the indemnities of war. See Shipley 1987, 114 (and n. 12).
23. Jones 1987, 149.
24. See Suda, s.v. Samiōn ho dēmos. We know of a Samian currency, dated 493–489, representing the prow of a Samian ship, with a ram that is an extension of the keel. The prow of this vessel is particularly wide and the ram is very large. See Basch 1987, no. 520. See also von Reden 1997, 174.
25. Douris of Samos, FGrHist 76 F 67 (= Plutarch, Pericles, 28.1–2). Significantly enough, Donald Kagan chooses not to mention this episode that is so inconvenient for his exposition.
26. See Allen 2000, 199–200. This punishment is marked by a series of distinct stages: exposure in a public place (the Agora); attachment to a piece of wood; torture and death; and finally the abandonment of the corpses without any funerary rituals.
27. Herodotus, 9.120.4. See also 7.33.
28. See Tracy 2002, 315–319 and Balot 2001a, 126.
29. Pericles, 34.1. In his description of this episode, Thucydides (2.27.1–2) does not mention Pericles by name, perhaps out of respect for the stratēgos, whom he admires.
30. The reason why, in 483 B.C., Themistocles managed to persuade his fellow-citizens to use the money discovered in the Laurium mines to construct a fleet of triremes, was not in order to face up to a hypothetical Persian invasion, a notion at that point still in limbo, but rather in order to go and subdue the Aeginetans; see Herodotus, 7.7.
31. Plutarch, Pericles, 8.5.
32. See earlier, Bloedow 2000.
33. This argument may seem strange. According to Pericles, the least sign of submission represents a form of slavery. He cannot conceive of anything in between arkhē and douleia, domination and dependence: either one dominates or else one is dominated.
34. See Thucydides, 3.47; Aristophanes, Knights, 1111 (424 B.C.), who presents the people, adorned by splendors worthy of the Great King and “feared by all as if it were a tyrant.” See Tuplin 1985, and Balot 2001a, 172–175.
35. Cratinus, The Women of Thrace, fr. 73 K.-A. (= Pericles, 13.6). The ostrakon refers to the exile of his opponent Thucydides of Alopeke in 443 B.C.
36. Some historians even believe that the royal tent served as scenery in the performance of Aeschylus’s Persians, of which Pericles was the khorēgos. From there to detecting an interplay of influences is but a step that nothing, however, authorizes one to take.
37. Briant 2002, 256–258.
38. Miller 1997, 218–242.
39. Ibid., 242.
40. See Raaflaub 2009, 111.
42. At first, the monument itself was simply called “the great temple” or “the temple.” It was only at the end of the fourth century, from the time of Demosthenes onward, that the expression was used to refer to the temple as a whole.
43. We should remember that the cult-statue of Athena was to be found, not in the Parthenon, but in the Erechtheion. The colossal statue by Phidias was an offering, not a cult-statue. See Holtzmann 2003, 106.
CHAPTER5. A PERICLEAN ECONOMY?
1. Saller 2005, 233.
2. See Bresson 2007, 150–151.
4. See Kurke 1999. On this peculiarly Periclean way of managing an oikos, see Burn 1948, 125.
5. Pericles, 16.5.
6. Bresson 2000.
7. Descat 1995, 969.
8. Pericles, 16.4.
9. These boundary markers came in various types. The most common model consisted of a mortgage guaranteeing a loan of money: it took the form of a sale “on the condition of a liberating repurchase” (prasis epi lusei). The borrower “sold” his property to a creditor, promising to buy it back within an agreed period, by repaying the borrowed sum plus interest (12 to 18 percent per year). In the meantime, the debtor owner retained the usufruct (right of use) of his property.
10. Finley 1981, 62–76. However, returning to the evidence, Shipton 2000 has shown that wealthy Athenians were also deeply involved in nonagricultural sectors.
11. See earlier, Pericles, 16.4. In Aristophanes’ Clouds, the character Pheidippides closely resembles the young Xanthippus.
12. Ps.-Aristotle, Oeconomica, I.6.1344b32.
13. The ancient authors suggest three names, Aristides, Cimon, and Pericles, but there is no way of knowing for certain. See Pritchett 1971, 7–14 for the sources and commentary.
14. The Mediterranean Sea was “closed” to navigation during the winter, from November to February, because of the winds and storms that blew up and the fragility of military vessels; soldiers usually slept on land, rather than on their ships, at sea.
15. Ps.-Aristotle, Constitution of the Athenians, 24–25.1.
16. Ibid., 24.2–3.
17. The earliest example even dates from before the creation of the alliance: in 506, the Athenians confiscated the land of the Chalcidian aristocrats and divided them into 4,000 klēroi that were assigned to citizens who, having become cleruchs, obtained part of the harvest without having to cultivate the land themselves.
18. Plutarch, Pericles, 11.5.
19. Tolmides had already taken some to the island, as Diodorus Siculus reports (11.88.3).
20. Moreno 2009, 213–214.
21. IG I3 46, 43–46 = ML 49, 39–42: “Let the colonists for Brea be taken from among the thetes and the zeugitae.” See Figueira 1991, 59–60.
22. See Moreno 2009, 213–214.
23. See Foxhall and Forbes 1982.
24. Moreno 2007, 32–33, has recently indicated Athens’s heavy dependence on grain by increasing (to 75 percent) the calculations of Garnsey 1989, 89–164 (50 percent). Whatever the figure accepted, one thing is certain: Athens depended largely on the outside world in order to feed its population.
25. These calculations are based on the figures provided by Demosthenes, Against Leptines (20), 31–33 (ca. 355 B.C.), who mentions a total of 800,000 medimnoi of cereals imported by Athens every year.
26. Pericles, 11.5. This may possibly be the expedition to which the inscription IG I3 1162 refers.
27. IG I3 61 = ML 65 = Fornara 128 = Brun 15.
28. However, we should not anticipate the law of Agyrrhius, dated 374/3, which stipulates that Athenian merchants do not have the right to unload wheat from the Pontus anywhere apart from Piraeus. Concern about supplies of wheat remained constant throughout the whole classical period, peaking in the 330s on account of the food shortages that affected the Aegean world at that time. See Oliver 2007.
29. Thucydides, 2.38.2.
30. These inscriptions, published by American scholars, are generally known as the Athenian Tribute Lists (ATL). According to calculations based on the ATL, whereas the number of allies is much higher than in 478, the total sum is much lower than the 460 talents mentioned by Thucydides, for it amounts only to about 400 talents. Instead of doubting the figure given by Thucydides, we should perhaps consider two alternative solutions: either the figure given by the historian also includes the value of the triremes and the pay for the troops—that is to say, the estimated value of the phoros in kind—or the figures given by the ATL refer only to the surplus of the tribute brought to Athens, with the expenses for military operations already deducted.
32. Thucydides, 2.13.3–5.
33. Of course, it might have been a way of safeguarding appearances where the accounts were concerned: even today, after all, in the state budget there are many “slippages” between different categories of expenses.
35. Kallet-Marx 1989, 252–266; Giovannini 1990 and Giovannini 1997; but see Samons 1993. It is true that the use of the aparkhē for the great works is attested by the Propylaea accounts.
36. Plutarch, Pericles, 12.5–7.
37. See Descat 1995, 978.
38. Austin and Vidal-Naquet 1977, 276–282, no. 73. See Feyel 2006, 322–325.
39. Wages were sometimes paid, not by the day, but for particular piecework. That was the case for the cutters of flutes for the columns or for the sculptors of the figurines for the outside frieze of the building, made from Eleusis marble. These tasks, which were far better paid, could be accomplished by citizens or by metics, but not by slaves, who were never employed for work that required such skills.
40. Glotz 1931, 178–184. See later, chapter 12.
41. Plutarch, Pericles, 11.4. See later, chapter 8.
42. Ulpian, Ad Demosthenem, Olynthian I. See Wilson 2000, 167 and 265–266. In the fourth century, the theorikōn coffer received all the surpluses from the revenues (prosodoi). The allocation from the theoric fund appears to have been two obols (Demosthenes, On the Crown (18), 28)—one to pay for a seat, the other to cover the spectator’s needs during the day.
43. See Stadter 1989, 116–117.
44. Gorgias, 515e.
45. Plutarch, Pericles, 9.3.
46. The courts judged public and private affairs on three hundred days of the year (Aristophanes, Wasps, 661–663). Remuneration was always paid not annually but daily, so this varied according to the judges who sat.
47. Ps.-Aristotle, Constitution of the Athenians, 27.3; and Plutarch, Pericles, 9.2.
48. See Verilhac and Vial 1998; and Patterson 1981.
49. Pericles, 37.3–4. The date of the reform is deduced from a passage in Ps.-Aristotle, Constitution of the Athenians, 26.3: “three years after Lysicrates in the year of [the archonship of] Antidotus, owing to the large number of the citizens, an enactment was passed on the proposal of Pericles confining citizenship to persons of citizen birth on both sides [astoin].”
50. See later, chapter 8. But this agreement is paradoxical when one considers that autochthony was primarily a way of conceiving of birth in the community without the need of any woman’s womb: after 451, a woman became necessary to transmit a citizenship that she herself did not actively possess.
51. Furthermore, by means of this endogamous measure, the city discouraged matrimonial alliances that members of the elite contracted outside the Athenian world. It is worth noting that no marriage of this type is recorded between 508 and 451, as if Athenian matrimonial practices had anticipated this reform. See Wilgaux 2010.
52. See French 1994; and Patterson 1981.
53. See Thucydides, 2.13.6–7: in the first year of the Peloponnesian War, the expedition against Megara included, as well as 10,000 Athenian hoplites, 3,000 metics, to whom should be added 3,000 metics sent at the same time to Potidaea (II, 31, 2). See Rhodes 1988, 271–277.
54. See Isaac 2004, 116–124.
55. See Noiriel 2001.
CHAPTER6. PERICLES AND HIS CIRCLE: FAMILY AND FRIENDS
1. See Alcibiades, 1.1. See the convincing reconstruction by Brulé 2003, 115–116; and Schmitt Pantel 2007, 202–204.
2. Leduc 2003, 279.
3. See, for example, Plato, Alcibiades I, 121a; Plutarch, Alcibiades, 1.1; and the remarks of Parker 1996, 323 (and n. 94).
4. See Cox 1989: Matrimonial alliances did not automatically lead to political support. On the contrary, it was within the family, often, that attacks on one another were the most ferocious, even leading to the dissemination of dreadful rumors about one’s relatives.
6. However, this name could be analyzed in a different manner. By choosing to name his younger son in this way, Pericles may also have been referring to the faction of coastal citizens (the “Paralians”) led by his great-grandfather, Megacles, one century earlier. The name “Paralus” therefore made it possible to play upon two registers: allegiance to the people and family fame. See Burn 1948, 60.
7. Hippocleides, one of the suitors of Agariste, the daughter of the tyrant of Sicyon, set to dancing on the table in the course of one banquet in which too much wine was flowing, thereby covering himself in ridicule in the eyes of the future bride’s father (Herodotus, 6.129–130). In the end, it was the Alcmaeonid Megacles, Pericles’ ancestor, who won the hand of Agariste.
8. In Iasos, “it was forbidden to entertain more than ten men and ten women as wedding-guests” and the festivities were not allowed to last for more than two days: see Heraclides of Lembos, Excerpta Politiarum, fr. 66 Gigon (= Dilts 1971, 38–39). See also Plutarch, Solon, 20.4 (on the value of dowries). The fourth-century philosophers continued to reflect upon the need to regulate marriage celebrations: Plato, Laws, 6.775a–b; Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, 9.2.1169b.
9. The number of women in a funeral procession was limited so as not to encourage excessive manifestations of grief: see Ps.-Demosthenes, Against Macartatus (43), 62; Cicero, De Legibus, 2.65.
10. This custom is reflected in, for example, Aeschylus’s Choephoroi (l. 8–9), when Orestes bitterly regrets not having been able to join the funeral procession of his father, Agamemnon.
12. See Loraux 1986, 180–202; and Loraux 1993b, 37–71 and 111–143.
13. Ober 1989, 259–266; and earlier, chapter 5.
14. Murray 1990. The association of oligarchic revolutions and the sumposion is well attested by the fourth-century Attic orators: see Ps.-Demosthenes, Against Stephanus 2 (46), 26; Hyperides, For Euxenippus (4), 7–8.
15. Connor, 1992.
16. See Aelian, Miscellany, 2.12.
17. That is true in particular in the case of Cleon, as W. R. Connor remarks in passing (Connor 1992, 104, n. 26). Yet, like Pericles, Cleon had made a show of cutting himself off from his former circle of friends when he entered political life. He hoped, by this means, to show that his sole concern was the well-being of the dēmos (Connor 1992, 129–131) and that he was following the example set by Pericles.
18. Xenophon, Hellenica, 1.4.18–20.
19. For an analytical study of the sources and historiography of this question, see Podlecki 1998.
20. See Stadter 1991. On Protagoras and Pericles, see later, chapter 8.
21. Lysias, Against Eratosthenes (12), 4. The same applies to Herodotus, “the father of history”: see earlier, introduction.
22. Plutarch, Pericles, 32.1. The date of the trial suggested by Ephorus is probably without foundation. Philochorus, in his Atthis (FGrHist 328 F 121), claims that the sentence was passed seven or eight years (hepta etesin) before the outbreak of the war. See Banfi 1999.
23. Plutarch, Pericles, 13.9. See later, chapter 7.
24. Aristophanes, Peace, 604–609 (referring to “the setbacks of Phidias”). Phidias was probably accused of appropriating public funds at the time of the construction of the statue of Athena Parthenos. See Diodorus Siculus, 12.39.1–2, who repeats Ephorus’s version.
25. Ps.-Aristotle, Constitution of the Athenians, 27.4. The Greek text gives the name of his father, Damonides, but that is probably an error. See the discussion in Rhodes 1993, 341–342 (ad loc.). See earlier, chapter 5.
26. Plutarch, Pericles, 4.1. See earlier, chapter 1.
27. See Siewert 2002, 50: Damon Damonidou (Oathen). On the ostracism of Damon, however, see the doubts expressed by Raaflaub 2003.
28. Cratinus, fr. 118 K.-A.; and Bakola 2010, 222–223. On the meaning of this assimilation to Zeus, see later, chapter 8.
29. Thucydides, 2.13.1 (repeated by Plutarch, Pericles, 33.2). On the xenia linking the two men and its consequences in the early days of the war, see Herman 1987, 142–145.
30. It is not the case that links of xenia were totally proscribed in Athens, but aristocratic networks were becoming increasingly controlled both within the polis and beyond it: they were no longer recognized in the city unless they served the interests of Athens. See Mitchell 1998, 106, which opposes in particular the overstated view of Herman 1987, 156–161.
CHAPTER7. PERICLES AND EROS: CAUGHT BETWEEN CIVIC UNITY AND POLITICAL SUBVERSION
1. Scholtz 2007, 13–17; Wohl 2002, 30–72; Ludwig 2002, 7–14.
2. Aristotle, fr. 98 Rose (= Plutarch, Dialogue on Love [Erotikos], 760E–761B). See Calame 1999, 108–109.
3. Thucydides, 2.43.1. See Aeschylus, Eumenides, 851–853. For an analysis of this passage, see Monoson 2000, 64–87 (chapter 3: “Citizen as Erastēs [lover]: erotic imagery and the idea of reciprocity in the Periclean funeral oration”).
4. Winkler 1990, 47.
5. Monoson 2000, 83. See also Balot 2001b, 511–512.
6. Lévy 1976, 141.
7. Knights, 732. See also Knights, 783–789, 871–872, 1163, 1340; Wasps, 699.
8. On this traditional identification, see Connor 1992, 96.
9. Far from giving themselves to honest citizens, the people surrender only to lamp-lighters, cobblers, or leather merchants, “just like pretty boys [paides], those lover-tormenters [erōmenoi]”: Knights, 736–740 (based on the modified French translation by Debidour).
10. Golden 1984. Contra Dover 1978, 84, according to whom “homosexual relationships in Greek society are regarded as the product not of the reciprocal sentiment of equals but of the pursuit of those of lower status [that is, erōmenoi] by those of higher status [that is, erastai].”
11. Plato, Meno, 76b. However old he may be, the erastēs may become the slave of the erōmenos: see Xenophon, Memorabilia, 1.3.11, Symposium, 4.14, Oeconomicus, 1.22; Plato, Symposium, 183a, and Phaedrus, 252a.
12. Golden 1984, 314–315 (examples cited in nn. 34–35).
13. Golden 1984, 315 (with many examples in n. 37). According to this author, these conventions are designed to set aside the real subordination of the erōmenos. The fact is the latter is usually a young Athenian close to adulthood whom it would be embarrassing to represent in a subjected position, let alone a degraded one.
14. See Monoson 2000, 81–82; and, more generally, Sebillotte Cuchet 2006.
15. “There are spells [epoidas], they say, wherewith those who know charm whom they will and make friends of them and drugs which those who know give to whom they choose and win their love” (Memorabilia, 2.6.10).
16. Ibid., 2.6.13.
17. See Winkler 1990, 76–77.
18. Eupolis, The Demes, fr. 102 K.-A. See earlier, chapter 3.
19. Vernant 1990, 40, describes the way that a lover is haunted by the image of the loved one as follows: “A vision of him, instead of delighting him as would the sight of the real person, produces, not pleasure but, precisely, pothos, a nostalgic regret that he is absent.”
20. Pericles, 37.1. According to Aristophanes, Frogs (1425), pothos is also the word for what the people feel about the handsome Alcibiades: “[The people] long for him [pothei men], detest him, and yet desire him.”
21. Pericles, 39.4.
22. Plutarch, Pericles, 8.5. This anecdote echoes a tradition that can be traced back to Ion of Chios, according to whom the tragic poet was a better stratēgos in the domain of love than in that of warfare: see Ion of Chios, FGrHist 392 F 6 (= Athenaeus, 13.603E–604F).
23. See Azoulay 2004, 375 f.
24. Schwarze 1971, 111–112.
25. Plutarch, Pericles, 13.9. See earlier, chapter 6.
26. Schmitt Pantel 2007, 205.
27. Lysias, On the Murder of Eratosthenes (1), 33, with the commentary of Patterson 1998, 166–174. In the Athenian attempt at suppressing adultery, the question of the child’s legitimacy is central. That is why a rape is less grave than adultery: better a one-off criminal act than a slow process of corruption that may cast doubt on the legitimacy of the marriage’s already existing children. On this subject, see Harris 1990.
28. At the end of the fifth century, the comic poet Strattis (fr. 28 K.-A. = Athenaeus, 14.654F) was linking the breeding of peacocks with frivolity and luxury.
29. Cartledge 1990, 52–54; Miller 1997, 189–192.
30. Plato, Charmides, 158a. Pyrilampes, a friend of Pericles and married to Plato’s mother, was wounded and captured at Delion in 424 (Plutarch, The Genius of Socrates, 581D). Although extremely wealthy, he had named his son Demos, which shows his desire to conform with the democratic ideology (see Plato, Gorgias, 481d, for a pun on his name). See the family tree in Cartledge 1990, 45–46.
31. Antiphon, fr. 58 Thalheim. See Cartledge 1990, 53 n. 52; and Miller 1997, 191. Ornithotrophia, the breeding of birds, was an activity even more distinctive than the breeding of horses, hippotrophia, which itself also aroused suspicions among the people. A number of discovered ostraka testify to how people reacted to this in the way they voted: horse breeding suggested that one was too wealthy to be honest.
32. Héritier, Cyrulnik, and Naouri 1994. However, see Bonnard 2002.
33. Pericles, 13.11. See also 36.3.
34. Hermippus, Moirai, fr. 47 K.-A. (= Pericles, 33.7); and Cratinus, Dionysalexandros (K.-A., p. 140).
36. On satyrs as highly sexed creatures, see Lissarrague 1990.
37. Heraclides Ponticus, fr. 59 Wehrli (= Athenaeus, 12.533C). Heraclides Ponticus (or Athenaeus, who cites him) here confuses Miletus and Megara. The confusion is probably linked to a faulty reading of Aristophanes’ Acharnians, 524–531, where the comic poet mentions the Megarians’ seizure of two courtesans trained by Aspasia.
38. Athenaeus, 13.589E.
39. Antisthenes, SSR Va 143 (= Plutarch, Pericles, 24.6). Antisthenes is probably Plutarch’s source, for Athenaeus attributes exactly the same story to him in his Deipnosophistae (13.589E).
40. Brulé 2003, 196. See Loraux 2003, 161–162.
41. Pericles, 32.1. Loraux 2003, 159.
42. Loraux 2003, 140.
43. Callias, Pedetai, fr. 21 K.-A.: in this play, dated, according to the authors, either to the late 430s or else to soon after the peace of 421 B.C., Pericles learns from Aspasia how to speak in public.
44. Schmitt Pantel 2007, 213: “But, in any case, the two statuses—whore and teacher of rhetoric—are perhaps not really all that opposed: both refer to the register of seduction; among the Greeks, peithō was as much a matter of rhetoric as of sexual attraction.” Rhetoric, like love, can establish one’s control over others.
45. See Lenfant 2003a, 402.
46. Alexis of Samos, FGrHist 539 F 1 = Athenaeus, 13.572F.
47. See D’Hautcourt 2006, according to whom the sanctuary was founded after a naval victory, as thanks to Aphrodite, the goddess of sea navigation—not by prostitutes.
48. Text: Kassel and Austin 1983, 140, col. I (1–25) and II (26–48); text and translation, Edmonds 1957, 32–33; and now also Bakola 2010, 320–321 (appendix 4).
49. See Tatti 1986; and McGlew 2002, 46–56. The three gifts offered to Paris are supposed to symbolize the main resources of the Periclean government: Aphrodite offers him beauty and love, Athena courage in warfare, and Hera tyranny. Bakola 2010, 180–208, nevertheless refuses to analyze the play purely as an allegory and insists upon what she calls “the multi-layered composition of the play”; in the play, “Dionysus acts sometimes as the god familiar from satyr plays and comedies, sometimes as the Paris/Alexandros of the Iliad, sometimes as ‘Pericles’, and sometimes as an initiand” (p. 207).
50. Mattingly 1977, 231–245, nevertheless emphasizes that the Dionysalexandros could just as well date from the early 430s and refer to the campaign against Samos—which involved Miletus, Aspasia’s birthplace. The poet doubtless presented Pericles in the guise of Dionysus-Paris, carrying a thyrsus and a drinking vessel and surrounded by a chorus of satyrs.
51. Aristophanes, Acharnians, 524–531.
52. Aeschines Socraticus, SSR, VIa III, 61 (in which the philosopher, bent on his task of rehabilitation, tries to dissociate Aspasia from the detestable image of her Ionian sisters).
53. Montuori 1981, 87–109; the argument is based on a passage in which Plutarch describes the beautiful Thargelia, who “stealthily sowed the seeds of Persian sympathy” and who, it is suggested, Aspasia took as her model (Pericles, 24.2).
54. On Aspasia as a hetaira, see for example Keuls 1993, 198 (“the best known hetaira of the Classical age”). On Aspasia as an intellectual, see Stadter 1991, 123.
55. See Henry 1995.
56. Cratinus, fr. 241 K.-A. (= Plutarch, Pericles, 24.6).
57. Eupolis, Demes, fr. 110 K.-A.
58. On all these names, see Halperin 1990, 111.
59. FGrHist 372 F 40 (fourth century B.C.). There was no reason why Pericles and Aspasia should not have been married: the law of 451 affected only the status of any children they might have and did not imply any illegality of the marriage itself. Marriage was a private affair that was none of the city’s business.
60. Bicknell 1982.
CHAPTER8. PERICLES AND THE CITY GODS
1. Sourvinou-Inwood 1990, 295–322.
2. Xenophon, Hellenica, 2.4.20–21.
3. Ps.-Aristotle, Constitution of the Athenians, 47.1 (Treasurers of Athena) and 54.6–7 (hieropoioi).
4. IG I3 363 = ML 55 = Fornara 113. See Boedeker 2007, 57–58.
5. Thucydides 2.13.4.
6. See IG II2 134 (around 335 B.C.).
7. Thucydides, 2.38.1.
8. Constitution of the Athenians, 3.1–2 (author’s italics).
9. Ibid., 2.9.
10. Plutarch, Pericles, 11.4 (trans. Perrin, modified).
11. See the discussion in Planeaux (2000–2001).
12. Pericles, 13.6. In the early fourth century, the first day of the Panathenaea—which lasted for over a week—was devoted to musical and rhapsodic competitions: See IG II2 2311.
13. Many vases dating from the late Archaic period already carry scenes of musical performances in a Panathenaic framework, so such competitions must already have taken place before the time of Pericles. See Neils 1992, 57.
14. See also Etienne 2004, 67, which mentions that in Phocis, at Kalapodi, a memorial was erected in the sanctuary ruined in the Persian wars.
15. This hall, which was begun in 450, was not completed until the 420s.
16. Parker 1996, 154.
18. Pericles, 13.4–7. But even this statement needs to be qualified: see later, chapter 10.
19. Cimon had even begun work on the Acropolis, constructing a surrounding wall; this contained the sacred space where the remains of the old temple of Athena that the Persians had destroyed stood on the northern side that faced the Agora, so that “it showed to all who saw it that the divinity of the Acropolis was not neglected even if the ban on reconstructing the sanctuary was respected”; see Etienne 2004, 69.
20. IG I3 34 = ML 46 = Brun 9.
21. See Shapiro 1996.
22. See Blok 2009 (which clarifies the chronology adopted by Loraux 1993b, 37–71, esp. 41, which mentioned only “a myth of the fifth century”).
23. See, for example, Plato, Menexenus, 237B (in an ironic mode); Lycurgus, Against Leocrates, 100; Demosthenes, Funeral Oration, 4; Hyperides, Funeral Oration, 4.
24. Rosivach 1987.
25. See Herodotus, 8.73 (Arcadians), 1.171 (Carians), 4.197 (Libyans and Ethiopians).
26. Iliad, 2.546–549.
27. Gantz 1993, 235–236. Before the date of the testimony of Euripides, Athenian painters of images were already representing the birth of Erechtheus (from 490 B.C. onward). The scene chosen is nearly always the same: Gaia, half-buried in the earth that she symbolizes, entrusts Erechtheus to Athena, who picks him up and clasps him in her arms, copying the gesture made by a father to his son in the Amphidromia ritual.
28. Blok 2009, 153.
29. Euripides, Erechtheus, fr. 14, lines 8–10, Jouan-Van Looy.
30. On the question of dates, see Camp 1986, 87, who suggests a range of possible dates, between 460–450/448, for the start of the project.
31. Brun 2005a, 249.
32. IG I3 82 = Brun 129.
33. Rolley 1999, 144–145. This makes it easier to understand why the exploits of Theseus were represented on the metopes surrounding the temple, causing interpreters for a long time to believe that the edifice was dedicated to him. In fact, though, the Athenians were representing the exploits of the founder of the Athenian political community, who in this way mirrored the figure of Erechtheus, who was himself placed in the position of founding father.
34. Thucydides, 2.36.1.
36. Etienne 2004, 88–89.
37. Pericles, 13.8.
38. See Bruit 2005, 85–103. At the supposed time of the dream, there did not yet exist any sanctuary of Asclepius in Athens; it was only after the great plague of 432–427 that Asclepius was introduced into the city, probably in 420/419, and it was not until the fourth century that a civic priest was attached to his cult.
39. Schmitt Pantel 2009, 96.
40. Herodotus, 1.60 (see Ps.-Aristotle, Constitution of the Athenians, 14.4; and Cleidemus, FGrHist 323 F 15). See Sinos 1993, 73–91.
42. Pericles, 39.2.
43. Cratinus, Chirons, fr. 258 K.-A. (= Plutarch, Pericles, 3.3). The poet was playing on a comic association with one of the traditional epithets for Zeus used by Homer, who calls him “The Assembler of Clouds.” According to Plutarch, it was Pericles’ squill-shaped head that explained the variation chosen by Cratinus (“The Assembler of Heads”).
44. Pack2 253 = K.-A. On the dating and themes of the play, see Ceccarelli 1996, 112.
45. Hesiod, Works and Days, 111 ff. See Cratinus, The Spirits of Wealth [Ploutoi], fr. 176 K.-A. (= Athenaeus, 6.267E).
46. Cimon, 10.6. According to Ceccarelli 1996, 142, Plutarch may have been inspired by a passage in Cratinus, The Spirits of Wealth (fr. 175 K.-A.), in which foreigners partake of a Laconian banquet (Cimon is well known for his philolaconianism), grabbing sausages from doorways where they were hanging.
47. Cratinus, fr. 241 K.-A. (= Plutarch, Pericles, 24.6). See earlier, chapter 7.
48. Schachermeyr 1968.
49. See, among others, Beloch 1914, 295; and Chêtelet 1982, 137–138.
50. Plutarch, Pericles, 35.1–2.
51. See Parker 1996, 214.
52. Plutarch, Nicias, 24.1.
53. Pericles, 36.3.
54. Diogenes Laertius, 9.51 (third century A.D.); and Eusebius of Caesarea, Preparation for the Gospel, 14.3.7 (fourth century A.D.). See Plato, Cratylus, 385e–386a: “man is the measure of all things [khrēmata], of the existence of those that exist, and of the nonexistence of those that do not.” According to Diogenes Laertius (9.51), he was forced to leave Athens on account of his impiety, while his books were publicly burned. But Plato’s testimony refutes this (Meno, 91e).
55. Heraclides Ponticus (fourth century B.C.), fr. 150 Wehrli (= Diogenes Laertius, 9.50). See Stadter 1991; and earlier, chapter 7.
56. Schmitt Pantel 2009, 166.
57. Pericles, 38.3–4.
58. See Theophrastus, Characters, 16 (the superstitious man).
59. Pericles, 6.2.
60. See, for example, Ildefonse 2005, 232.
61. Bruit 2005, 86–87.
62. See, above all, Dover 1988b, 146–147.
64. Thucydides, 1.127.1–2.
65. Lysias, Against Andocides (6), 10.
66. Schmitt Pantel 2009, 102–104.
67. See Dio of Prusa, Olympikos, 6. According to the pseudo-Aristotelian Peri kosmou (first century A.D.), Phidias positioned his portrait at the center of the shield, linking it to the statue by an invisible mechanism in such a way that if any attempt was made to remove it, the entire construction fell to pieces.
68. Donnay 1968, 19–36; and Rolley 1999, 128.
69. Aristophanes, Peace, 605; and Philochorus, FGrHist 328 F 121.
70. See Rolley 1999, 64; and Holtzmann 2003, 113.
71. Scholia to Aristophanes, Peace, 605a and b. See now Bakola 2010, 305–312, according to whom the trial probably took place in 434/3.
72. Plutarch, Pericles, 32.1–2. See earlier, chapter 7.
73. Banfi 1999.
74. Pericles, 32.1. See Connor 1963, 115–118; and, earlier, Derenne 1930, and Rudhardt 1960.
75. See, respectively, Plato, Apology, 26d; and Plutarch, Nicias, XXIII, 3.
76. Lenfant 2002.
77. Ibid., 146.
78. On the critique of Diopeithes, see Aristophanes, Knights, 1085, Wasps, 380, Ameipsias, fr. 10 K.-A.
79. Thucydides, 2.52.3–4.
Chapter 9. AFTER PERICLES: THE DECLINE OF ATHENS?
1. See for example Connor 1992, who, however, does not himself adopt the moral and “decadentist” views of the ancient sources.
2. Thucydides, 2.65.5 and 10.
3. Constitution of the Athenians, 28.1. This dividing line is later, in the second century B.C., also recognized by Polybius: “At Athens at least we find that during the government of Aristides and Pericles the state was the author of few cruel actions, but of many kind and praiseworthy ones, while under Cleon and Chares it was quite the reverse” (Histories, 9.23.6).
4. Whereas Thucydides contrasts Pericles to all his successors, Ps.-Aristotle sets out a double opposition: on the one hand, between the leaders of the dēmos and the leaders of the elite, on the other, between the leaders of the people down to Pericles and those who succeeded him.
6. Ps.-Aristotle, Constitution of the Athenians, 28.3, mentions the “two-obol dole” introduced by Cleophon. This grant given to a citizen to enable him to take part in festivals (IG I3 188, l. 10 f.) was established right after the fall of the oligarchy of 411 and was abolished in 404, though it was reestablished not long after.
7. In the Nicomachean Ethics, 6.5.1140b4 f., Pericles appears as an emblem of phronēsis, the practical ability to deliberate accompanied by reason, and knowing how to adapt to the constant movements of the world. See Aubenque 1986, 53–60.
8. Eupolis, fr. 384 K.-A., possibly from his play titled The Demes.
9. The term is attested for the first time in Aristophanes in 422 B.C. in Wasps (1309). See Connor 1992, 155–156, n. 40. In 428 B.C., just after the death of Pericles, Cratinus had coined the composite name neoploutoponeroi, the “new rich criminals,” which implies the earlier existence of a shorter word (fr. 223 K.-A.).
10. IG II2 2318, l. 34.
11. Davies 1971, no. 8674 (Cleon) and no. 3773 (Dikaiogenes).
12. Brenne 1994.
13. Cratinus, fr. 73, l. 69–71 K.-A.
14. Podlecki 1998, 129.
15. See Bloedow 2000, 295–309, which shows to what extent the opposition between Pericles and his successors on the subject of imperialistic behavior needs to be relativized. See earlier, chapter 4.
16. Mann 2007.
17. Demosthenes, Third Olynthiac (3), 21–22.
18. FGrHist 107 F 11 (= Plutarch, Pericles, 36.3). See earlier, chapter 6.
19. See Plutarch, Pericles, 36.1. This pedagogic failure is also noted by Antisthenes, according to Athenaeus (5.220D): The Aspasia [of Antisthenes] slanders Xanthippus and Paralus, the sons of Pericles. One of them, he says, lived with Archestratus, who plied a trade similar to that of women in the cheaper brothels; the other was the boon companion of Euphemus, who used to make vulgar and heartless jokes at the expense of all whom he met.”
20. Protagoras, 319e–320a. See also Meno, 93b–e: “The great Pericles himself did not succeed in teaching his sons virtue, nor did he provide them with a teacher in that discipline.”
21. See Xenophon, Memorabilia, 1.2.12–13.
22. Ibid., 3.5.13.
23. Gorgias, 502d–503b.
24. FGrHist 115 F 90 (= Athenaeus, 12, 533A–C).
25. Republic, VI, 492c.
26. Plato, Gorgias, 510b–e.
27. See Schmitt Pantel 2009, 72.
CHAPTER10. THE INDIVIDUAL AND DEMOCRACY: THE PLACE OF THE “GREAT MAN”
1. Lysias, Against Nicomachus (30), 28.
2. Brun 2005b, 197.
3. Tackling the Plutarchian tradition, Gustave Glotz 1931, 133, thus referred to Ephialtes as “Pericles’ lieutenant.” Will 1972, 172, on the contrary does not even mention Pericles in connection with this affair.
4. See Wohl 2009, 172–173.
6. Telekleides, fr. 45 K.-A. (= Plutarch, Pericles, 16.2).
7. Herodotus, 6.131. See earlier, chapter 1.
8. Heracles and Achilles both possess lion’s hearts: see Homer, Iliad, 5.639, Odyssey, 11.267; Hesiod, Theogony, 1007.
9. Herodotus, 5.56.1. Some man was said to have spoken the following enigmatic words to Hipparchus: “Lion, with an enduring heart, endure the unendurable trials that strike you.”
10. In 566, the ancient festival of Athena was reorganized and turned into the Great Panathenaea. See Neils 1992, 20, on the supposed role played by Pisistratus in this reorganization. See also Nagy 1996, 111 and nn. 23–24. On Pericles and the Panathenaea, see earlier, chapter 8.
11. Aristotle, Politics, 5.11.1313b23.
12. Plutarch, Comparison between Pericles and Fabius Maximus, 3.5.
13. See Etienne 2004, 190–205 (“La nouvelle Athènes d’Hadrien”).
14. Cratinus, The Women of Thrace, fr. 73 K.-A.
15. Lycurgus [“Against Cephisodotus, on the honours given to Demades”], fr. VIII, 2.
16. See Hurwit 2004, 98 [chapter 3, “Pericles, Athens and the building program”].
17. Thucydides, 1.107.1: “The Athenians began the construction of the Long Walls.”
18. Plato, Gorgias, 455e: “You know, I suppose, that these great arsenals and walls of Athens and the construction of your harbours are due to the advice of Themistocles and in part to that of Pericles, not to your craftsmen … and, as to Pericles, I heard him myself when he was advising us about the middle wall.” See earlier, chapter 2.
19. See the enlightening remarks of Brulé 1994, 97.
20. See Brulé 1994, 97.
21. See Pericles, 3.8 and IG I3 506 (= Syll.3 1001): Athenaioi tei Athenaiai tei Hugieiai. Purros epoiesen Athenaios. See earlier, chapter 8; and Leventi 2003, T 4.
22. IG I3 49, l. 13–14 (= ATL II, D 19). See Mattingly 1961, 164–165.
23. We should remember that the population of Piraeus, the port of Athens, depended entirely on cisterns for its water supply. This project was part of a more extensive policy designed to safeguard the welfare of the Athenians in times of war. See Woodhead 1973–1974, 751–761.
24. From the mid-fourth century onward, acts of euergetism were accepted more readily by the Athenian people. In 333/2, Pytheas was elected as the city superintendent of works connected with the supply of water (epimeletēs tōn krēnōn). When he had completed his term of office, the city honored him with a golden crown worth 1,000 drachmas for having used his own resources to cover certain expenses and, in particular, for having repaired a fountain in the sanctuary of Amphiaraus and for having constructed another one in the sanctuary of Ammon. See IG II2 338, l. 11–17 (= Syll.3 281). See Dillon 1996.
25. Ps.-Aristotle, Constitution of the Athenians, 27.3–5 and 18.1. See also Theopompus, FGrHist 115 F 89 (= Athenaeus, 12.532f–533c).
26. He died soon after his return, during the siege of Citium on Cyprus, in 449 B.C.
27. See Plutarch, Pericles, 9.2–3 and also Plutarch, Cimon, 10.1–3.
28. Deniaux and Schmitt Pantel 1987–1989, 153.
29. On this question, see Schmitt Pantel 1992, 180–196; followed by Pébarthe 2007.
30. See earlier, chapter 2; and Dover 1960, 76.
31. See earlier, introduction.
32. See Ehrenberg 1945, 113–134.
33. Thucydides, 1.117.2. Socrates of Anagyrous was also stratēgos during the Samos war in 441/0. He was sufficiently influential to risk ostracism in 443, having possibly been khorēgos for the poet Euripides in 442. In the 430s, he dedicated a khorēgos’s monument celebrating a victory in the rural Dionysia, the first known monument of this kind: see IG I3 969; and Csapo 2010, 91 and 94.
34. Thucydides, 4.102. At this point, Hagnon may have again been elected stratēgos. See Podlecki 1998, 129.
35. Four ostraka bearing the name Hagnon are listed in Siewert 2002, 53. See, more generally, Pesely 1989, 191–209.
36. See Andocides, On Peace, 6; and Diodorus Siculus, 12.7.1. There were ten negotiators, but Pericles was clearly not among them.
37. See Kallet 2009, 56.
38. Thucydides, 3.36.2–3.49.1. On the dēmos’s power over the orators: Sinclair 1988, 136–162; Ober 1996, 132–135.
39. Fröhlich 2000, 83–86.
40. Pericles was a stratēgos at least three times in succession between 448/7 and 446/5. See Fornara 1971, 47.
41. Ps.-Aristotle, Constitution of the Athenians, 61.1 and 43.4.
42. See MacDowell 1978, 169.
43. Plutarch, Pericles, 35.4, mentions a fine of 15 or 50 talents; Diodorus Siculus, 12.45.4, for his part, records a sum of 80 talents. See Podlecki 1998, 51. While the nature of the charges indicates a rendering of accounts (theft, misappropriation of funds), the timing—in mid-mandate—suggests, rather, a trial for high treason.
44. Ephorus, FGrHist 70 F 196 (= Diodorus, 12.38.3–4): “As he had used for his own personal purposes [idiai] quite a large part of the sum [from the treasury of the Delian League that had been transferred to Athens] he was asked to explain this, but he fell ill and was incapable of providing a justification.”
45. Brenne 1994, 13–24. See Plutarch, Cimon, 4.7.
46. Hall 2006, 388.
47. See earlier, chapter 7, the section titled “Pericles and Aspasia” (for the critics of his relationship with Aspasia).
48. Information relating to these censure issues has been collected and examined by Halliwell 1991.
49. See Sommerstein 2004, 145–174.
50. See Scholium to Aristophanes, Acharnians, 67; and Suda, s.v. Euthumenēs: it was during the archonship of Euthymenes (437/6 B.C.) that “the decree forbidding comic personal attacks [to psēphisma to peri tou mē kōmōidein], passed under Morychides [440/439 B.C.] was abrogated.”
51. See Lenfant 2003b.
52. The fact that the demagogue Cleon was mocked by Aristophanes in the Knights did not prevent him being elected stratēgos a few weeks later by the very same Athenians who had vociferously applauded Aristophanes’ play. See Dover 1989, lvi.
53. See Saetta Cottone 2005; and Stark 2004.
55. See Dover 1988a; Hunter 1993, 96–119 (“The politics of reputation: gossip as a social construct”).
56. See, for example, Pericles, 6.2, 8.3, 13.5, 16.7, 24.3, 24.6, 28.5, 30.1, and 31.2.
57. Demosthenes, On the Embassy (19), 122: “because the situation was not yet stable and the future was uncertain, the Agora was full of groups and gossip of every kind.”
58. See, for example, Xenophon, Memorabilia, I.2.1.
59. See, for example, Demosthenes, Against Callimachus (18), 9; Lysias, Against Pancleon (23), 2. See Ober 1989, 148.
60. See Aeschines, Against Timarchus (1), 128–129; Demosthenes, On the Embassy (19), 253. Their disagreement concerned, not the status of rumor, but the people incriminated by it.
61. Against Timarchus (1), 127–128. Rumor was the object of a cult in Athens, possibly ever since Cimon’s victory at Eurymedon, in the early 460s. See Parker 1996, 155–156 and 233–234.
62. Plato, Laws, 838c. See Bertrand 1999, 329–336, esp. p. 329.
63. Detienne 2003, 70–77 (citation, p. 77).
64. Aeschines, Against Timarchus (1), 129.
65. Accept rumor, even when unfounded: that is precisely what Aristides does when he writes his own name on an an ostracism potsherd, in response to a request made by a fellow who does not know him but says he is irritated by his reputation as a just man who is “royal and divine” (Plutarch, Aristides, 7.1–7).
66. See, for example, Plato, Protagoras, 319c.
67. Applause: Demosthenes, Against Midias (21), 14; and Aristophanes, Assembly of Women, 427–436. Protests: Aeschines, Against Ctesiphon (3), 224. Whistles: Xenophon, Hellenica, 6.5.49. Laughter: Aeschines, Against Timarchus (1), 80–84; Thucydides, 4.27.5. See Bers 1985; and Wallace 2004b, 223–227.
68. Roisman 2004, 265.
69. Villacèque 2013, 268-276.
70. Pericles, 14.2. See Tacon 2001, 183.
71. Thucydides, 2.60.1–5. See Ostwald 1986, 200–201.
72. Gomme 1956 (ad loc.).
73. Plato, Republic, VI, 492c. See earlier, chapter 9.
74. Ober 1998, 190.
CHAPTER11. PERICLES IN DISGRACE: A LONG SPELL IN PURGATORY (15TH TO 18TH CENTURIES)
1. Voltaire 1765, 270–276 (“Périclès, un Grec moderne, un Russe”)—even though the editors doubted the authenticity of the dialogue and instead attributed it to François Arnaud Jean Baptiste Antoine Suard (1732–1817), a publicist and the son-in-law of the publisher Panckouche, who was a royal censor and a member of the Académie Française.
2. Rico 2002, 19.
3. The date is certain, as S. Baldassarri has shown in his edition of the work (Bruni 2000, xv–xvii).
4. Roberts 1994, 122–123.
5. See Rawson 1969, 138.
6. Montaigne 1877, vol. 2, 42–43 (Essays, II, 4).
7. Ibid., vol. 2, 111 (Essays, II, 10: On Books).
8. In 1566, Jean Bodin, in La méthode de l’histoire (Bodin 1941, 49) referring to Plutarch, exclaimed admiringly, “What could elude such wisdom?”
9. See earlier, introduction.
10. Thucydides was translated again (badly) into French by Jean-Louis de Jassaud in 1600, before becoming the object of the “faithless beauty” by Nicolas Perrot d’Ablancourt, in 1662, which was an extremely free translation with numerous omissions.
11. See Starobinski 1985, 14–17.
12. Grell 1993, 138.
13. See later in chapter 12, the section titled “The Periclean Myth at Its Peak.”
14. See Castellaneta and Camesasca 1969, plate LI. Here, Pericles is the very embodiment of temperance, urging these men who handle money to be as incorruptible as the stratēgos himself.
15. See, for example, Machiavelli, preface to The History of Florence [1525], in Machiavelli 1965. See Roberts 1994, 129.
16. Discourses on the First Ten Books of Titus Livius [1512–1517], in Machiavelli 1882, vol. 2, 102.
17. Ibid., vol. 2, 258.
18. Consolatoria, Accusatoria, Difensoria (1527), in Guicciardini 1867, 111 and 222 (author’s translation).
19. See Roberts 1994, 125–126.
20. On Carlo Sigonio, see Ampolo 1997, 16–19; and Cambiano 2003, 168–169.
21. Sigonio 1593, 480: “tum vero Aristides, qui plurimum ex iis bellis auctoritatis erat adeptus, et post eum, vir manu et lingua promptus, Pericles popularem hunc reip. statum amplificarunt, cum omnia plebi et imperitae multitudini tradiderunt, quibus Solonis legibus ei fuerat interdictum” (author’s translation).
22. Ibid., 483: “Pericles populum mercede plebi ad iudicandum, et ad locos in theatris ludorum causa emendos assignata insolentiorem, atq; arrogantiorem effecerit, & per Ephialtem summam illam Areopagi potentiam labefecit” (author’s translation).
23. See Baron 1968, 117–118.
24. Bodin 1945, 237–238.
25. Bodin 1606, 261 (book III, chap. 1).
26. Ibid., 430 (book IV, chap. 1 ; modernized spelling).
27. Ibid., 531–532 (book IV, chap. 7).
28. Montaigne 1877, 405 (book I, chap. 51 : “Of the vanity of words”).
29. Ibid.
30. Ibid.
31. Hartog 2005, 172.
32. Spon 1678, vol. 2, 147. See Pébarthe 2010b, 464–465.
33. See Grell and Michel 1988.
34. Hartog 2005, 203–204.
35. See Saladin 2000.
36. Grell 1995, 379–380.
37. Chronologiae ex nummis antiquis restitutae and Prolegomena ad censuram veterum scriptorum (1696). See Grell 1995, 409.
38. Perrault 1693, vol. 1, part II, 206 (modernized spelling).
39. Perrault 1697, vol. 4, 319–320.
40. In the Parallèle des anciens et des modernes, in justification of the Quarrel, Perrault chose to cite Pericles’ funeral oration in the translation produced by Nicolas Perrot d’Ablancourt, in order that readers could pass judgment as objectively as possible.
41. Fontenelle 1730, 93–94.
42. The Dialogues des morts by Fénelon appeared in successive waves. The first four were published as early as 1700, but it was not until 1712 (the year of the death of the duke of Burgundy) that a collection of forty-five further dialogues appeared. After Fénelon’s death, the corpus of dialogues progressively grew until its definitive form was reached with the publication of the Oeuvres complètes de Fénelon in the so-called Versailles edition, in 1823. It contained seventy-nine dialogues, of which fifty-one were between ancient characters and twentyeight were between modern ones.
43. Alcibiades, 7.3. See Diodorus Siculus, 12.38.
44. Fénelon 1760, 80–81.
45. The following dialogue picks up the same theme, again presenting Pericles as a warmonger encouraged by Alcibiades. Pericles makes a more discreet appearance in dialogue LV, which sets Louis XI, the symbol of a scheming tyrant, against Cardinal Bessarion, the embodiment of a clerical scholar buried in his books. The Athenian Pericles is once again the emblem of bombastic and, above all, outdated rhetoric.
46. See Schlatter 1945, 351.
47. Johnson 1993, 214.
48. Hobbes 1989, 569–586: “On the life and history of Thucydides.”
49. Ibid., 572.
50. Ibid., 572–573.
51. See Schlatter 1975, 14. Hobbes returns to a similar argument in the dedication that he had written for his patron, Sir William Cavendish: “To Sir William Cavendish” in Hobbes 1989, xx: he recommends reading Thucydides “for that he had in his veins the blood of kings.”
52. Hobbes 1839, LXXXVIII, l. 80–83 (Thomas Hobbes Malmesburiensis Vita Carmine Expressa).
53. Dabdab Trabulsi 2006, 169.
54. Hartog 2005, 78.
55. Grell 1995, vol. 1, 498.
56. Grell 1993, 136–137. However, Thucydides was restored to the taste of the time by Charles Rollin, as P. Payen has shown. See later, chapter 12.
57. D’Alembert 1893, 77 and 85.
58. Johnson 1992, 149–157.
59. Montesquieu 1989, 43 (The Spirit of the Laws, V, 3). See Cambiano 1974; and Nelson 2004, 155–194.
60. Montesquieu 1989, 10–15 (The Spirit of the Laws, II, 2). See Mossé 1989, 56–58.
61. Montesquieu 1989, 115 (VIII, 4) and 113 (VIII, 2).
62. See, for example, Montesquieu 1989, 363 (XXI, 7): “The fine institutions of Solon.” Similarly, in the article devoted to “Athens” in the Encyclopédie, Jaucourt has eyes only for the Athens of Solon: he suggests that the decline of the city began almost immediately after the Persian Wars. See also his article, “Démocratie” (Encyclopédie, ou Dictionnaire Raisonné des Sciences, des Arts et des Métiers, V [1754], 816–818) and the remarks of Roberts 1994, 169–170.
63. See Nippel 2010, 94; and Pébarthe 2010b, 465.
64. Turgot, Tableau philosophique des progrès successifs de l’esprit humain, 11 December 1750, in Turgot 1913, 214–235, citations p. 225.
65. On the quarrel about luxury, see for example Johnson 1992; and Ross 1975.
66. Discourse on the Arts and Sciences [1761], in Rousseau 1997a, 11.
67. Ibid.
68. A Discourse on Political Economy [1761], in Rousseau 1997b, 8.
69. Last Reply, in Rousseau 1997a, 75 and note.
70. See Guerci 1979, 182–183.
71. Mably 1784, 80.
72. Ibid., 88.
73. Ibid., 89–90 (a passage not translated in the English version). Only in a short note at the bottom of the page does Mably deign to recognize a degree of virtue in the stratēgos: “It must be acknowledged to the honour of Pericles that whatever works of Greece either in architecture, sculpture or painting have commanded the admiration of after ages were the fruit of his Government and of the attention bestowed by him upon the most elegant subjects” (p. 92 and note).
74. Ibid., 90. The English version considerably weakens and waters down the expression used by Mably, when it translates “Cet adroit tyrant d’Athènes” (this adroit tyrant of Athens) as “This Leader of the people.”
75. Ibid., 103.
76. Mably 1769, preface, “Life of Phocion.” See also Roberts 1994, 162–165.
77. Mably 1769, 117–118.
78. Barthélemy 1806.
79. Vidal-Naquet 2000, 214.
80. On the genealogy of this formula, see later, chapter 12.
81. Barthélemy 1806, 268–269.
82. Ibid., 269–270.
83. Ibid.
84. Ibid., 271. “In proportion as Pericles augmented his power, he was less lavish of his influence and his presence. Confining himself to a small circle of relations and friends, he was supposed to be solely occupied with plans for the pacification or disturbance of Greece” (ibid.).
85. Ibid., 272.
86. Ibid., 274.
87. Ibid., 329.
88. Ibid., 330.
89. Barthélemy 1806, 153.
90. Ibid., 331.
91. Ibid., 161.
92. See Vidal-Naquet 1995, 90.
93. See Mossé 1989, 88.
94. Volney 1800, 169.
95. See the remarks of Dubuisson 1989, 38, based on the study by Bouineau 1986: 2,597 explicit mentions of Rome as against 1,575 for Greece, while the implicit allusions show an even greater imbalance.
96. Dubuisson 1989, 33.
97. Robespierre 1967, 444.
98. See Mossé 1989, 92–93 and 124–125.
99. Billaud-Varennes, “Rapport du 1 floréal an II (20 avril 1794),” in Le Moniteur, II, no. 212: 860.
100. Saint-Just 1791, II, 5.
101. That was how P. Buonarroti saw it (Buonarroti 1828, 5): “The former [the Girondins and the ‘Indulgents’] sighed for the riches, superfluities and splendour of Athens; the latter desired the frugality, simplicity and modesty of the glory days of Sparta.”
102. Buchez and Roux 1836, 394.
103. Mossé 1989, 136.
104. Ibid., 139.
105. Ibid., 147. Already in Year II, Camille Desmoulins was singing the praises of Thrasybulus, calling him “the restorer of peace”: Desmoulins 1825, 72 [Le Vieux Cordelier, no. 4]; and Desmoulins 1825, 90–91 [Le Vieux Cordelier, no. 5].
106. Bouineau 1986, 106.
107. Buchez and Roux 1834,108.
108. Ibid., 118.
109. In the end, the Assembly passed a motion of compromise: “The right of peace and of war belongs to the Nation. War will be decided only by a decree from the Legislative Body following a formal and necessary proposal from the king, which must then be sanctioned by His Majesty.”
110. Hansen 1992, 18.
111. Federalist Papers, no. 6.
112. This association between Pericles and warfare persisted in the decades that followed. So, in 1803, when Hamilton wanted to proclaim that, for the French party of Louisiana, war was ineluctable, he, logically enough, chose the pseudonym Pericles. See Adair 1955, 285–287.
113. Grégoire 1977, 45. See Mossé 1989, 113.
114. Moniteur, Year II, no. 20, 860.
115. Grégoire 1977, 182.
116. Volney 1800, 171.
117. Ibid., 174–175.
118. Ibid., 178 (cited by Vidal-Naquet 1995, 99).
119. Vidal-Naquet 2000, 229.
120. Desmoulins 1825, 124 [Le Vieux Cordelier, no. 6 Nivôse an II, December 1793].
121. Ibid., 148.
122. Ibid., 157 [Le Vieux Cordelier, no. 7, February–March 1794].
123. Ibid., 153–154 [Le Vieux Cordelier, no. 7, February–March 1794].
124. Baudot 1893, 210. As Rawson 1969, 297, points out, Baudot’s Latin is altogether revolutionary!
125. Baudot 1893, 311.
CHAPTER12. PERICLES REDISCOVERED: THE FABRICATION OF THE PERICLEAN MYTH (18TH TO 21ST CENTURIES)
1. See, for example, the titles of Cloché 1949; Flacelière 1966; Mossé 1971, 43–66; and Maffre 1994. English-language scholarship speaks of “The Age of Pericles”: Watkiss Lloyd 1875; Robinson 1959; and Samons II ed. 2007. The Germans, for their part, evoke the “Perikleische Zeitalter”: see, in particular, Schmidt 1877.
2. Arnaud-Lindet 2001, 130–131.
3. Bodin 1945, 287.
4. See earlier, chapter 11.
5. Frederick had wanted his text to appear anonymously. Having entrusted his text to Voltaire, he changed his mind when Frederick Wilhelm I of Prussia died, on 31 May 1740. Then, once on the throne, Frederick decided to prevent the appearance of his book, which nevertheless did appear after numerous corrections and rewritings. See Aizpurua 1994.
6. Frederick II of Prussia 1846–1856, book VIII, 304 (author’s italics).
7. On the importance of the work of Rollin, see later in this section.
8. Voltaire, Age of Louis XIV [1751], in Voltaire 1901 (vol. 12), 5.
9. Voltaire 1901 (vol. 12), 1–2. See Mortgat-Longuet 2006.
10. Voltaire 1784–1789 (vol. 66), lettre XLV, 108 (letter dated 28 October 1772).
11. See Mat-Hasquin 1981, 148. Unlike Rousseau, Voltaire had nothing but disdain for frugal Sparta and, in A Philosophical Dictionary (1764), in the article on “Luxury” (in Voltaire 1901 [vol. 6], 157), he exclaimed, “What benefit did Sparta confer on Greece? Had she ever a Demosthenes, a Sophocles, an Apelles or a Phidias? The luxury of Athens formed great men of every description. Sparta had certainly some great captains, but even these in a smaller number than other cities. But allowing that a small republic like Lacedaemon may maintain its poverty, men uniformly die, whether they are in want of everything or enjoying the various means of rendering life agreeable.”
12. Condillac, Cours d’études pour l’instruction du prince de Parme [1775], cited in Condillac 1798, 283 [Histoire ancienne, II, 5].
13. See Guerci 1979, 219.
14. Saint-Lambert 1765, 765.
15. Rollin 1790.
16. See Payen 2007b, 191; and Payen 2010.
17. Rollin 1790, vol. III, book 7, chap. 1, section 7, 204.
18. Ibid., section 10, 217.
19. Ibid. A few chapters further on, Rollin also deplores the detachment shown by Pericles at the deaths of those close to him: “Exceeding error! Childish illusion! Which either makes heroism consist in wild and savage cruelty; or, leaving the same grief and confusion in the mind, assumes a vain exterior of constancy and resolution, merely to be admired. But does martial bravery extinguish nature?” (Rollin 1790, vol. III, book 7, chap. 3, section 2, 279).
20. Rollin 1790, vol. III, book 7, chap. 1, section 11, 217–218.
21. See earlier, introduction.
22. Rollin 1790, vol. III, book 7, chap. 1, section 11, 218 (author’s italics).
23. Ibid., chap. 1, section 11, 230, n. 1.
24. Ibid., chap. 3, 283. See Thucydides, II, 65.
25. Lévesque 1811, preface, xx.
26. See Vidal-Naquet 1995, 108, citing Lévesque 1811 (vol. 3), 25.
27. See Hartog 2005, 85; and Chapoutot 2008, 168–175. In Germany, French culture was fundamentally perceived as Roman—to the point of French language and literature studies being, still today, classed as Romanistik.
28. See Bruhns 2005, 23.
29. Decultot 2000, 123.
30. For the purposes of his demonstration, Winckelmann revolutionized the history of art by defining “artistic styles” according to a chronological sequence linked with the history of civilizations. Winckelmann thereby initiated a classification still used today, with different titles (“archaic style,” “early classicism of the fifth century,” then “late classicism of the fourth century,” then “Hellenistic style”).
31. Winckelmann 2005 (vol. 3), 191–193.
32. Calvié 1999, 473.
33. Herder 1800, 354. See Tolbert Roberts 1994, 210–211.
34. Herder 1800, book XIII, chap. 3, “The arts of the Greeks,” 367–368 (author’s italics).
35. Herder 1800, 368.
36. Ibid., 368.
37. See Calvié 1999: in 1788, Schiller wrote The Gods of Greece, and ten years later Hölderlin’s great poem, Hyperion, was published (1797–1799), setting the seal on the success of a form of Hellenizing paganism.
38. Hegel 1902 (citations p. 343 and p. 45).
39. Roberts 1994, 219.
40. Lyttleton 1760, 254–255.
41. Ibid., 256.
42. See Murray 2010, which questions the thesis of a unanimously negative view of Athens in the eighteenth century.
43. Gast 1753, 471.
44. Ibid., 484.
45. Ibid., 488.
46. Young 1786. On the context in which the work was written, see Murray 2010, 144 and 149.
47. Young 1786, 155.
48. Ibid., 152–153.
49. Gillies 1820 (vol. 2), chap. XIII, 108, n. 10.
50. Ibid., 126.
51. Mitford 1814, 100. On pages 127–130, Mitford gives a guarded appreciation of Pericles: he recognizes his role as a corruptor and his detestable political behavior, but also takes into account the great respect shown him by Thucydides, Xenophon, and Isocrates.
52. Thirlwall 1835–1844. On the differences between Thirlwall, who remained close to Germanic historiography (he translated Niebuhr as soon as his work appeared), and Grote, see Momigliano 1966, 61–62.
53. Grote 1869–1870 (vol. 5), 440.
54. Ibid., 437–439 and 441–442.
55. Ibid., 442.
56. Ibid., 443.
57. See Momigliano 1966, 60.
58. Cox 1874, 184.
59. Mérimée 1868, 185. See Pontier 2010, 635–648.
60. Mérimée 1868, 186.
61. Jouanna 2005, 311–321.
62. See Grunchec 1983, 27. The most that can be done is to add a Pericles—in the form of a mere bust—painted by Antoine-Jean Gros on a ceiling in the Louvre Museum in 1827, and a statue of Pericles handing out crowns to artists, sculpted by Jean-Baptiste Debay and installed in the Tuileries in 1833. In 1852, Philipp von Foltz, a German painter, depicted Pericles addressing the people from the bema, with the Acropolis in the background.
63. Duruy 1867, 155.
64. Ibid., 333.
65. Ibid., 156.
66. Nisard 1851. See Avlami 2001, 77.
67. See Hansen 1992, 21.
68. See Chauvelon 1902, 97–99.
69. Mazzarino 1990, 359–370; and Montepaone, Imbruglia, Catarzi, and Silvestre 1994.
70. Murari Pires 2006, 811.
71. Niebuhr 1852a (vol. 2), 54 and 391, and (vol. 1), 54; and Niebuhr 1852b (vol. 2), 352.
72. Niebuhr 1852a (vol. 1), 211. See also von Ranke 1975, 256–257.
73. Von Ranke 1867–1890 (vol. 53/54), 26–31 and 58–59.
74. Curtius 1857–1867; French trans.: Curtius 1880–1883; English trans.: Curtius 1868–1873.
75. Curtius 1883, 80, which states: “even more rewarding is the task of whoever, led by Thucydides, follows, with pious admiration, the traces that this great spirit [Pericles] has left on the history of his people.” The English translation does not include this important passage.
76. Curtius 1871, 459 and 442 (book III, chap. 3).
77. Ibid., 468–469.
78. Ibid., 461–462.
79. Ibid., 459.
80. Schmidt 1877, 3. See Will 1995, 8.
81. See Bruhns 2005, 26.
82. On the context of Droysen’s work, see the fine preface by Payen 2005, 31–36.
83. Droysen 1980, 12.
84. In the preface to the first German edition of vol. 3 of the Histoire de l’Hellénisme (which does not appear in the French translation), Droysen wrote as follows: “Who can fail to admire the Athens of Themistocles and Pericles? But why forget that the city founded a tyranny, extended it to cover half the Greek world and administered it quite harshly, knowing full well that this was tyranny” (author’s translation), Droysen 1980, xxi.
85. Böckh 1886, 710 (the passage is not reproduced in the English edition). He reproached the Athenians in particular for having paid citizens for their public responsibilities and services (Böckh 1842, 226–227).
86. Böckh 1842, 195.
87. Ibid., 228–232.
88. Beloch 1967, iv. See also Beloch 1913, 13: “However, for Grote, the Greeks are basically simply the English of the mid-nineteenth century in disguise; the democrats are the liberals, the oligarchs the conservatives, and since the author is a liberal, the Greek democrats are always in the right, the oligarchs always in the wrong; Grote’s history thus becomes a magnification of the Athenian democracy. That is a reaction that is altogether legitimate and useful to the hitherto prevailing under-estimation of democracy; only it is just as unhistorical as the opposite view.” (“Dabei sind die Griechen für Grote im Grunde nichts weiter, als verkleidete Engländer aus der Mitte des XIX. Jahrhunderts; die Demokraten sind die Liberalen, die Oligarchen die Konservativen, und da der Verfasser zu den Liberalen gehörte, haben die griechischen Demokraten immer Recht, und die Oligarchen immer Unrecht; Grotes Geschichte wird so zu einer Verherrlichung der athenischen Demokratie. Das war als Reaktion gegen die bis dahin herrschende Unterschätzung dieser Demokratie ganz berechtigt und nützlich; nur ist es ebenso unhistorisch, wie die entgegengesetzte Auffassung.”).
89. Beloch 1914, 154–155.
90. Ibid., 319–310 (author’s translation): “Aber der Spruch sollte auch nicht den Verwaltungs-beamten treffen, sondern den Politiker, der aus persönlichen Motiven den hellenischen Bruderkrieg entzündet und sich damit des größten Verbrechens schuldig gemacht hatte, das die ganze griechische Geschichte kennt.” See also Beloch 1967, 19 f. and the commentaries by Christ 1999, 92.
91. Burckhardt 2002, 78.
92. Ibid., 77.
93. Drerup 1916, 1–4. A few years later, the historian returned to this theme in order, this time, to attack the politicians of the Weimar Republic. He lamented the fact that “in our country formerly so proud, here too a Republic of lawyers had been established, a Republic of the streets and demagogues, of which a Cleon and Aristophanes’ sausage-merchant would have been proud” (Drerup 1923, 1).
94. See Pernot 2006.
95. On Phi-Phi, see L’encyclopédie multimedia de la comédie musicale théêtrale en France (1918–1940), which offers an opportunity to listen to this work, available at http://194.254.96.55/cm/?for=fic&cleoeuvre=258 (accessed 23 August 2013).
96. “Pericles on the Athenians” (1915), advertisement published by the Underground Electric Railway Company. See Turner 1981, 187.
97. See Zimmern 1911, 202. The citation is taken from Thucydides, 2.43.4. Zimmern may possibly have put in a word of his own on the subject of this affair, for he was entrusted with various responsibilities on the Board of Education.
98. Müller 1824.
99. See the illuminating remarks of Hansen 2005, 15.
100. See Churchill 1951, 81 (citation taken from Thucydides, 2.64.6).
101. Churchill, “A Speech to the House of Commons, June 4, 1940,” in Churchill 1953, 195. See Kagan 1991, 275.
102. Murray 1946, 202, cited by Roberts 1989, 204.
103. See Murray 1946, 200–201, who compares Demosthenes’ Philippics to Churchill’s famous “Arms and the League.” See Rougemont 1996.
104. See Jones 1978, 109–110.
105. Most 1995, 438–440.
106. Andurand 2010.
107. Pohlenz 1920, 69 (author’s translation).
108. Jaeger 1965, 407–409.
109. Ibid., 409 (author’s italics).
110. Ibid., 409.
111. See Näf 1992, 125–146.
112. Among the many examples of this kind of slanted history, see in particular Berve 1937; John 1939; Lüdemann 1939; and Brake 1939. To take but one example, Berve praised Sparta for “the education of its young, its community spirit, its military form of life and the way in which the individual was integrated and proved his worth by his brave deeds,” and finally for the “type of Herrenmensch” (superior being), who emerged from “natural selection” and “shared blood” (Berve 1937, 7, 39, and 45).
113. Chapoutot 2008, 265–281 (citation pp. 276–277).
114. A. Hitler, speech of 4 August 1929, in Hitler 1992, vol. 2, 2, 348.
115. Arminius had been exalted as the first Germanic hero ever since The Battle of Arminius (Die Hermannsschlacht) by Heinrich von Kleist (1809), as was Vercingétorix celebrated in France.
116. Schachermeyr 1933, 41. See the close analyses by Chapoutot 2008, 323–324.
117. Brauer 1943, 131–136, cited by Näf 1986, 161.
118. Brauer 1943, 135.
119. Speer 1976, 110. See also Speer 1980, 20 April 1947. The former Nazi dignitary recorded a conversation with Hitler on 20 April 1943, when Hitler held forth on the action of great men in history and, in particular, on Pericles.
120. Hitler 1926, 289–290, cited by Chapoutot 2008, 298.
121. Speer 1976, 110.
122. See Scobie 1990, 15–16.
123. Zschietzschmann 1940, 14 and 16.
124. Berve 1940, 21. On Berve, Hitler, and Pericles, see Christ 1999, 249; and Chapoutot 2008, 324–326.
125. On the career of Berve, see Nippel 2010, 278–279.
126. Chapoutot 2008, 326. Germania was the name given by Hitler to the project of the urban renewal of the German capital.
127. Berve 1940, 21.
128. Ibid., 25: “er war auch während der vergangenen 15 Jahre in einem Stahlbad gehärtet, so dass er nun erst recht gegenüber inneren Anfeindungen und äußeren Schwierigkeiten eine schwer zu brechende Widerstandskraft besaß.” See Christ 1999, 195 and 244.
129. Churchill was not alone in admiring the stratēgos. The members of the French Resistance had likewise made Pericles one of their heroes; the Mouvements Unis de Résistance (MUR) had given the stratēgos’s name to their network for training maquis cadres. See Dabdab Trabulsi 2011, 13.
130. Glotz 1931, 170. See “Périclès et l’impérialisme pacifique” (pp. 166–214); “le socialisme d’Etat” (pp. 178–187).
131. De Sanctis 1944. I am here following the line of thought suggested by Dabdab Trabulsi 2011, 21–38 and 197–199.
132. De Sanctis 1944, 184; Dabdab Trabulsi 2011, 31.
133. De Sanctis 1944, 218.
134. Ibid., 274.
135. Ibid., 131: “L’imperialismo pacifico di Pericle.”
136. See Canfora 1976.
137. Homo 1954.
138. Ibid., 66.
139. Ibid., 97. On directed democracy, see ibid., 124–128.
140. Ibid., 78.
141. Chêtelet 1982, 17 and 21.
142. Lévêque 1964, 265–266. See Chêtelet 1982, 163–166; and Delcourt 1939, 171, n. 1. See the illuminating remarks of Mossé 2005, 240–242.
143. Lévêque 1964, 265–266.
144. Homo 1954 and Chêtelet 1982. The publication date of the biography by Marie Delcourt was prewar 1939.
145. Lévêque and Vidal-Naquet 1996; and Loraux 2002.
146. See Roberts 1994, 265–270. As early as 1959, Finley was describing the advance “of slavery and freedom, hand in hand” (Finley 1959, 164).
147. Keuls 1993, 88. See, earlier, Pomeroy 1975.
148. Delcourt 1939. See Dabdab Trabulsi 2011, 87–109 (esp. 98–99).
149. Delcourt 1939, 118. The cleruchies are thus judged to be just a “simple instrument of domination,” at the same time as a “financial expedient” (p. 120).
150. See, for example, Strasburger 1958, according to whom Thucydides more or less secretly condemned the imperialism embodied by Pericles. See Nicolai 1996.
151. Ehrenberg 1968, 238.
152. Starr 1974, 306. In the writings of Peter Green, then a professor of classics at the University of Texas and the author of numerous popular works on the ancient world, this critique reached its climax. According to him, Pericles was a quasi-dictator who had subjected the Athenian demos to a veritable brainwashing; and the democratic regime owed its survival only to the rabble-rousing leaders who followed. See Green 1972.
153. Hornblower 1994, 174.
154. Samons II 2004, 55–56 and 62. After deploring the coldness of Pericles and his lack of compassion (pp. 64–65), he also attacks the misthos, which undermined civic values (p. 173), in keeping with the purest Plutarchian tradition. See the review by Mossé 2006/2007, 467–470.
155. Samons II 2004, 130–131 and 190.
156. Luginbill 2011, 256.
157. See earlier, chapter 4; and Dabdab Trabulsi 2011, 113–137 [“Un Périclès du Nouveau Monde. Donald Kagan et son Périclès US”].
158. Mattingly 1966, 212–213: “None of the inscriptional evidence for fully organized Athenian imperialism can be dated before 431 B.C.”
159. Bengtson 1983, 109 f., here 142 (author’s translation). See also Weber 1985.
160. Admittedly, official instructions now encourage one to turn away from an idealized history, emphasizing “the restrictive concept of citizenship developed in fifth-century Athens, and … the limits of Athenian democracy: citizenship founded on birth-rights (but denied to women), which excluded foreigners and slaves and the functioning of which was flawed” (Bulletin Officiel du ministère de l’Education Nationale et du ministère de la Recherche, HS no. 6, 31 August 2000). Nevertheless, whenever it is a matter of considering the political or artistic history of the Greek world, the stratēgos continues to attract most of the attention.
161. See for example Nemo 1988.
162. Yourcenar 1989, 14.
163. See Wyke 1997 and Aziza 2008.
164. The only exceptions are a cinema adaptation of the operetta, Phi-Phi, in 1926, by Georges Pallu alias Demetrios Saixi (Isis Film-Les Productions Nathan, France) and, even more marginally, a Greek film, Hippocrates and Democracy (Ippocratis kè Dhimokratia), by Dimis Dadiras, in 1972—in which Hippocrates tries to fight the 430 “plague” in Athens, and in the course of his peregrinations encounters Socrates, Phidias, Euripides, and Pericles. See Dumont 2009, 223–224.
165. An analysis of the situation has been carried out via www.gamekult.com (accessed 23 August 2013). It reveals several definite trends in the use of Antiquity. Games involving war and conquest predominate, some of which are spinoffs from the cinema (such as The Three Hundred and Gladiator) or from comic strips (for example, the many Asterix volumes). Rome is also very much present, particularly in the successful series of Rome: Total War. There are also a number of Alexander games—involving strategies for conquering the whole world—and a few games that use Sparta as a framework (Spartan: Total Warrior, which was produced in 2005 and sold widely).
166. Martin 2000.