NOTES

INTRODUCTION: JUST WHERE DOES ONE GET A LICENSE TO KILL INDIANS?

1. Bowechop, “Contemporary Makah Whaling,” 415–19; Sullivan, Whale Hunt, 238–65; Sepez, “Political and Social Ecology,” 112–97; Miller, “Exercising Cultural Self-Determination”; Miller, “Tribal Cultural Self-Determination”; interviews by Bowechop and Pascua, NOAA Interviews, MCRC; Makah Tribal Council and Makah Whaling Commission, Makah Nation; Arnold, interview.

2. Claplanhoo, interview; Greene, interview; US Department of the Interior, Fish and Wildlife Service, and US Department of Commerce, NOAA, “Endangered and Threatened Wildlife and Plants.” For a discussion of the IWC negotiations in 1996 and 1997, see Martello, “Negotiating Global Nature and Local Culture,” 267–69.

3. Johnson, interview; Mapes, “Celebrating the Whale”; Bowechop, “Contemporary Makah Whaling,” 418; Blow, “Great American Whale Hunt”; Gutthiudaschmitt, “Makah Whale Hunt”; Adrienne Bowechop, Janine Bowechop, Micah McCarty, and Crystal Thompson, NOAA Interviews.

4. Blow, “Great American Whale Hunt”; Martello, “Negotiating Global Nature and Local Culture,” 267.

5. Ellingson, Myth of the Noble Savage, 370; Dan Greene, NOAA Interviews.

6. Wylly quotation from Tizon, “E-Mails, Phone Messages.” See also Barton, “ ‘Red Waters,’ ” 200–218; Marker, “After the Makah Whale Hunt.” For more examples, see Mapes, “Celebrating the Whale”; Bowechop, “Contemporary Makah Whaling,” 418–419; and Sullivan, Whale Hunt.

7. LaDow, Medicine Line, 109; Evans, Borderlands, 354; Binnema, “Case for Cross-National and Comparative History,” 18–19. For a more terrestrial-oriented perspective on the environment of the Northwest Coast, see Suttles, “Environment.”

8. Edwards and MacCready, “Strait of Juan de Fuca,” 2.

9. For an introduction to indigenous knowledge, see Ellen, Parkes, and Bicker, Indigenous Environmental Knowledge; and Gordon and Krech, “Introduction.”

10. Favorite and Northwest Fisheries Center, Ocean Environment, 28; Roden, “Subarctic-Subtropical Transition Zone.”

11. Johnson, interview; Greene, interview; McCarty, interview.

12. Makah fisher Dave Sones speaks of being able to see the change in the ocean when one arrives at the upwelling. See Sones, interview. Today’s Makah fishers and whalers simply refer to it as the “Big Eddy.”

13. Beak Consultants and Patricia Bay Institute of Ocean Sciences, Examination; Purdy, Summary, 14; MacFadyen, Hickey, and Cochlan, “Influences of the Juan de Fuca Eddy.” Through informal conversations, Makah fishers provided details on how the eddy appears.

14. Favorite and Northwest Fisheries Center, Ocean Environment, 48; Berry, Sewell, and Wagenen, “Temporal Trends.”

15. Suttles, “Environment,” 17–18; Renker and Gunther, “Makah,” 422.

16. Suttles, “Introduction”; Thompson and Kinkade, “Languages.” For other culture areas, see Walker, Plateau; Helm, Subarctic; and Heizer, California. Throughout the book, I use modern place-names so that we can more easily understand the setting. Where appropriate, I introduce us to indigenous place-names and reference earlier terms used by non-Natives.

17. Lane, “Political and Economic Aspects,” 1–13; Stewart, Indian Fishing; Stewart, Cedar; Taylor, Making Salmon, 13–38; Montgomery, King of Fish, 39–58; Hewes, “Indian Fisheries Productivity,” 136.

18. The complex networks of kinship are discussed in detail in chapters 1 and 2. For an excellent analysis of this topic, see Harmon, Indians in the Making. For more on seasonal movements, see Kirk, Tradition and Change, 105–38; and Ames and Maschner, Peoples of the Northwest Coast, 120–21.

19. Kirk, Tradition and Change, 36–56; Donald, Aboriginal Slavery; Drucker, The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes, 243–73; Renker and Gunther, “Makah”; Coté, Spirits of Our Whaling Ancestors, 22–23.

20. The literature cited earlier discusses the power of chiefs. For a different model on authority within the Northwest Coast, see Miller and Boxberger, “Creating Chiefdoms.”

21. For the meaning of the name Makah, see Coté, Spirits of Our Whaling Ancestors, 18. As with other Northwest Coast characteristics, the literature on potlatches is extensive. For concise overviews, see Drucker, Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes, 370–86; Drucker, Indians of the Northwest Coast, 123–33; Arima, West Coast People, 68–82; Kirk, Tradition and Change, 57–69; and Lutz, Makúk, 58–61. More than fifty years old, the classic text still remains Codere, “Fighting with Property.” For a newer interpretation, see Suttles, “Streams of Property, Armor of Wealth.” For a critique of Codere’s argument that potlatching replaced warfare, see Lovisek, “Aboriginal Warfare on the Northwest Coast.”

22. Lefebvre, Production of Space; Tuan, Space and Place.

23. “Ratified Treaty No. 286: Documents Relating to the Negotiation of the Treaty of January 31, 1855, with the Makah Indians,” p. 2, Documents Relating to the Negotiation of Ratified and Unratified Treaties, NARA-PNR.

24. William Cronon’s foreword in Arnold, Fishermen’s Frontier, x.

25. Limerick, Legacy of Conquest, 100.

26. For the classic argument about the role of the federal government, industry, and capital, see White, “It’s Your Misfortune.” For more of an emphasis on commodification of the American West, see Cronon, Nature’s Metropolis.

27. For a new direction for this scholarship, see Barman and Watson, Leaving Paradise; Chang, Pacific Connections; and Igler, Great Ocean. For the more traditional approach, see Hinckley, “Westward Movement”; Gibson, Otter Skins; Gibson, Yankees in Paradise; Johnson, United States in the Pacific; Heffer, United States and the Pacific; Nugent, Habits of Empire; and Cumings, Dominion from Sea to Sea.

28. For settler-colonialism, see Wolfe, Settler Colonialism; Coombes, Rethinking Settler Colonialism; Fujikane and Okamura, Asian Settler Colonialism; Hoxie, “Retrieving the Red Continent”; Belich, Replenishing the Earth; and Byrd, Transit of Empire. See also Wolfe, in “Settler Colonialism (1)” and “Settler Colonialism (2).” I would like to thank John Findlay for pushing me to clarify my thinking about how settler-colonialism applies in this case.

29. Trafzer, Indians, Superintendents, and Councils; Fisher, Contact and Conflict; Harris, Resettlement of British Columbia; Asher, Beyond the Reservation; Clayton, Islands of Truth; Harris, Making Native Space. These monographs would have benefitted from looking across the international border, especially when examining periods before the 1846 boundary settlement. Some are beginning to explore cross-border themes in the region. See Seltz, “Embodying Nature”; Harmon, Power of Promises; and Wadewitz, Nature of Borders. For transnational examples examining the Canadian and US Wests, see Coates, “Matter of Context”; LaDow, Medicine Line; Hogue, “Disputing the Medicine Line”; Findlay and Coates, Parallel Destinies; McManus, Line Which Separates; and Evans, Borderlands.

30. Pascua, interview, 2008.

31. In addition to the ones cited in this section, several texts have shaped my borderlands perspective, including Weber, Spanish Frontier; Brooks, Captives and Cousins; Igler, “Diseased Goods”; Reséndez, Changing National Identities at the Frontier; McCrady, Living with Strangers; Truett, Fugitive Landscapes; St. John, Line in the Sand; Hämäläinen and Truett, “On Borderlands”; Chang, Pacific Connections.

32. Adelman and Aron, “From Borderlands to Borders,” 814–17.

33. Recent scholarship, such as Pekka Hämäläinen’s Comanche Empire, challenges this core assumption, demonstrating that borderlands also existed where powerful indigenous polities such as the Comanche were the dominant shaping force. Hämäläinen and Jon Wunder addressed this critical flaw in “Of Lethal Places and Lethal Essays.” Predating the recent spate of borderlands literature, Jack Forbes makes the case for pre-European borderlands in the American Southwest; see Apache, Navaho, and Spaniard.

34. See Swan Papers, 1833–1909.

35. Lutz, Makúk, 23–26, 281.

36. Much of the “new Indian history” critiques the traditional “declension and dependency” model of American Indian history. Anderson, Indian Southwest, 3–8.

CHAPTER 1: “THE POWER OF WICKANINNISH ENDS HERE”

1. James Swan, one of the earliest non-Native residents of Neah Bay, noted that Makahs painted their faces black for several reasons, including to show their “stout and courageous hearts.” Swan, “Indians of Cape Flattery,” 17.

2. Meares, Voyages, 153–54.

3. Ibid., 156. Sea power is defined as “the ability to ensure free movement on the sea for oneself and to inhibit, if need be, a similar capacity in others.” Tute and Francis, Commanding Sea, 175.

4. Meares, Voyages, 165.

5. This incident is analyzed in detail in chapter 2.

6. For an overview of historical changes in Native North America before the intrusion of Europeans, see Salisbury, “Indians’ Old World,” 453. For the Northwest Coast, see Drucker, Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes; Drucker Indians of the Northwest Coast; Arima, West Coast People; and McMillan, Since the Time of the Transformers. See also Ahousaht, 77–90.

7. Said, Orientalism, 71.

8. Linton, What Is Water?, 5.

9. For late eighteenth-century Anglo perceptions of the sea, see Raban, Oxford Book of the Sea; and O’Hara, Britain and the Sea.

10. Lefebvre, Production of Space, 53. For a sampling of the traditional approach, see Fisher, Contact and Conflict; Harris, Resettlement of British Columbia; and Harris, Making Native Space. For a comparison, see Carter, Road to Botany Bay. Arguing that “the imperial fashioning of the Northwest Coast involved an equally complex traffic between a body of Western ideas and a set of local facts and exigencies,” geographer Daniel Clayton provides a helpful corrective (Islands of Truth, xiii). Histories revisiting American Indians in the North American West continue to uncover similar examples of indigenous peoples able to control space on their own terms and for much longer than traditional narratives assume. See White, “Winning of the West”; Arnold, Fishermen’s Frontier, 13–74; DeLay, War of a Thousand Deserts; and Hämäläinen, Comanche Empire.

11. Swan, “Indians of Cape Flattery,” 1; Jewitt, Adventures and Sufferings (1987), 96; Arima, Between Ports Alberni and Renfrew, 12; Ziontz, Lawyer in Indian Country, 63; Coté, Spirits of Our Whaling Ancestors, 18; entry for October 29, 1859, Diary 2, Swan Papers, 1833–1909. For the importance of “outside resources” to Northwest Coast societies, see Kenyon, Kyuquot Way, 35.

12. Drucker, Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes, 219–21, 228–31, 240–42.

13. Barker, Sovereignty Matters, 21. Joanne Barker (Delaware) and political scientist Taiaiake Alfred (Mohawk) warn that current sovereignty discourse fails to capture the full range of indigenous meanings, perspectives, and identities about law, governance, and culture. Alfred, “Sovereignty,” 465. Therefore, it is critical to be historically and culturally specific when discussing terms such as sovereignty. See also Reid, “Indigenous Power in The Comanche Empire.”

14. Geographer Robert Galois hints at a similar argument in his introduction to James Colnett’s journals of his Northwest Coast voyages. Galois, Voyage, 32. For chiefly ownership of drift whales, see Arima, West Coast People, 23–24.

15. Beaglehole, Journals of Cook, 299; Meares, Voyages, 142.

16. Meares, Voyages, 136.

17. Galois, Voyage, 105; Roquefeuil, Voyage, 42.

18. Scholefield and Howay, British Columbia, 81–82. Recording this oral history told by Nanaimis and Tsaxawasip’s descendant Chief George, Scholefield noted that this referred to the coming of Captain Cook. I believe that this account summarizes several Nuu-chah-nulth encounters with Spanish and British vessels. Because the people of Nootka Sound had already encountered the Spanish at least twice before the arrival of Captain Cook, I find it unlikely that they mistook the Resolution and Discovery for transformed salmon. Also, this account mentions only a single vessel. It is not uncommon for indigenous oral histories to collapse periods of time into an event that a non-Native scholar interprets as a single, temporal “moment.” See Wilson, “Power of the Spoken Word”; Stevenson, “Indigenous Voices, Indigenous Histories, Part I”; Cruikshank, Social Life of Stories; and Nabokov, Forest of Time. Schole-field’s volume on British Columbia celebrates the perspective of Captain Cook’s encounter with the peoples of Nootka Sound as the first significant encounter. So his pro-Anglo perspective could have contributed to the framing of this particular oral history as the Nuu-chah-nulth’s encounter with Cook.

19. Efrat and Langlois, “Contact Period,” 54–55.

20. Beals, Juan Pérez, 88–90, 113; Cutter, California Coast, 177–83, 255–61 (Peña’s quotation of the “mournful tone” is on p. 179). For an overview of Spanish expeditions, see also Cook, Flood Tide of Empire, 25–30; Hezeta, Honor and Country, 25–26; and Weber, Spanish Frontier, 249–53.

21. This initial encounter is summarized from Cook’s official account, Riou’s log, and Samwell’s journal. All three are in Beaglehole, Journals of Cook. Cook’s account is on pp. 295–296, with an excerpt from Riou’s log in note 5 on the same pages; Samwell’s version is on p. 1088.

22. Seeking a way to organize varying degrees of outsiders, I have created these conceptual categories. The terms local outsiders and distant outsiders are mine. For more on the general encounter process between American Indians and Europeans, see Schwartz, Implicit Understandings, 1–9; and Lutz, Myth and Memory. For a more specific look at Cook’s Pacific encounters, see Salmond, Trial of the Cannibal Dog.

23. Seemann, Narrative, 1:110; Efrat and Langlois, “Contact Period,” 58; Arima, Between Ports Alberni and Renfrew, 306; Pascua, interview, 2008.

24. Menzies and Newcombe, Menzies’ Journal, 86–88; Vancouver, Voyage of Discovery, 346.

25. For the Nuu-chah-nulth worldview, see Atleo, Tsawalk.

26. Efrat and Langlois, “Contact Period,” 60.

27. Lamb, “Mystery”; Lamb and Bartroli, “James Hanna and John Henry Cox,” 14.

28. For these different protocols, see Meares, Voyages, 112–13, 119–20.

29. Gitlin, “Empires of Trade,” 104; White, Middle Ground; Bockstoce, Furs and Frontiers.

30. Meares, Voyages, 112–13.

31. Ibid., 139.

32. Captain Cook relied on Tupaia’s (Tahitian) knowledge of the South Pacific to navigate through the region. Finney, “James Cook”; Turnbull, “Cook and Tupaia”; Chaplin, Round about the Earth, 128–29; Igler, Great Ocean, 83.

33. For the role of the Northwest Coast prestige system in gift exchanges and trade, see Clayton, Islands of Truth, 98–149.

34. Another British vessel, James Hanna’s Sea Otter, took Comekala across the Pacific in 1786. Galois, “Voyages of James Hanna,” 84–87.

35. Meares, Voyages, 109–11, 154.

36. Salisbury, “Indians’ Old World,” 444; Forbes, Apache, Navaho, and Spaniard, 1–28; Brooks, Captives and Cousins, 14–15.

37. Donald, Aboriginal Slavery, 139–64; Hajda, “Slavery”; Gibson, “Maritime Trade,” 375–76.

38. Arnold, interview.

39. Beaglehole, Journals of Cook, 301, 1327, 1400; Wilkes, Narrative, 4:486.

40. Meares, Voyages, 124.

41. Pascua, interview, 2008.

42. Meares, Voyages, 125; Espinosa y Tello, Spanish Voyage, 34.

43. Howay, Voyages of the Columbia, 197; Moziño, Noticias de Nutka, 64–65; Jewitt, Adventures and Sufferings, 101–8. Salal is an evergreen perennial. Northwest Coasters ate its berries fresh and dried into cakes, an important regional trade good.

44. Pascua, interview, 2008; Swan, “The Coast Tribes of Washington Territory,” Puget Sound Herald, February 10, 1860, Frank R. and Kathryn M. Stenzel Research Files on Western American Art; Corney and Alexander, Voyages in the Northern Pacific, 58; Scouler, “Journal of a Voyage to Northwest America,” 195–96; entry for March 14, 1806, in Moulton, Journals of Lewis and Clark.

45. Galois, Voyage, 404; Espinosa y Tello, Spanish Voyage, 32–34; Eggers to Roger Chute, July 27, 1936, Ms 15/58, box 4, Chute Collection.

46. Arnold, interview. For more on the ways indigenous peoples used mobility to inscribe spaces with meaning, see Oetelaar and Meyer, “Movement and Native American Landscapes”; and Hudson, Creek Paths and Federal Roads. Henri Lefebvre argues that spaces “attain ‘real’ existence by virtue of networks and pathways” (Production of Space, 84).

47. Beaglehole, Journals of Cook, 302–3. For the influence of Cook’s third voyage on English interest in the maritime fur trade, see “Proceedings of the Court of Directors 29 April to 10 May 1785 Relative to Secret Proposals for Opening a Trade between the N. W. Coast of America and the Japanese Islands etc.,” Home Miscellaneous Series, vol. 494, fols. 359–83. For Russians in North America, see Gibson, “Notable Absence”; Taylor, American Colonies, 446–54; Grinev, Tlingit Indians in Russian America, 91–106; and Bockstoce, Furs and Frontiers.

48. For the Nootka Sound Controversy, see Gormly, “Early Culture Contact,” 17–21; Cook, Flood Tide of Empire, 129–433; Weber, Spanish Frontier, 285–86; and Nokes, Almost a Hero, 126–65.

49. Gray, Making of John Ledyard. For the maritime fur trade in general, see Fisher, Contact and Conflict, 1–23; Gibson, Otter Skins; Clayton, Islands of Truth, 67–161; and Vaughan and Holm, Soft Gold.

50. Howay, Voyages of the Columbia, 45, 72.

51. Moziño, Noticias de Nutka, 48; Latourette, Voyages of American Ships, 255–61. Latourette noted that the lists of US vessels engaged in the maritime fur trade are “avowedly incomplete” due to imperfect archival records.

52. Beals, Juan Pérez; Beaglehole, Journals of Cook, 302.

53. Meares, Voyages, 217.

54. Swan, “Indians of Cape Flattery,” 52.

55. Meares, Voyages, 196–209; Howay, Voyages of the Columbia, 56; Moziño, Noticias De Nutka, 71.

56. Howay, “Voyage of the Hope,” 177.

57. Gibbs, “Notebook: No. 2,” p. 32, in Notebooks of Scientific Observations of the Pacific Northwest; Pascua, interview, 2008; Swan, “Indians of Cape Flattery,” 7–8; Densmore, Nootka and Quileute Music, 109–10; Sapir et al., Whaling Indians.

58. Howay, “Yankee Trader,” 87; Mathes, “Wickaninnish,” 76–79.

59. Galois, Voyage, 404.

60. Howay, Voyages of the Columbia, 72, 81, 197.

61. Meares, Voyages, 146–47, 155.

62. Ibid., 175.

63. Donald, Aboriginal Slavery, 232.

64. Jewitt, Journal.

65. Salisbury, “Indians’ Old World,” 453.

66. Howay, “Yankee Trader,” 88; Lutz, Makúk, 122.

67. Howay, “Four Letters,” 135.

68. Howay, Voyages of the Columbia, 262–67; Vancouver, Voyage of Discovery, 2:254; Jewitt, Adventures and Sufferings (1987), 81; Mathes, “Wickaninnish,” 17.

69. Claplanhoo, interview; Pascua, interview, 2008; Arima, Between Ports Alberni and Renfrew, 303–04; Harmon, Indians in the Making, 8.

70. Historians James Brooks and Juliana Barr make a similar case for the southwest colonial and Texas borderlands. Brooks, Captives and Cousins; Barr, Peace Came in the Form of a Woman.

71. Galois, “Voyages of James Hanna”; Lamb and Bartroli, “James Hanna and John Henry Cox,” 12–13.

72. Meares, Voyages, 216–17.

73. Curtis, The Nootka. The Haida, 34–39; Koppert, “Contributions to Clayoquot Ethnology,” 56; Jonaitis and Inglis, Yuquot Whalers’ Shrine.

74. Meares, Voyages, 205; see app. A for Merchant Proprietors, “Instructions of the Merchant Proprietors,” December 24, 1787. See also Miller, “Ka’iana, the Once Famous ‘Prince of Kauai’ ”; Nokes, Almost a Hero, 33–35, 113–17.

75. Strange, James Strange’s Journal, 79.

76. Probably impetigo, a bacterial infection encountered in children; this affliction might have been transmitted in the close quarters of the longhouses. For impetigo, see Bryon, “Infections of the Skin.”

77. Strange, James Strange’s Journal, 78, 80–81; Fisher and Bumsted, Account of a Voyage, 69–71.

78. Fisher and Bumsted, Account of a Voyage, 177–85; Seed, Ceremonies of Possession, 16–40.

79. Fisher and Bumsted, Account of a Voyage, 180.

80. Ibid., 201; Beresford, Voyage Round the World, 232 (quotation); Galois, “Voyages of James Hanna,” 87.

81. This was still evident in the mid-nineteenth century. Hancock, Thirteen Years Residence, 91–92.

82. Lamb, “Mystery,” 41.

83. Richard Cadman Etches, London merchant and supercargo on Dixon and Port-lock’s 1787 Northwest Coast voyage, believed that Mackay was no master of the Nootkan language as he had made himself out to be. However, even he concluded that Barkley had “found [Mackay] extremely useful in managing the traffic with the natives.” Beresford, Voyage Round the World, 233. Other traders that season noted Mackay’s usefulness to Barkley. See Galois, Voyage, 341, n. 121. Some scholars believe that Barkley forcibly removed Mackay from Nootka Sound in order to prevent Strange from benefitting from his assistance. See Ayyar, “Introduction,” 11.

84. Jewitt, Journal. This is described in more detail in chapter 2.

85. Ibid., 21, 30. For unfree people in the Pacific Northwest, see Igler, “Captive-Taking,” 12–17, for details on Jewitt. See also Igler, Great Ocean, 73–97.

86. Jewitt, Journal, 9, 17, 24, 28, 35, 46–48; Jewitt, Adventures and Sufferings (1987). Jewitt wrote several letters and gave them to Indians to pass on to ships—he gave one to Wickaninnish and sent another northward with someone else in a canoe.

87. Gibbs, “Tribes of Western Washington and Northwestern Oregon,” 240; Igler, “Captive-Taking,” 17–22; Igler, Great Ocean, 89–94; Owens and Donnelly, Wreck of the Sv. Nikolai, 62 (quotation). Kenneth Owens and Alton Donnelly hypothesize that Mackay, the Irishman left in Nootka Sound in 1786, might have fathered Ulatilla. Other scholars, such as David Igler, have repeated this theory. However, this could not be the case. Jewitt described Ulatilla as being thirty years old in 1804, about thirteen or fourteen years older than he would have been if Mackay had fathered him—surely Jewitt could have told the difference between a sixteen- or seventeen-year-old and a thirty-year-old. Jewitt, Adventures and Sufferings (1987), 141. Also, as Mackay himself told Walker in 1788, Maquinna had not given him a wife. Although Mackay could have fathered a child through a less formal liaison, this individual could have risen to become a chief within Makah society only if the mother had been a high-status Makah. Considering Mackay’s disastrous time at Nootka Sound, it seems unlikely that he fathered a Makah chief.

88. Igler writes that Ulatilla “quite possibly viewed these people as lost wanderers in a foreign land and he sought to help them” (Great Ocean, 93).

89. Inglis and Haggarty, “Cook to Jewitt,” 219–20; Donald, Aboriginal Slavery, 27, 96, 103, 39, 277. See also Ahousaht, 81–85.

90. For more on this imperial process in the Pacific Northwest, see Clayton, Islands of Truth.

91. Historian Beth LaDow characterizes Sitting Bull as a “borderlands strategist,” a description that also applies to these Northwest Coast leaders (Medicine Line, 60).

CHAPTER 2: INVETERATE WARS AND PETTY PILFERINGS

1. Meares, Voyages, 174.

2. Duffin’s account of the longboat’s brief expedition is included as appendix 4. Meares, Voyages, 176, 177.

3. Ibid., 179, 184. In some parts of Native North America, the exchange of body parts represented the strengthening of partnerships against others. See Lipman, “ ‘Meanes to Knitt Them Togeather.’ ”

4. Meares, Voyages, 177.

5. Pearce, Savagism and Civilization; Berkhofer, White Man’s Indian; Ellingson, Myth of the Noble Savage.

6. For the complexities of violence from a more indigenous perspective, see Brooks, Captives and Cousins; and Blackhawk, Violence over the Land. Historian Richard White has also explored these themes. See “Winning of the West”; Roots of Dependency; and Middle Ground.

7. Fisher, Contact and Conflict, 1.

8. Howay, Outline Sketch of the Maritime Fur Trade, 12. For a more refined approach to Howay’s argument, see Gibson, Otter Skins, 158.

9. Clayton, Islands of Truth, 86.

10. Nirenberg, Communities of Violence.

11. For violence against slaves in Northwest Coast societies, see Donald, Aboriginal Slavery, 165–81; and Ernst, Wolf Ritual, 6–45, 235–37.

12. Boas, “Tsimshian Mythology,” 586–620; McMillan, Since the Time of the Transformers, 31–32; McHalsie, Schaepe, and Carlson, “Making the World Right”; and Lutz, Makúk, 54. For a Makah oral account of Transformer, see Ulmer, “Deer and the Transformer.”

13. Pascua, interview, 2008; Claplanhoo, interview; Arnold, interview. For archaeological and linguistic explanations, see Jacobsen, “Wakashan Comparative Studies,” 776; and Samuels, Ozette Archaeological Project, 1:11.

14. Coté, Spirits of Our Whaling Ancestors, 71–72.

15. Typescript notes from Elizabeth Colson Collection, 105–15, 233, 236–40; and Irvine and Markistun, How the Makah Obtained Possession of Cape Flattery. For more oral histories on conflicts between the Ditidahts and Makahs, see Arima, Between Ports Alberni and Renfrew, 300–309.

16. Albert B. Reagan, “Pioneer Makahs Massacred by Quileute Navy,” newspaper clipping, ca. 1890, Allison W. Smith Papers.

17. During the mid-nineteenth century, Swan twice noted the Makah belief that Indians who died on the water turned into owls. Entries for July 19, 1862, Diary 6, and January 19, 1865, Diary 9, Swan Papers, 1833–1909.

18. Koppert, “Contributions to Clayoquot Ethnology,” 1; Drucker, Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes, 240–43. The population estimate is from Meares, Voyages, 230.

19. This is where I diverge from traditional borderlands scholarship, which argues that borderlands did not arise until two or more European polities contested and shared a geographic region.

20. Lutz, “First Contact as Spiritual Performance,” 30.

21. See “Document No. 19: Journal of Fray Juan Crespi, 5th October 1774,” in Cutter, California Coast, 263. This smoke likely came from fires Makahs set; they burned berry grounds after the fall harvest. Anderson, “Ozette Prairies of Olympic National Park,” 39–56.

22. Campa, Journal of Explorations, 41; Hezeta, Honor and Country, 76. Today, this site is known as Point Grenville, Washington. Vara is approximately the equivalent of a rod, so Hezeta could see only about sixty feet or so into the woods. For Spanish possession ceremonies, see Seed, Ceremonies of Possession, 69–99.

23. Sierra, Fray Benito de La Sierra’s Account, 30.

24. Ibid., 31. In addition to Sierra’s account, this attack is detailed in Hezeta, Honor and Country, 77–78. See also Campa, Journal of Explorations, 42–45; Tovell, Far Reaches of Empire, 15–48.

25. Hezeta, Honor and Country, 84–85; Sierra, Fray Benito de La Sierra’s Account, 36; Campa, Journal of Explorations, 53–54.

26. Most historical accounts assume that the Spaniards encountered only Quileutes and that these people had perpetrated the violence. See Powell, “Quileute,” 435. For Quinault oral histories about this incident, see Storm and Capoeman, Land of the Quinault, 84. Whaling done by other non-Makah Washington Indians is still a debated point. Many, including Makahs, claim that only the People of the Cape pursued whales from canoes. However, on July 31, 1861, the Quileutes had whale oil to trade with the crew of the Sarah Newton. See James Swan, Bound autograph manuscript journal and memorandum book, 1861–71, Stenzel Research Files on Western American Art (hereafter cited as Manuscript Journal). While teaching Quileute children at a day school at La Push, Washington, in the late 1880s and 1890s, A. W. Smith collected several drawings students made of Quileute whalers (see Allison W. Smith Papers). Quinaults, who only harvested drift whales, would have been unlikely to have whale flesh because this spoils quickly and can be harvested only from a freshly killed whale. Huelsbeck, “Whaling in the Precontact Economy,” 7.

27. Beals locates this incident at the Quinault River. Hezeta, Honor and Country, 78.

28. Sierra, Fray Benito de La Sierra’s Account, 29.

29. Beaglehole, Journals of Cook, 297 (quotation), 302; Fisher and Bumsted, Account of a Voyage, 62. Recent scholarship has begun to reassess the role of violence during Cook’s third voyage. Geographer Daniel Clayton argues that although violence was rare, “tension was never far from the surface” (Islands of Truth, 32). New Zealand scholar Anne Salmond also reassesses Cook’s voyages and the more prominent role violence played than most have assumed (Trial of the Cannibal Dog).

30. Rickman, Journal of Cook’s Last Voyage, 239; Galois, Voyage, 107. Non-Native mariners were not the only ones to experience problems with Natives in the region taking things. See Ronda, Lewis and Clark among the Indians, 203.

31. Drucker, Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes, 313; Moore, “Emergence of Ethnic Roles,” 77, 354–55. Enemies and non-kin were sometimes synonymous categories.

32. Galois, Voyage, 111; Beaglehole, Journals of Cook, 298; Gilje, Liberty on the Water-front, 83.

33. Rickman, Journal of Cook’s Last Voyage, 236 (quotation). For the fear of attack, see the comment by the expedition’s surgeon, David Samwell, in Beaglehole, Journals of Cook, 1093. Samwell appeared to have written his Nootka Sound entries while there. Therefore, his observations more accurately present what he and others felt at the time.

34. Rediker, Between the Devil and the Deep Blue Sea, 212.

35. Gilje, Liberty on the Waterfront, 83.

36. Keel-hauling involved dragging a sailor underneath the ship from one side to the other or from fore to aft. Sailors punished by running the gauntlet had to pass through a double file of men facing each other. Armed with clubs and other weapons, the men struck at individuals running between them. A normal sentence for running the gauntlet was eight to ten passes. Pike, Penal Servitude in Early Modern Spain, 132; Volo and Volo, Daily Life in the Age of Sail, 131–32.

37. Rediker, Between the Devil and the Deep Blue Sea, 207.

38. Beaglehole, Journals of Cook, 298.

39. James Trevethen recorded this incident as marginalia in a published volume of Cook’s account. See ibid., n. 1.

40. Although this incident is missing from Cook’s official account, the expedition’s astronomer, William Bayly, recorded it in his journal. See ibid., 307, n. 2.

41. Ibid., 1326; Rickman, Journal of Cook’s Last Voyage, 236.

42. An account of Barkley’s voyage no longer exists. Information comes from contemporary traders who included bits and pieces about his trading expedition. The best assemblage of these scattered fragments is in Lamb, “Mystery of Mrs. Barkley’s Diary.” Barkley’s wife, Frances, was the first Anglo woman to visit the Northwest Coast. Unless otherwise noted, the quotations here are from this article.

43. Details on this incident also appear in Beresford, Voyage Round the World, 289–90. The account of Barkely’s burning of the Hoh village appears in a 1788 letter the London merchant Etches wrote to Banks. See Howay, “Four Letters,” 135. For more on European fears of Northwest Coast cannibals—and vice versa—see Archer, “Cannibalism”; and Thrush, “Vancouver the Cannibal.”

44. Meares, Voyages, 124.

45. Scholars have noted that the Spanish captain named this island after the liturgical feast of Our Lady of Sorrows (Nuestra Señora de Dolores) because he sailed past it on September 18, close to the date of this Catholic event; however, the Isla de Dolores would have also memorialized the loss of seven crewmembers. See Hayes, Historical, 40, map 63.

46. Lamb, “Mystery,” 44; Wright, Lewis and Dryden’s Marine History, 4.

47. Carter, Road to Botany Bay, xiv.

48. Meares, Voyages, 115.

49. Ibid., 145.

50. Ibid., 155–56.

51. Ibid., 161.

52. Ibid., 209.

53. Moziño, Noticias de Nutka, 57.

54. Blackhawk, Violence over the Land.

55. Howay, Voyages of the Columbia, 72; Espinosa y Tello, Spanish Voyage, 36; Howay, “Yankee Trader,” 87. For conflicts with their neighbors, see Scouler, “Dr. John Scouler’s Journal,” 195–96; Sapir and Swadesh, Native Accounts of Nootka Ethnography, 381–84, 412–39; Kane, Wanderings of an Artist, 229–32; Swan, “Indians of Cape Flattery,” 50–51; Renker and Gunther, “Makah,” 423.

56. Kendrick, Voyage of Sutil and Mexicana, 185.

57. Igler, Great Ocean, 84–85.

58. Galois, Voyage, 106; Jewitt, Journal, 13; Jewitt, Adventures and Sufferings (1987), 112. As Stewart notes, no Captain Tawnington appears in the shipping records for the Northwest Coast. Howay thinks this might have been Captain Ewen of the British schooner Prince William Henry. He wintered at Friendly Cove in 1792–1793. See Howay, List of Trading Vessels, 117.

59. Fisher and Bumsted, Account of a Voyage, 199.

60. Jewitt, Journal, 13.

61. These quotations appear in a letter “from a gentleman in China” that was published in London’s Daily Universal Register (precursor to the London Times) on August 21, 1787, as reprinted in Galois, “Voyages of James Hanna.”

62. As printed in Lamb and Bartroli, “James Hanna and John Henry Cox,” 15.

63. Making fictive kin was first discussed in chapter 1. See ibid.; and Galois, “Voyages of James Hanna.”

64. Meares, Voyages, 118; Moziño, Noticias de Nutka, 75–76.

65. Peter Webster, the Nuu-chah-nulth who told this history, noted that Spaniards have never admitted to this horrifying abuse. Efrat and Langlois, “Contact Period,” 60.

66. Smith, Conquest, 12.

67. Manuel Quimper to Viceroy Conde de Revilla Gigedo, November 13, 1790, in Wagner, Spanish Explorations, 80. For Quimper’s time with Bodega y Quadra, see Beer-man, “Manuel Quimper.”

68. Swan, Manuscript Journal, 136.

69. This action earned him reprimands from Bodega y Quadra (Fidalgo’s superior at Nootka Sound), the viceroy at San Blas, and even the Spanish king.

70. This section on the Spanish outpost at Neah Bay is assembled from Howay, Voyages of the Columbia, 409–16; Howay, “Voyage of the Hope,” 28; Espinosa y Tello, Spanish Voyage, 26–28; Wagner, Spanish Explorations, 59–69; and Gormly, “Early Culture Contact,” 31–32.

71. Swan, “Coast Tribes of Washington Territory.” When Swan first went out to Neah Bay in March 1859, he could find little trace of the Spanish fort (entry for March 18, 1859, Diary 1, Swan Papers, 1833–1909).

72. Jewitt and Thompson’s enslavement by Maquinna was discussed in chapter 1. For the most accurate account of Jewitt’s time at Yuquot, see his journal. For the heavily revised captivity narrative—written with the help of Richard Alsop, an accomplished writer in Connecticut—see Narrative of the Adventures and Sufferings. This is the version that has been republished, edited, and revised over the past two centuries. In this narrative, he complains of the Indians calling him and Thompson Maquinna’s “white slaves” (57, 146). For information on the publication of the journal and narrative, along with his 1817 play that ran for three nights in Philadelphia, see Jewitt, Adventures and Sufferings (1987), 7, 181–83.

73. Zilberstein, “Objects of Distant Exchange,” 610–11. Some examples of this problematic approach include Howay, “Indian Attacks”; Cook, Flood Tide of Empire, 432–33; Gough, Northwest Coast, 74; and Gibson, Otter Skins, 269–78.

74. Clayton, Islands of Truth, 114.

75. This argument is also made in Inglis and Haggarty, “Cook to Jewitt,” 218–20.

76. Jewitt, Journal, 20.

77. Gibson, Otter Skins, 205.

78. Mrs. Williams, “Famine,” 1–2, Colson Collection; Fisher and Bumsted, Account of a Voyage, 181. Nuu-chah-nulth oral histories also mention occasional food shortages before the appearance of Europeans. See Arima, Sapir, and Tyee Bob, Family Origin Histories, 151.

79. For an application of dependency theory, see Delâge, Bitter Feast, 78–162. For a sample of “new Indian history” studies that turn dependency theory on its head, see White, Middle Ground; Anderson, Indian Southwest; DuVal, Native Ground; Hämäläinen, Comanche Empire; and Hyde, Empires, Nations, and Families.

80. Jewitt, Journal, 13; Efrat and Langlois, “Contact Period,” 60.

81. Jewitt, Adventures and Sufferings (1987), 100. When the US Exploring Expedition (the Wilkes Expedition) stopped at Neah Bay in 1841, Makahs had many sea otter furs to trade, but they offered such “exorbitantly high prices” that the Euro-Americans refused to buy any. Wilkes, Narrative, 4:297, 486.

82. Codere, “Kwakiutl,” 363; Clayton, Islands of Truth, 126.

83. Jewitt, Adventures and Sufferings (1987). Individuals carrying ten muskets might not have been an exaggeration; Jewitt noted that the Boston carried three thousand muskets and fowling pieces (35). See also Jewitt, Journal, 5.

84. Ibid., 27.

85. Kenyon, Kyuquot Way, 124. Interestingly, his reputation did not sully the title of “Maquinna.” It is still an important name owned by specific Nuu-chah-nulth families, and only respected individuals can earn the right to call themselves “Maquinna.” As of 2010, Chief Michael Maquinna was one of the current members of the Mowachaht/Muchalaht Council of Chiefs. Mowachaht/Muchalaht First Nation, “Contacts.”

86. For an overview of the voyage of the Tonquin, see Ronda, Astoria and Empire, 101–15. One of the passengers kept a journal. See Franchère, Narrative of a Voyage, 47–75. Duncan McDougall, supervising partner at Fort Astoria and one of the passengers aboard the Tonquin on its voyage from New York to the Columbia River, complained that “the greater part of [Thorn’s] Crew were green hands” (emphasis in original). Jones, Annals of Astoria, 3.

87. The most accurate account of the Tonquin’s loss came from Joseachal, the Native interpreter Thorn hired. Jones, “Identity of the Tonquin’s Interpreter.” On June 15–18, 1813, Joseachal told McDougall and others at Fort Astoria about the incident. Jones, Annals of Astoria, 191–95 (quotation, 95). Subsequent retellings based on Joseachal’s account appear in Franchère, Narrative of a Voyage, 179–86; Cox, Columbia River, 1:88–96; Irving, Astoria, 64–70. The identity of the interpreter is a little unclear. Howay, “Loss of the Tonquin,” 83–84. Some sources point to him being picked up in the southern part of the ča·di· borderland near Gray’s Harbor, while others mention that Thorn picked him up on Vancouver Island near Nootka Sound. For the use of Northwest Coast paddles as convenient weapons, see Arima, West Coast People, 36.

88. Reynolds, Voyage of the New Hazard, 42.

89. Tla-o-qui-aht (Clayoquot) oral histories number the casualties at eighty. See Cornwall, “Suicide Bomber.” In his first telling of the incident to McDougall, Joseachal thought that about a hundred Clayoquots perished in the explosion, and the casualty estimate grew with each retelling during his time at Fort Astoria. Tla-o-qui-aht oral accounts also detail that canoes were towing the Tonquin when it exploded. See Tonquin Foundation, “The Mayflower of the West,” The Tonquin Foundation, http://www.tonquinfoundation.org/.../Mayflower%20of%20the%20West.pdf.

90. Hancock, Thirteen Years Residence, 149.

91. Cornwall, “Suicide Bomber.”

92. These incidents are discussed in chapter 1. Howay, “Yankee Trader,” 87–89; and Mathes, “Wickaninnish,” 76–79.

93. Franchère, Narrative of a Voyage, 126–27, 187 (quotation). See also Scouler, “Dr. John Scouler’s Journal,” 205; Jones, Annals of Astoria, 40–41.

94. Jewitt, Journal, 5, 9; Benito Vivero y Escaño, “Noticias de Nootka y Californias,” San Blas, October 22, 1803, fol. 304, Archivo General de la Nación, Mexico City; Vivero y Escaño quoted a letter (Braulio de Otalora y Oquendo, Monterey, August 31, 1803, fol. 306), as referenced in Cook, Flood Tide of Empire, 24, 433. Because Brown did not linger in Nootka Sound and interact with Mowachahts or their white slaves, he must have learned of the captives from local Indians. For the initial, brief report, see the Columbian Sentinel and Massachusetts Federalist (Boston), April 25, 1804; and Samuel Hill, “Loss of the Boston (Communicated by Captain Hill from Canton),” Columbian Sentinel (Boston), May 20, 1807, both reprinted in Howay, “Early Account of the Loss of the Boston,” 281–87. See also Jones, Annals of Astoria, 29, n. 66; Reynolds, Voyage of the New Hazard, 33, 42; New York Evening Post, April 22, 1812, as quoted in Giesecke, “Search for the Tonquin (Part 2),” 5; and Naval Chronicle, 306–7.

95. Jewitt, Journal, 9; Roquefeuil, Voyage, 48; Scouler, “Dr. John Scouler’s Journal,” 195; Reynolds, Voyage of the New Hazard, 36–37.

96. Roquefeuil, Voyage, 45; Scouler, “Dr. John Scouler’s Journal,” 192.

97. Roquefeuil, Voyage, 118; Scouler, “Dr. John Scouler’s Journal,” 195.

98. This was an oral history told by Andy Callicum. See Jewitt, Adventures and Sufferings (1987), 184.

99. Scouler, “Dr. John Scouler’s Journal,” 193.

100. Wilkes, Narrative, 4:486; Mathes, “Wickaninnish,” 90.

101. Jewitt, Adventures and Sufferings (1987), 100. Several fur trade accounts also characterized Clayoquots and Makahs as being more successful whalers than the inhabitants of Nootka Sound. Howay, Voyages of the Columbia, 70; Galois, Voyage, 404. In his journal, Jewitt recorded numerous times that Maquinna went whaling and failed. He often struck whales but lost them when his gear failed him. Jewitt, Journal.

CHAPTER 3: “DEPENDING ON THE SUCCESS OR GOOD-WILL OF THE NATIVES”

1. News of the incident first reached the Anglo world when the Susan Sturges arrived at Fort Victoria, not far from Neah Bay. See Rev. Staines [Fort Victoria] to Thomas Boys, July 6, 1852, enclosure in Boys to Desart (Parliamentary Under-Secretary), October 11, 1852, 9263, CO 305/3, p. 495, Colonial Despatches. See also James Douglas [chief factor] to Archibald Barclay [HBC secretary], January 3, 1852, Douglas Letters, UWSC; Douglas, Gov. Vancouver’s Island, to Earl Grey, January 29, 1852, ROT, Vol. 726: 1852–1856, pp. 5–10 [microfilm copy in “Correspondence with Hudson’s Bay Company,” vol. 2, BCA]; Daily Alta California, February 14, 1852; London Daily News, March 31, 1852; and New York Daily News, April 13, 28, 1852. For more information on the Una’s activities in the Queen Charlottes, see Scholefield and Howay, British Columbia, 2:2; and Akrigg and Akrigg, British Columbia Chronicle, 44–46. For a comprehensive and detailed list of HBC vessels, see Spoehr, “Nineteenth-Century Chapter,” 99. For more on Sudaał, see Boas, “Tsimshian Mythology,” 388–89.

2. This appears to have been a common strategy that some indigenous leaders pursued. See Kugel, To Be the Main Leaders, 6–7, 84–87.

3. Although Dodd’s account never named the chief who resolved the situation at Cape Flattery, this individual was most likely Yelaub. A newspaper article identified Flattery Jack (Yelaub) as the chief who executed ten of the perpetrators. “Oregon.” In 1859, one of Yelaub’s sons showed Euro-American James Swan, the first government schoolteacher at Neah Bay, a letter from Douglas to Chief Yelaub hailing his efforts at saving the Una’s property. Entry for November 8, 1859, Diary 2, Swan Papers, 1833–1909.

4. Dodd had been stationed in the Columbia District since 1836 as first mate on several HBC vessels, including the Beaver and Cadborough, both of which engaged regularly with Makahs and other Northwest Coast peoples. See “Charles Dodd Biographical Sheet (1808–1860) (fl. 1833–1860),” June 1999 (updated July 2005), HBCA, http://www.gov.mb.ca/chc/archives/hbca/biographical/d/dodd_charles.pdf. For more on slave proxies, see Donald, Aboriginal Slavery, 103. Other Native North American societies, such as the Osage, engaged in similar proxy practices. DuVal, Native Ground, 174. Details on the Cadborough expedition appear in James Douglas, Gov. Vancouver’s Island, to Earl Grey, February 11, 1852, ROT, Vol. 726, 12–13; Douglass [sic] to Edmund A. Starling, [Indian agent for Puget Sound District,] February 11, 1852, copy in ARCIA (1852), 175–76. Many secondary sources refer to the Cadborough as the Cadboro. I have elected to use the former spelling because this is what shows up in the ship’s logs.

5. Weber, Vocation Lectures, 33.

6. Schwantes, Pacific Northwest, 97–100.

7. Derived from medieval palimpsests, parchment pages whose previous content had been scraped away to make a mostly clean surface for new words and images, the palimpsest metaphor is “a site where texts have been superimposed onto others in an attempt to displace earlier or competing histories,” according to literary scholar Daniel Cooper Alarcón. “Such displacement [by the dominant narrative] is never total; the suppressed material often remains legible, however faintly, challenging the dominant text with an alternate version of events.” Aztec Palimpsest, xiv. In addition to Cooper Alarcón’s fascinating study, I have found the following texts helpful in framing my understanding of palimpsest: Certeau, Practice of Everyday Life; Crang, “Envisioning Urban Histories”; and McManus, “Writing the Palimpsest, Again.” For applications of the palimpsest to borderlands, see Anzaldúa, Borderlands; Truett, Fugitive Landscapes, 8; and Richardson, Kaleidoscopic Odessa.

8. Adelman and Aron, “From Borderlands to Borders,” 840.

9. I have adapted this language from Thrush, Native Seattle, 66–79. He describes Seattle of the 1870s and 1880s as a place where Indians and settlers were “imbricated into the urban fabric” (75). A similar process happened earlier and at a more regional level.

10. Historian Gray Whaley describes a similar process for colonial Oregon, where “Native and Western peoples created colonial worlds together through their daily interactions, struggles for power and influence, and accommodations.” Oregon and the Collapse of Illahee, 19.

11. “Autobiography of James Lawson,” http://www.history.noaa.gov/stories_tales/jlawson.html; “Log of the Mary Dare (brig),” October 14, 1852–December 13, 1853, C.1/461, Ship Logs, HBCA; Tolmie, Journals, 224, 242–43; Dickey, Journal, sec. 1, pp. 40–46; Kane, Wanderings of an Artist, 237–39; Gibbs, “Tribes of Western Washington and Northwestern Oregon,” 174. Archival sources note differing views on the identity of Yelaub’s father. Kane identified the Makah chief’s father as the pilot aboard the Tonquin, which Wickaninnish attacked (see chapter 2). Other sources name the pilot as George Ramsey, the son of an English sailor who deserted or was shipwrecked in the late eighteenth century and lived among the Clatsops. Ramsey lived at least until the mid-1840s, more than a decade after the murder of Yelaub’s father. For a biography of and summary of sources on Ramsey, see Barry, “Astorians Who Became Permanent Settlers.” Due to the nature of intertribal relationships in the borderlands, an indigenous person or group of people from another tribal nation probably murdered the Makah chief’s father.

12. Davidson, Directory for the Pacific Coast, 112; Lawson, “Autobiography”; Gibbs, “Tribes of Western Washington and Northwestern Oregon,” 174–76. For the 1846 murder of Chief George, see Seemann, Narrative, 1:106–7. This incident is discussed in more detail later.

13. For race, identity, and colonialism specific to indigenous peoples in the Pacific Northwest, see Harmon, Indians in the Making; Lutz, “Making ‘Indians’ in British Columbia”; and Whaley, Oregon and the Collapse of Illahee. These themes are also discussed more generally in Berkhofer, White Man’s Indian; Smedley, Race in North America, 171–74, 330–31; and Kupperman, Indians and English.

14. Ronda, Astoria and Empire, 243 (quotation). For primary sources on the PFC, see Jones, Annals of Astoria; Ross, Adventures of the First Settlers, 1–285; Franchère, Narrative of a Voyage, 23–204; Seton and Jones, Astorian Adventure. For a sampling of the secondary literature, see Irving, Astoria; and Dolin, Fur, Fortune, and Empire, 189–222.

15. Barman and Watson, Leaving Paradise, 34–56.

16. Ross, Adventures of the First Settlers, 74 (quotation); Ronda, Astoria and Empire, 196–242; Bergmann, “ ‘We Should Lose Much by Their Absence’ ”; Whaley, Oregon and the Collapse of Illahee, 30–50.

17. Whaley, Oregon and the Collapse of Illahee, 70.

18. Jones, Annals of Astoria, 27 (quotation), 110, 48. For Makah connections to Columbia River peoples, see Pascua, interview, 2008; Swan, “The Coast Tribes of Washington Territory,” Puget Sound Herald, February 10, 1860, Frank R. and Kathryn M. Stenzel Research Files on Western American Art.

19. Corney and Alexander, Voyages in the Northern Pacific, 58. Corney also noted that the Classets were there with Chief Coalpo (Clatsop), who had given his permission for them to be at Baker’s Bay. See also Scouler, “Dr. John Scouler’s Journal,” 195.

20. Kane, Wanderings of an Artist, 171–72.

21. Harris, Resettlement of British Columbia, 37. For the expansion of the HBC, see Galbraith, Hudson’s Bay Company as an Imperial Factor, 78–155. Newer scholarship examines the emerging Pacific economy of the nineteenth century and details the role of British fur traders in the Pacific Northwest. Mackie, Trading beyond the Mountains. For the placement of Fort Vancouver in an indigenous world, see Hyde, Empires, Nations, and Families, 109 (quotation).

22. Howay, “Brig Owhyhee in the Columbia”; Maclachlan and Suttles, Fort Langley Journals, 23 (quotation); Tolmie, Journals, 224.

23. McDonald to John McLeod, January 15, 1832, McLeod Papers, National Archives Canada, as quoted in Mackie, Trading beyond the Mountains, 218. In the early 1830s, Chief Factor McLoughlin also shipped packed salmon from the Columbia River to markets in California, Peru, and Chile. McLoughlin, Letters, 163, 170, 181. See also Kane, Wanderings of an Artist, 221; Mackie, Trading beyond the Mountains, 55; Ham-matt and Wagner-Wright, Ships, Furs, and Sandalwood. For the early nineteenth-century expansion of Pacific trade, see Igler, “Diseased Goods”; and Igler, Great Ocean.

24. Corney and Alexander, Voyages in the Northern Pacific, 154; Ronda, Astoria and Empire, 222–30; Maclachlan and Suttles, Fort Langley Journals; Jones, Annals of Astoria; Whaley, Oregon and the Collapse of Illahee, 24.

25. Mackie, Trading beyond the Mountains, 231.

26. See map in Grant, “Description of Vancouver Island.” HBC ship logs also reference a Scarborough Point near Neah Bay. See “Log of the Mary Dare,” November 4, 1853, and “Log of the Cowlitz (barque),” July 12, 1850, C.1/265, Ship Logs, HBCA.

27. For Makah sea otter hunting in the 1830s, see Dunn, History of the Oregon Territory and British North-American Fur Trade, 231. For examples of HBC vessels trading at Neah Bay, see the “Log of the Cadborough (schooner),” June 27, 1827–August 19, 1831, C.1/218; March 25–August 23, 1835, C.1/220; June 25, 1843–August 2, 1850, C.1/221, 222; “Log of the Columbia (barque),” September 6, 1842–January 11, 1845, C.1/248; October 4, 1845–May 19, 1848, C.1/250; September 29, 1845–January 29, 1848, C.1/251; September 7, 1848–April 18, 1850, C.1/254; “Log of the Cowlitz (barque),” September 20, 1843–February 3, 1846, C.1/259; Private Journal of James Cooper [while aboard the Cowlitz], July 19, 1845–June 28, 1846, C.1/262; “Log of the Dryad (brig),” March 29, 1832–April 9, 1836, C.1/281, 282; “Log of the Vancouver (barque),” September 4, 1841–June 12, 1844, C.1/1063; September 4, 1841–May 23, 1845, C.1/1064; September 2, 1844–July 13, 1847, C.1/1065; and “Log of the Mary Dare (brig),” Ship Logs, HBCA. See also Mackie, Trading beyond the Mountain, 233. For ha·ykwa harvesting, see Kane, Wanderings of an Artist, 238.

28. Howay, “Brig Owhyhee in the Columbia,” 325–26; Tolmie, Journals, 238.

29. Gibbs, Indian Tribes of Washington Territory, 35. In 1852, whale oil sold for just over 68 1/4 cents per gallon, so 30,000 gallons represents $20,475 of whale oil. Starbuck, History of the American Whale Fishery (1964), 2:660. By comparison, Nuu-chah-nulth whalers of Vancouver Island sold 10,000 gallons of oil to Fort Victoria in 1855. See Pethick, Victoria, 124. The number of whales killed is calculated from whaling returns provided by Wha-laltl-as sá buy (also known as Swell) to Swan. Entries for October 29 to November 1, 1859, Diary 2, Swan Papers, 1833–1909. These returns are discussed in more detail in chapter 5.

30. “Log of the Columbia,” June 15, 1844, C.1/248.

31. Mackie, Trading beyond the Mountains, 278 (quotation); Ormsby, “Introduction,” xvi; Hyde, Empires, Nations, and Families, 133–37.

32. For the construction and early years of Fort Victoria, see Lamb, “Founding of Fort Victoria”; and Ormsby, “Introduction.” Historical records of this time called the Lekwungens “Songhees.” For this location’s importance as a camas field, see Lutz, Makúk, 67–68. Camas is a perennial that Northwest Coast peoples cultivated and harvested, pit-roasting the bulbs, which resemble an onion. Appropriating Native lands for settler-colonial purposes was a common practice in mid-nineteenth-century Puget Sound. See White, Land Use, Environment, and Social Change. For livestock at Victoria, see Douglas to Archibald Barclay, HBC Secretary, September 3, 1849, in Bowsfield, Fort Victoria Letters, 45; and Lutz, Makúk, 70–84. For use of the name Camosun, see “Log of the Cowlitz (barque),” C.1/259; Lamb, “Founding of Fort Victoria,” 83. Historical geographers have begun to explore the relations among power, maps, and place-names. For a sampling of this literature, see Carter, Road to Botany Bay; Harley, “Maps, Knowledge, and Power”; Belyea, “Amerindian Maps”; Belyea, “Inland Journeys, Native Maps”; Turnbull, Masons, Tricksters and Cartographers; and Clayton, Islands of Truth.

33. Douglas to Simpson, November 16, 1843, D.5/9, HBCA, as quoted in Lamb, “Founding of Fort Victoria,” 89–90. Douglas employed Lekwungens and Kanakas to fill the HBC’s labor shortage. See Ormsby, “Introduction,” xxi. For a general overview of the role of Native Hawai‘ian labor in HBC operations in the Pacific Northwest, see Barman and Watson, Leaving Paradise, 57–83. Lekwungens maintained a long engagement with Victoria. See Lutz, Makúk, 49–117.

34. Seemann, Narrative, 1:106. Cape Flattery oil continued to be a common item carried by merchant ships making the seven-month voyage from Fort Victoria to London. Douglas and John Work [Chief Trader] to the [HBC] Governor and Committee [in London], December 7, 1846, in Bowsfield, Fort Victoria Letters, 8.

35. Douglas to Lord Russell, Secretary of the State for the Colonies, August 21, 1855, as quoted in Pethick, Victoria, 124. Douglas to the Governor and Committee, October 27, 1849, in Bowsfield, Fort Victoria Letters, 63. See also Bayley, “Early Life on Vancouver Island,” Bancroft; Ormsby, “Introduction,” xxx.

36. Maclachlan and Suttles, Fort Langley Journals, 67.

37. Finlayson, History of Vancouver Island, 68.

38. Seemann, Narrative, 1:106.

39. Chief Yelaub related this incident to Paul Kane at Fort Victoria in early 1847. Kane, Wanderings of an Artist, 229–32. Makah oral histories still recall this conflict. See Greene, interview.

40. Longstaff and Lamb, “Royal Navy on the Northwest Coast,” 123–24.

41. Maclachlan and Suttles, Fort Langley Journals, 213; Vincent, Dungeness Massacre, 9–12. This McKenzie was not the same individual as Alexander Mackenzie, credited as the first white man to cross North America.

42. McLoughlin to the Governor and Committee, July 10, 1828, B.223/b/4, HBCA, as quoted in Deans, “Hudson’s Bay Company and Its Use of Force,” 293, n. 14. See also Hyde, Empires, Nations, and Families, 113.

43. Dye, “Earliest Expedition against the Puget Sound Indians,” 17, 28. See also Maclachlan and Suttles, Fort Langley Journals, 214; and “Log of the Cadborough,” C.1/218.

44. McLoughlin, Letters, 18–26, 40–41; Whaley, Oregon and the Collapse of Illahee, 84–86. For McLoughlin’s failure to develop a consistent policy to deal with Indian-white violence in the Oregon Country, see Deans, “Hudson’s Bay Company and Its Use of Force.”

45. There is a little confusion over dating this incident of the enslavement of the Japanese sailors. The clearest dating comes from the entry for June 9, 1834, in Dickey, Journal, sec. 1, p. 28. See also Tolmie, “Manuscript Copy of Memo”; Anderson, “Notes on Indian Tribes,” 80; Irving and Bonneville, Rocky Mountains, 246; Belcher, Narrative of a Voyage Round the World, 303–4; Finlayson, History of Vancouver Island, 82; Tate, “Japanese Castaways of 1834.”

46. Seemann, Narrative, 1:106–7; Davidson, Directory for the Pacific Coast, 113.

47. Douglas and Work to the Governor and Committee, November 6, 1847, December 5, 1848; Douglas to Archibald Barclay [HBC Secretary], September 1, 1850; all in Bowsfield, Fort Victoria Letters, 13, 27, 116.

48. Legal scholar John Phillip Reid argues that the HBC is one of Canada’s colonial predecessors. Reid, Patterns of Vengeance, 121. I argue that the HBC was also a colonial predecessor for what became the US portion of Oregon Country.

49. “Treaty with Great Britain,” June 15, 1846, Statutes at Large, 869. For US expansion into the North American West, see Limerick, Legacy of Conquest; White, “It’s Your Misfortune,” 57–211; Milner, “National Initiatives”; Nugent, Habits of Empire; and Hyde, Empires, Nations, and Families, 375, for Polk’s stance on the slogan. For the Anglo settling of British Columbia, see Harris, Resettlement of British Columbia; Barman, West beyond the West, 55–74; and Lutz, Makúk, 49–117. For US expansion into the Pacific Northwest, see Schwantes, Pacific Northwest, 78–111; and Whaley, Oregon and the Collapse of Illahee, 125–226.

50. Seemann, Narrative, vol. 1; Gibbs, Indian Tribes of Washington Territory, 35; J. H. Jenkins, Agent Report, ARCIA (1858), 237; J. H. Pelly [HBC Governor] to Earl Grey, March 19, 1850, ROT, Vols. 721–725: 1822–1852, 230–33 [microfilm, vol. 1]; G. A. Paige, Agent Report, ARCIA (1857), 331. For these dynamics in other borderlands, see Reséndez, Changing National Identities at the Frontier; McManus, Line Which Separates; Truett, Fugitive Landscapes; and St. John, Line in the Sand.

51. “List of Passengers from England per Barque ‘Harpooner’ 1849,” Philip and Helen Akrigg Research Collection; Shortt and Doughty, Canada and Its Provinces, 89; Ormsby, “Introduction,” xliv–xlvii, xlix.

52. Quotations about Grant are from Douglas to Barclay, 3 September 1849, enclosure in Pelly to Earl Grey, February 28, 1851, ROT, Vols. 721–725, 259–65 [microfilm, vol. 2].

53. Grant, “Report on Vancouvers Island.”

54. Grant to Douglas, September 10, 1850, “Vancouver Island—Colonial Surveyor: Correspondence Outward, Original and Transcript”; “Miscellaneous Information Relating to Walter Colquhoun Grant,” BCA. See also Blanshard, Gov. of Vancouver’s Island, to Earl Grey, September 18, 1850, ROT, Vols. 721–725, 257–58 [microfilm, vol. 1]. Grant left Vancouver Island to fight in the Crimean War (1853–1856), and he died in 1862 in India after falling ill.

55. Gough, Gunboat Frontier, 14 (quotation); Harris, Making Native Space, 22. For an alternate view on Douglas’s interactions with Indians during the early colonial years, see Fisher, Contact and Conflict, 49–72.

56. Helmcken [HBC doctor and magistrate at Fort Rupert] to Blanshard, July 17, 1850, CAA 40.3 R2, BCA, as quoted in Gough, Gunboat Frontier, 42. See ibid., 32–49, for this incident. Similar to the Makahs deaths at the beginning of this chapter, it is also possible that the Newitty chiefs did not execute any of their people. Perhaps they simply showed to HBC authorities the bodies of three men killed during the shelling.

57. Douglas to Tolmie, August 6, 1851, “Correspondence—Letters to Tolmie from Various Parties, ‘D,’ ” Tolmie Papers.

58. Douglas to Archibald Barclay, January 3, 1852; Douglas to Earl Grey, January 29, 1852.

59. Douglas to Earl Grey, January 29, 1852; Douglass [sic] to Starling, February 11, 1852.

60. Douglas to Earl Grey, February 11, 1852.

61. For this classic definition of gunboat diplomacy, see Viscount Palmerston to Sir John Davis, Foreign Office, December 10, 1846, in Chinese Repository, 469. Used to awe Indians, see Gough, Gunboat Frontier, 211; and Ferris, “SSTR as History,” 31.

62. Douglas to Tolmie, January 26, 1853, Tolmie Papers; Douglas to Barclay, January 20, 1853, in Lamb, “Four Letters Relating to the Cruise of the Thetis,” 205. See also Gough, Gunboat Frontier, 50–56; Donald, Aboriginal Slavery, 103; and Arnett, Terror of the Coast, 40–45.

63. “George Washington Bush and Other Negro Pioneers,” Ruby El Hult Papers; Snowden et al., History of Washington, vols. 2, 3:421–34; Ayer, “George Bush, Voyageur”; Hult, “Saga of George W. Bush”; Thomas, “George Bush,” 2–45, 103–4.

64. Hancock, Thirteen Years Residence, 50.

65. Russell to Gov. Stevens, February 6, 1856, Isaac I. Stevens Papers, WSA. For the founding of Seattle, see Thrush, Native Seattle, 17–65. For US settler activity in the Oregon Country, see Whaley, Oregon and the Collapse of Illahee.

66. Entry for February 11, 1838, in Dickey, Journal, sec. 4, p. 11; “Log of the Cadborough,” November 10, 1845, C.1/221; Grant, “Report on Vancouvers Island,” 11; Grant, “Description of Vancouver Island,” 285–86. Yelaub was not the only Native individual to direct Grant away from his or her lands. Grant criticized many Indians for misdirection. Similarly, in 1541 Pueblo Indians in the Southwest told the Spanish conquistador Coronado about Quivira, a land east of New Mexico rich in gold, silver, and silks. This misdirection led the Spanish away from the pueblos and into the plains of Kansas. Gutiérrez, When Jesus Came, 44–45; Weber, Spanish Frontier, 46–49.

67. S. Gordon to Secretary of the Admiralty, October 19, 1845, ROT, Vols. 721–725, 66–75 [microfilm, vol. 1]; “Private Journal of Cooper,” October 17, 1845; Seemann, Narrative, 1:95; Gibbs, “Notebook: Indian Tribes,” 50, in Notebooks of Scientific Observations of the Pacific Northwest; Hancock, Thirteen Years Residence, 140; Ormsby, “Introduction,” l.

68. Hancock, Thirteen Years Residence, 89–90.

69. Ibid., 135.

70. Ibid., 137. In one exchange, forty Vancouver Island canoes arrived, and these visitors spent two days trading oil with Hancock. See ibid., 153–54. See also Davidson, Directory for the Pacific Coast, 115 (quotation).

71. Hancock, Thirteen Years Residence, 134, 140–42.

72. Lawson, Autobiography. Lawson was the topographical aide to Davidson during the Pacific Coast Survey. That Hancock set up this council with Chief isi·t appears to support the notion that this titleholder was the chief sponsoring the trader’s presence at Neah Bay.

73. This was a common approach with US officials, too. L. Lea [Commissioner of Indian Affairs], November 30, 1852, ARCIA (1852), 4.

74. Lawson, Autobiography. New Zealand historian James Belich explores this topic in the context of Maori-pakeha (white) conflicts of the mid-nineteenth century. Belich, Victorian Interpretation of Racial Conflict.

75. Lawson, Autobiography (quotations); Hancock, Thirteen Years Residence, 153–54; “Indians.”

76. “California.” See also Gibbs, Indian Tribes of Washington Territory, 35.

77. See chapter 2, n. 5.

78. Lawson, Autobiography.

79. Entry for December 9, 1834, in Dickey, Journal, sec. 1, p. 46 (first quotation); Tolmie, Journals, 243 (second quotation).

80. For information about the Balch brothers’ Puget Sound operations, see Albert Balch (San Francisco) to Hiram Balch [Trescott, ME], September 26, 1852, and Francis Balch (San Francisco) to Hiram Balch, February 15, 1854, Hiram A. Balch Papers; Wright, Lewis and Dryden’s Marine History, 31–32. Sixey appears throughout Swan’s diaries as “Captain Balch” and “Billy Balch.” See Swan Papers, 1833–1809. As seen later in this chapter and the next, Fowler’s ships brought unwelcome cargo to Neah Bay: smallpox (1853) and the US treaty commission (1855).

81. For the cumulative impact of Old World diseases on indigenous peoples, see Crosby, Columbian Exchange, 35–63. Crosby explores these topics within the context of ecological imperialism in Ecological Imperialism.

82. It is difficult to estimate precise population numbers before the arrival of Europeans and to date the earliest smallpox epidemics. Anthropologist Robert Boyd estimates the pre-encounter number. He also argues that there might have been several localized smallpox epidemics introduced to Northwest Coast peoples in the late eighteenth century: from Kamchatka and the Russians in 1769, from the Spanish in 1775, and from the Plains peoples around 1782. Coming of the Spirit of Pestilence, 38.

83. Howay, Voyages of the Columbia, 196, 371; Harris, Resettlement of British Columbia, 23. Charles Wilkes’s US Exploring Expedition estimated that there were a thousand Makah warriors, or approximately four thousand Makahs. Wilkes, Narrative, 4:487.

84. Irving, Astoria, 1:191–92.

85. Boyd, Coming of the Spirit of Pestilence, 45; Tolmie, Journals, 238. More than twenty years later, Makahs told British missionary William H. Hills of Dominis’s threat. Hills, “Journal on Board H.M.S. Portland and H.M.S. Virago.” For Dominis’s trading voyages in the Pacific Northwest, see Howay, “Brig Owhyhee in the Columbia.”

86. Boyd, Coming of the Spirit of Pestilence, 116–60; sections 1 and 2 in Dickey, Journal; Tolmie, Journals, 224–43. While at Neah Bay in the early 1860s, Swan frequently treated scrofula and goiter afflictions among Makahs. For example, see entry for January 30, 1865, Diary 9, Swan Papers, 1833–1909.

87. Lawson, Autobiography.

88. Entry for November 8, 1853, in Dickey, Journal, 43; Gibbs, Indian Tribes of Washington Territory, sec. 9, p. 34; Hancock, Thirteen Years Residence, 155. For the 1853 epidemic along the Columbia River, see Abigail Malick to children, September 28, 1853, Malick Family Papers. Swan provides a brief account of the epidemic at Shoal-water Bay. Northwest Coast, 54–59. For the Banfield quotation, see Arima, Between Ports Alberni and Renfrew, 295.

89. Estimating disease mortalities among indigenous peoples is difficult. Right before the epidemic struck, members of the US Pacific Coast Survey estimated that 300 to 500 Makah warriors lived at Cape Flattery. For the low number, see Davidson, Directory for the Pacific Coast, 115. For the high number, see Lawson, Autobiography. It seems reasonable to extrapolate from this statistic that there were about 1,200 to 2,000 Makahs alive in 1852. This is close to the Cape Flattery population that HBC traders approximated in the mid-1840s. See Schafer, “Documents Related to Warre and Vavasour’s Military Reconnaissance,” 61. However, the estimates from both HBC traders and the Pacific Coast Survey appear to have left out those living at Ozette, about twenty miles south of Cape Flattery. Five hundred people living at Ozette right before the epidemic would be a conservative estimate. This would give us an estimated total of at least 1,700–2,500 Makahs. Gibbs noted that 150 Makahs lived at Cape Flattery after the epidemic. Indian Tribes of Washington Territory, 35. When the tribal nation signed the 1855 Treaty of Neah Bay with US representatives, the treaty commission believed that there were approximately 600 Makahs. See “Ratified Treaty No. 286: Documents Relating to the Negotiation of the Treaty of January 31, 1855, with the Makah Indians,” p. 4, United States, Records of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, Documents Relating to the Negotiation of Ratified and Unratified Treaties (hereafter cited as Treaty Negotiation Notes). The tribal nation certainly did not rebound from 150 to 600 individuals in just over a year. Instead, Gibbs’s estimate of 150 probably left out those living at Ozette, whereas the treaty included those living there. Makah survivors on Vancouver Island probably returned to Neah Bay after Gibbs’s initial estimate, and they most likely brought other kin with them. Working with these numbers gives us a mortality rate of around three-fourths. This rate is similar to mortality estimates of that time. At the end of 1853, Washington Territorial Indian Agent E. A. Starling reported that the recent smallpox epidemic “has been most fatal among the Macaws, more than half of the Tribe being carried off by it.” Starling to Stevens, December 4, 1853, United States, Records of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, Records of the Washington Superintendency of Indian Affairs. The leader of the Pacific Coast Survey had heard that more than two-thirds had fallen victim to the disease. Davidson, Directory for the Pacific Coast, 116.

90. Hancock, Thirteen Years Residence, 156. Providing food and water did save some lives. More than a decade after the smallpox epidemic, Kichusam, a Saanitch slave owned by Yelaub, credited Hancock for saving his life. Entry for February 8, 1865, Diary 9, Swan Papers, 1833–1909.

91. Lawson complained of Makah “superstition” that led them to believe this. Lawson, Autobiography.

92. Hancock, Thirteen Years Residence, 157.

93. Ibid., 183, 185; Kellogg, History of Whidbey’s Island, 33; Donald, Aboriginal Slavery, 180.

94. Hancock, Thirteen Years Residence, 156; “Log of the Mary Dare (brig),” November 4, 1853; Treaty Negotiation Notes, 2. In the notes detailing the treaty negotiations, alču·t named the three “Big Chiefs” as Kleh-sitt (isi·t), Yall-a-coom (Yelaub), and Hehiks (Halicks).

95. Lawson, Autobiography.

96. In his study on the Plains Sioux experience with US colonialism, historian Jeffrey Ostler warns against presenting chiefs as “taking sides between two rigidly constructed positions.” Instead, it is “more productive to realize that Sioux leaders adopted a range of strategies based on reasoned assessments of changing conditions and possibilities. Sioux leaders were not always locked into polar antagonisms. Rather, they adjusted their tactics in light of new circumstances and were responsive to changing opinion among their people.” This framing of Sioux leadership encouraged me to re-interpret isi·t and Yelaub’s strategies. Plains Sioux and U.S. Colonialism, 7.

CHAPTER 4: “I WANT THE SEA”

1. “Ratified Treaty No. 286: Documents Relating to the Negotiation of the Treaty of January 31, 1855, with the Makah Indians,” p. 4, United States, Bureau of Indian Affairs, Documents Relating to the Negotiation of Ratified and Unratified Treaties (hereafter cited as Treaty Negotiation Notes).

2. Stevens, Life of Isaac Ingalls Stevens, 1:452–53. Other treaty commissioners not present at Neah Bay included High A. Goldsmith and James Doty, the son of a former Wisconsin governor and an individual with experience among the Blackfeet.

3. Treaty Negotiation Notes, 2. All quotations of what was said during the treaty negotiations are from this document and reflect how George Gibbs, Governor Stevens’s secretary, understood what various speakers said. While Gibbs knew enough Chinook jargon to publish dictionaries in the trade language in 1863 and 1873, he relied on the linguistic skills of Captain Jack to translate between Makah and Chinook jargon.

4. Today’s Makahs remember this canoe excursion on which aq·wi insisted. See Makah Tribal Council and Makah Whaling Commission, Makah Nation.

5. Swan, Northwest Coast, 327–51; Storm and Capoeman, Land of the Quinault, 102–3.

6. This point aligns with more recent histories exploring the role of indigenous peoples in the making of colonial spaces. DuVal, Native Ground; Thrush, Native Seattle; Petrie, Chiefs of Industry; Lutz, Makúk.

7. Banner, How the Indians Lost Their Land, 4.

8. Prucha, American Indian Treaties, 129.

9. Pioneer and Democrat, February 3, 1855, in Miles, Michael T. Simmons, 204. Simmons became the first Indian Agent in the territory. See also Charles J. Russell to Stevens, February 6, 1856, Isaac I. Stevens Papers, 1848–59; Gibbs, Indian Tribes of Washington Territory, 35.

10. Brantlinger, Rule of Darkness, 8.

11. Treaty Negotiation Notes, 4.

12. Thrush, Native Seattle, 47.

13. Entry for December 12, 1846, in Dickey, Journal, sec. 5, p. 30.

14. Drew, Account of the Origin, 3–7.

15. Richards, “Federal Indian Policy,” 29–30.

16. Stevens, “Governor Isaac I. Stevens to the First Annual Session of the Legislative Assembly,” 4 (quotation); Stevens to [George W.] Manypenny, [CIA,] December 30, 1854; and Stevens to J. W. Denver, CIA, January 10, 1859, United States, Bureau of Indian Affairs, Records of the Washington Superintendency of Indian Affairs. See also Richards, Isaac I. Stevens.

17. Manypenny, November 25, 1854, ARCIA (1854), 222. See also Richards, “Federal Indian Policy,” 33–40; Seeman, “Treaty and Non-Treaty Coastal Indians,” 41–43. For more on federal treaty and reservation policies in the mid-nineteenth century, see Trennert, Alternative to Extinction; Prucha, Great Father, 108–35; and Prucha, American Indian Treaties, 208–60.

18. Richards, “Federal Indian Policy,” 54–55; Trafzer, Indians, Superintendents, and Councils, 1–6; Richards, “Stevens Treaties of 1854–1855,” 7–10. Some scholars point to this ambivalence for causing the failure of the reservation policy in Washington. See Asher, Beyond the Reservation, 34–59.

19. Mix, ARCIA (1858), 10. See also Asher, Beyond the Reservation, 9, 36–37.

20. For a comparison to how boundaries of race, gender, and national identity defined the border in the Albert-Montana borderlands, see McManus, Line Which Separates. Hoxie characterizes reservations as “oppressive and unsuccessful instruments of imperial control.” “Crow Leadership Amidst Reservation Oppression,” 38.

21. Stevens to [Colonel W. J. Hardee, 1850 or 1851], in Stevens, Life of Isaac Ingalls Stevens, 1:262 (militia), 297 (HBC concerns); Kappler, Indian Treaties, 684; Starling, [Indian Agent for Puget Sound District], Agent Report, ARCIA (1852), 173.

22. White, “It’s Your Misfortune,” 157–70.

23. Starling, “No. 71, Report,” 172; [Isaac I. Stevens] to Father [Isaac Stevens, Sr.], November 17, 1838, in Stevens, Life of Isaac Ingalls Stevens, 1:55. See also Richards, Isaac I. Stevens, 10, 39; and Donald, Aboriginal Slavery, 214–24.

24. Hancock, Thirteen Years Residence; 164; Sproat, Scenes and Studies of Savage Life, 67.

25. Just before the Makah chief alču·t died, James Swan (then the reservation teacher) facilitated the transfer of the chief’s slaves to a relative by making sure that alču·t’s property, including his slaves, was disposed of according to the will the dying title-holder dictated. Entry for January 14, 1863, Diary 6. Agency officials also hired Makah slaves to do various labor and chores. Entry for June 29, 1863, Diary 6. Officials such as Swan and agents assigned to Neah Bay neglected to free slaves, even when a slave requested it. Entries for February 8, 1865, Diary 9; July 13, 1866, Diary 10; January 7, 1879, Diary 24, Swan Papers, 1833–1909. During the 1920s, one Makah described his wife as a slave. See Densmore, Nootka and Quileute Music, xv.

26. The first version of this act only voided marriages already solemnized. An amendment to this earlier act prohibited future marriages between whites and those with more than “one-half Indian blood” or individuals with one-fourth or more of “negro blood.” See “An Act to Amend an Act, Entitled ‘An Act to Regulate Marriage,’ Passed April 20th, 1854,” in Pierce, Laws of Washington, 1:651–52. Although this action ignored interracial common-law marriages, the Marriage Act of 1866 closed this loophole and made these marriages illegal. Ibid., 2:354–57. For fur trade relationships throughout North America, see Van Kirk, “Many Tender Ties”; Thorne, Many Hands of My Relations; and Hyde, Empires, Nations, and Families. Specific to the Pacific Northwest, see Mackie, Trading beyond the Mountains, 305–08.

27. Seemann, Narrative, 1:104–5; Bayley, “Early Life on Vancouver Island,” 5.

28. Stevens to Manypenny, September 16, 1854, in ARCIA (1854), 449–50; Scheuerman, “Territorial Indian Policy and Tribal Relations,” 10. Another scholar has argued that Stevens sought to take advantage of the disruptive effects of diseases. Seeman, “Treaty and Non-Treaty Coastal Indians,” 45–49.

29. Meeker, Pioneer Reminiscences of Puget Sound, 242. See also Blee, Framing Chief Leschi, 91, 115.

30. Treaty Negotiation Notes, 2; Richards, Isaac I. Stevens, 207.

31. Kappler, Indian Treaties, 682–85.

32. The Stevens treaties in western Washington included the Treaty of Medicine Creek (1854), Treaty of Point Elliott (1855), Treaty of Point No Point (1855), and the Treaty of Neah Bay (1855). For more on these treaties, see Richards, Isaac I. Stevens, 181–210; Trafzer, Indians, Superintendents, and Councils; Marino, “History of Western Washington since 1846,” 169–72; Richards, “Stevens Treaties of 1854–1855”; Harmon, Power of Promises, 3–31.

33. Treaty Negotiation Notes, 2.

34. “Sample Text of Douglas Treaty.” For Douglas’s treaties, see Fisher, Contact and Conflict, 66–68; and Harris, Making Native Space, 17–44 (Lekwungen treaty, 19).

35. Richards argues that Puget Sound Indians knew of the Dart Treaties and about Congress’s failure to ratify them, which made chiefs wary of promises made by white officials. Richards, “Federal Indian Policy,” 33.

36. Hansen, “Indian Views of the Stevens-Palmer Treaties Today,” 11 (Yakama quotation); Barton, “ ‘Red Waters,’ ” 247 (Makah quotation); Claplanhoo-Martin and Claplanhoo, interview; McCarty, interview.

37. For a concise overview of how land tenure concepts differed among American Indian and “Western” societies, see Sutton, Indian Land Tenure, 4–6.

38. For a representation of the scholarship on American Indian land tenure, in addition to works cited in this section, see also White, Roots of Dependency; Shipek, Pushed into the Rocks; Merrell, Indians’ New World; Fixico, Invasion of Indian Country in the Twentieth Century; and West, Contested Plains.

39. For this process in the United States, see Banner, How the Indians Lost Their Land.

40. Some indigenous scholars argue a similar case for the Western concept of sovereignty. See Alfred, “Sovereignty”; Reid, “Indigenous Power in The Comanche Empire,” 58.

41. Henry St. Clair, “Land Rights and Other Property,” 234–35, Elizabeth Colson Collection; Drucker, Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes, 247–73; Kirk, Tradition and Change, 43–56; McMillan, Since the Time of the Transformers, 16–17; Reid, “Marine Tenure of the Makah.”

42. For differing oral accounts, see Pascua, interview, 2009; Johnson, interview; and Claplanhoo-Martin and Claplanhoo, interview. For specific cultural property items, see Coté, Spirits of Our Whaling Ancestors, 101–3, 114; Goodman and Swan, Singing the Songs of My Ancestors, 112; and Kenyon, Kyuquot Way, xi.

43. [Swindell], “Transcript of the Meeting, Oct. 15, 1941—evening meeting,” Edward Swindell Jr. Papers.

44. Makahs were not the only people of the ča·di· borderland to express tenure over marine spaces. When Gilbert Malcolm Sproat, a Scottish businessman turned colonial magistrate, attempted to negotiate cessions from Tseshaht chiefs of Barkely Sound in 1860, he found them unwilling to sell their land or water. Sproat, Scenes and Studies of Savage Life, 4.

45. Suttles, “Coping with Abundance,” 58. See the Introduction for a more complete explanation of the region’s oceanography.

46. Lefebvre, Production of Space, 116; Tuan, Space and Place, 83 (quotation).

47. Nietschmann, “Traditional Sea Territories,” 60. For ways people use their ecological and environmental understandings to configure inshore waters into specific regimes of local sea tenure, see Cordell, Sea of Small Boats, 1–32.

48. Atleo, Tsawalk, 21.

49. Treaty Negotiation Notes, 2.

50. Basso, Wisdom Sits in Places; Nietschmann, “Traditional Sea Territories,” 83; McHalsie, “Halq’eméylem Place Names in Stó:Lō Territory,” 135. Similarly, historian William Bauer notes that tribally specific stories and places coupled Round Valley Indians in California to their landscapes. We Were All Like Migrant Workers Here, 16. For the importance of place-names, see Thornton, “Anthropological Studies of Native American Place Naming.”

51. Espinosa y Tello, Spanish Voyage, 32–37. For late twentieth-century Makah recollections of Vancouver Island place-names, see Arima, Between Ports Alberni and Renfrew, 270–76.

52. Bernard Nietschmann makes a similar argument for Torres Strait Islanders. See Nietschmann, “Traditional Sea Territories,” 83. Entry for October 7, 1880, Diaries 28 and 29, Swan Papers, 1833–1909; and T. T. Waterman, “Geography of the Makah,” [n.d.], in Erna Gunther Papers, 1887–1977. Unfortunately, Waterman’s incomplete manuscript rarely noted the history or stories behind specific place-names. Others have criticized it for its terrestrial focus. Lane, “Makah Economy circa 1855.” For information on place-naming among the Tseshaht, Nuu-chah-nulth relatives of the Makah, see Coté, Spirits of Our Whaling Ancestors, 75–95.

53. For this name, see Elliot Anderson [Makah] to Roger Chute, 19 June 1937, Ms 15/23, George Roger Chute Collection. While at Neah Bay for three months in 1852, members of the US Coast Survey noted this name as “opichuk’t” (Hupačakt). Davidson, Directory for the Pacific Coast, 111. The other original Makah name is ča·di·. For this name, see Pascua, interview, 2008.

54. Entry for November 24, 1859, Diary 2, Swan Papers, 1833–1909.

55. See Gibbs, “Notebook: No. 2,” in Notebooks of Scientific Observations of the Pacific Northwest.

56. This incident was detailed in chapter 2. See also Irvine and Markistun, How the Makah Obtained Possession of Cape Flattery; and Waterman, “Geography of the Makah,” 13.

57. For information on Makah navigation techniques, see “Exhibit HH: Written Testimony of Nora Barker, Makah Elder and Teacher of Makah History, [August 23, 1977],” Legal Case C85-1606M, Makah v. U.S., MTC Collection; “Memorandum—Information Obtained from Robert Lee as to Sealing,” December 22, 1938, Seals and Sealskins—Reports, etc. (Original Neah Bay Agency), DF 927.0, TIA, NARA-PNR (hereafter cited as Robert Lee Info); Hancock, Thirteen Years Residence, 154; Waterman, “Whaling Equipment of the Makah Indians,” 47; Johnson, interview; McCarty, interview; and Greene, interview.

58. Oral histories detail these skills. Sones, interview; James Swan, Bound autograph manuscript journal and memorandum book (hereafter cited as Manuscript Journal), Stenzel Research Files on Western American Art (hereafter cited as Stenzel Files); entry for December 21, 1878, Diary 23, Swan Papers, 1833–1909.

59. Swan, “Cape Flattery”; entry for September 25, 1865, Diary 9, Swan Papers, 1833–1909.

60. Treaty Negotiation Notes, 2–3. Anthropologist Faith Harrington makes a similar argument for seventeenth-century New England, arguing that English development of cod fisheries in the northeast Atlantic was an expression of their national territoriality. “Sea Tenure in Seventeenth Century New England.” For a concise explanation of how people know nature through their labor, see White, “ ‘Are You an Environmentalist or Do You Work for a Living?’ ” 172.

61. Robert Lee Info; E. M. Gibson, Agent Report, ARCIA (1873), 308; entry for November 16, 1859, Diary 2, Swan Papers, 1833–1909. Huntington, Memoir, 1899, 133.

62. Like many Northwest Coast peoples, Makahs had specialized canoes for specific purposes. Waterman and Coffin, Types of Canoes on Puget Sound; Waterman, “Whaling Equipment of the Makah Indians,” 11–26.

63. Capt. Clarke, “Pelagic Sealing,” pp. 4–9, vol. 40, Ser. B: Miscellaneous—Pelagic Sealing [reel A01765], Newcombe Family Papers; Swan, “Fur Seal Industry of Cape Flattery and the Vicinity” [1883?], Stenzel Files; Robert Lee Info; “Pelagic Seal Hunting by Makah and Quilleute Indians” [ca. 1930s], Seals and Sealskins—Reports, etc. (Original Neah Bay Agency), DF 927.0, TIA, NARA-PNR; McCarty, interview. Circus Jim (James Sly), a noted Makah sealer, spoke about getting two seals with one throw. See BSTA, Fur Seal Arbitration, 380.

64. TIA, “Elliott Anderson: The Last Surviving Member of the Ozette Tribe and Ozette Reservation,” Ms 15/21, George Roger Chute Collection.

65. Charles Huntington, Agent Report, ARCIA (1875), 362–64.

66. Diaries 1–6, Swan Papers, 1833–1909; Coté, Spirits of Our Whaling Ancestors, 30–31; Barton, “ ‘Red Waters,’ ” 86. Archaeological evidence has also confirmed these harvests. Huelsbeck, “Whaling in the Precontact Economy.” Although Huelsbeck hypothesizes that Makahs harvested sperm whales and orcas only as drift whales, Swan’s diaries referenced several specific killings of orcas. His informants also told him that they sometimes harvested sperm whales, but his diaries never noted a sperm whale hunt. Swan, Manuscript Journal, 73. Oral histories also imply that Makahs hunted a wide range of whales. See Sones, interview; and Mrs. Williams, “Lazy Boy,” 62–67, Colson Collection. Information about whales Makahs hunted also appears in letters Swan wrote to Professor Spencer Baird of the Smithsonian, November 6, December 12, 1882, Letterbook, 6:309–11, 339–40, Swan Papers, 1852–1907.

67. Samuel Morse, Agent Report, ARCIA (1897), 291–92; Hancock, Thirteen Years Residence, 139; Swan, “Indian Method of Killing Whales”; Waterman, “Whaling Equipment of the Makah Indians,” 44 (quotation); Anderson to Chute, June 19, 1937, Ms 15/23, Chute Collection; Lewis, “Whale Hunters of Neah Bay”; Kirk and Daugherty, Hunters of the Whale, 44–50. Makah oral histories also recount ancestral whaling techniques. Sones, interview; Claplanhoo-Martin and Claplanhoo, interview; Greene, interview; and Bowechop and Pascua, NOAA Interviews, MCRC.

68. Robert Lee Info; Henry St. Clair, “Sealing,” 19–20, Colson Collection; Charles Willoughby, Agent Report, ARCIA (1880), 155–56; John C. Keenan, Agent Report, ARCIA (1896), 313; Swan, “Indian Method of Killing Whales”; entry of July 6, 1879, Diary 10, Swan Papers, 1833–1909; BSTA, Fur Seal Arbitration, 381; Beaglehole, Journals of Cook, 302; Swan, “Indians of Cape Flattery,” 21; Waterman, “Whaling Equipment of the Makah Indians,” 34–36. The Makah trade in sealskins during the late nineteenth century is detailed in chapter 5.

69. The Ozette archaeological dig uncovered over a thousand tools (25 percent) made of whalebone. Huelsbeck, “Whaling in the Precontact Economy,” 7, 9–10. See also Henry St. Clair, “Tuna and the Pelican,” 17–18, Colson Collection; entries for October 29, 1859, Diary 2, and December 25, 1864, Diary 8, Swan Papers, 1833–1909; Swan, “Indians of Cape Flattery,” 22; and Squire, Resources and Development of Washington Territory, 37.

70. Williams, “Ideas of Nature,” 83. I have adapted his statement: “We have mixed our labor with the earth, our forces with its forces too deeply to be able to separate each other out.” Cordell calls this “a special fraternity with the sea.” Cordell, Sea of Small Boats, 2.

71. Kosek, Understories, 119; Krech, Ecological Indian.

72. This perspective still shapes Makahs’ understanding of marine tenure. Sones, interview.

73. Donald, Aboriginal Slavery, 272–308.

74. Thrush and Ludwin, “Finding Fault,” 6. For the unity of the spiritual and physical realms, see Atleo, Tsawalk. Similarly, family heads among the Lekwungens across the strait on Vancouver Island acted as stewards who managed the use of these resources. “This was both a right, with benefits attached, and a responsibility,” administered through special regulations and protocols. Lutz, Makúk, 55.

75. Fixico, American Indian Mind in a Linear World, 7.

76. Harrod, Animals Came Dancing, xiv.

77. Swan, Manuscript Journal, December 4, 1863.

78. Wa and Uukw, Spirit in the Land, 7. For the Northwest Coast belief that animals are people and the importance of protocols governing relationships, see Atleo, Tsawalk, 59–64.

79. Entry for September 24, 1861, Diary 5, Swan Papers, 1833–1909; Swan, Manuscript Journal, 63.

80. Penned in October 1878, a notation about Cedakanim’s story appears on p. 172 in Swan’s annotated volume of Meares’s account of his voyages. Available at UWSC. This was—and continues to be—a common belief among Northwest Coast peoples. See Wa and Uukw, Spirit in the Land, 7.

81. Entry for March 10, 1879, Diary 25, Swan Papers, 1833–1909.

82. In Chinook jargon, a trade language Makahs used when speaking with whites on the Northwest Coast in the mid-nineteenth century, Skookum meant “strength,” especially supernatural strength. Gibbs, Dictionary of the Chinook Jargon. For whaling powers, see Curtis, The Nootka. The Haida, 16–18, 38–40; Densmore, Nootka and Quileute Music, 47–53; Colson, Makah Indians, 242; Atleo, Tsawalk, 72–74; and Coté, Spirits of Our Whaling Ancestors, 23–24.

83. Waterman, “Geography of the Makah,” 30; Swan, 22 January 1865, Manuscript Journal (quotation); entry for September 23, 1866, Diary 10, Swan Papers, 1833–1909.

84. Waterman, “Whaling Equipment of the Makah Indians,” 38–39; Webster and Campbell River Museum and Archives Society, As Far as I Know; Atleo, Tsawalk, 17; Coté, Spirits of Our Whaling Ancestors, 23–35.

85. Atleo, Tsawalk, x (quotation). Other indigenous societies also believe that animals agree to become food because of the shared bond of kinship between humans and nonhuman people. Harrod, Animals Came Dancing, xii; Vitebsky, Reindeer People, 259–84. For the role of wives, see Waterman, “Whaling Equipment of the Makah Indians,” 46; Gunther, “Reminiscences of a Whaler’s Wife”; Atleo, Tsawalk, 113; and Coté, Spirits of Our Whaling Ancestors, 26–27.

86. Colson, Makah Indians, 250; McMillan, Since the Time of the Transformers, 132; Coté, Spirits of Our Whaling Ancestors, 27, 34. Information on whaling names is from the entry for December 21, 1878, Diary 23, Swan Papers, 1833–1909; and Micah McCarty, email to author, October 13, 2004.

87. Entry for April 25, 1861, Diary 4, Swan Papers, 1833–1909. He also judged the butchering process a “most filthy sight.” Entry for March 9, 1862, Diary 5. See also Swan, “Indian Method of Killing Whales”; Waterman, “Whaling Equipment of the Makah Indians,” 45–46; Swan, “Visit to Tatooche Island,” Washington Standard, 20 July 1861, in Katz, Almost Out of the World, 120; Swan, “Indians of Cape Flattery,” 22–23; Testimony of Joe Sly, October 15, 1941, “Old Fishing Locations, October 1941,” Swindell Papers; and Atleo, Tsawalk, 103 (quotation).

88. Entry for January 1, 1864, Diary 6, Swan Papers, 1833–1909; Hancock, Thirteen Years Residence, 143. For the importance of such demonstrations during betrothal, see Atleo, Tsawalk, 50–57. For marriage ceremonies of Makah whalers, see Curtis, The Nootka. The Haida, 64–65; and Densmore, Nootka and Quileute Music, 247–50.

89. Jackson, “Water Is Not Empty,” 87. For a critique of the separation of spaces, see Lefebvre, Production of Space.

90. Treaty Negotiation Notes, 1.

91. Richards, Isaac I. Stevens, 69–91; Stevens, Life of Isaac Ingalls Stevens, 1:241–79.

92. Jackson, “Water Is Not Empty,” 89. For concise overviews of the general “Western” concept of the sea as commons, see Harrington, “Sea Tenure in Seventeenth Century New England,” 36–41; Cordell, Sea of Small Boats, 12–13; and Steinberg, Social Construction of the Ocean, 90–98. In the 1840s, “Western” nation-states began constructing coastal waters as territorial seas that belonged to specific countries. Steinberg, Social Construction of the Ocean, 137.

93. Angell, Treatise on the Common Law. Richards notes that Stevens purchased this copy for the territorial library. “Federal Indian Policy,” 6–7.

94. Writing about indigenous marine peoples of Australia, Cordell explains that “indigenous fishing and maritime communities were thought [by settler-colonial whites] to be analogous to hunters-gatherers. It was widely assumed such economies precluded the formation of property rights.” See “Indigenous Peoples’ Coastal Marine Domains,” 2.

95. Treaty Negotiation Notes, 2.

96. Entries for April 6, September 7–9, 1863, Diary 6, Swan Papers, 1833–1909.

97. Entries for June 15, 20, July 12, 1865, Diary 9; August 20, 25, 1866, July 17, 18, 1879, Diary 10, ibid.

98. Although the metaphorical spatial boundaries he differentiates among Pacific islands and beaches do not fit the Makah, Greg Dening explores similar themes in his fascinating work: Islands and Beaches, 3–34; Performances, 64–78; and “Deep Times, Deep Spaces.”

99. For more information about Swan, see Swan, Northwest Coast; McDonald, Swan among the Indians; Doig, Winter Brothers; and Miles, James Swan. Many of Swan’s newspaper articles are collected in Katz, Almost Out of the World. See Swan’s Manuscript Journal, 39–66, for detailed notes about the first census Swan took of the Makah reservation. The bulk of his diaries compose the Swan Papers, 1833–1909. Other Swan notebooks from this time are part of the Stenzel Files.

100. I adapted this method from Certeau, “Walking in the City,” in The Practice of Everyday Life, 91–110. In this piece, the French scholar mapped “pedestrian speech acts” to analyze the real systems and networks that spatialize a city. For a similar method applied to South Pacific Islanders and how their voyages reveal ways they “encompassed” the sea, see Dening, “Geographical Knowledge of the Polynesians”; and Dening, “Deep Times, Deep Spaces,” 27. I compiled the 951 observations Swan made from Diaries 1 through 10, Swan Papers, 1833–1909.

101. Jenkins, Agent Report, 237; Henry A. Webster, Agent Report, ARCIA (1862), 410.

102. Entries for September 18, 1859, Diary 2; April 5, 6, 22, May 4, 1864, Diary 8, Swan Papers, 1833–1909. For Jackson, see Manuscript Journal, 56. For i·tap, see Pascua, interview, 2008; Arnold, interview; Morse and Marr, Portrait in Time, 35; and Barton, “ ‘Red Waters,’ ” 240.

103. At this time, Ozette was not part of the reservation, so I have included it as an off-reservation, indigenous village. Ozette gained reservation status in 1893 through an executive order, and Makahs and US officials considered it part of the Makah reservation.

104. Entry for May 9, 1862, Diary 5, Swan Papers, 1833–1909. Brown often made trips to Vancouver Island villages to purchase oil.

105. Entry for October 7, 1863, ibid. Swan noted the Cedakanim family genealogy that connected them to Wickaninnish in the entry for September 8, 1880, Diary 29.

106. Entry for March 6, 1863, Diary 6, ibid.

107. See Diary 4, ibid., for information on Wha-laltl’s murder. Swan also detailed this incident in “Murder of Wha-lathl, or ‘Swell,’ ” to readers of the Washington Standard on March 30, 1861. See Katz, Almost Out of the World, 100–104.

108. Katz, Almost Out of the World, 107.

109. Manuscript Journal, 37.

110. Ibid., 54.

111. Entry for October 6, 1861, Diary 5, Swan Papers, 1833–1909; Manuscript Journal, 55.

112. John T. Knox, Sub-Agent Report, ARCIA (1866), 69–70; entries for March 7, 1862, Diary 5; August 1, 1863, February 4, 1864, Diary 6; February 20, April 6, 1866, Diary 9, Swan Papers, 1833–1909. The thirty-three soldiers probably represented the entire garrison at Fort Steilacoom. By the 1860s, it had become difficult to recruit soldiers for outposts so distant from the battlefields of the Civil War. In 1862, only twenty-seven volunteers were stationed at Steilacoom. Snowden et al., History of Washington, 4:108.

113. By the fall of 1866, Swan had relocated to Port Townsend after resigning as the reservation teacher, so it is difficult to date exactly when territorial authorities released Brown and the rest. Swan noted that Agent Webster sent Brown, the reservation’s policeman, to apprehend two Makah women who had run off with some white coalminers to Victoria. Entry for October 3, 1867, Diary 11, Swan Papers, 1833–1909. Brown held this position throughout the tenure of several Indian agents and still worked as an agency policeman in 1879. Entry for 18 November 1879, Diary 10.

114. Asher, Beyond the Reservation, 34–59.

CHAPTER 5: “AN ANOMALY IN THE INDIAN SERVICE”

1. Henry Webster, Agent Report, ARCIA (1865), 91; Swan, “Two Months with the Makahs,” San Francisco Evening Bulletin, October 22, 1860, quoted in Katz, Almost Out of the World, 73–74.

2. Prucha, Great Father, 193–95, 217–21; Lewis, Neither Wolf nor Dog, 7–21; Usner, Indian Work, 18–41.

3. For a more complete introduction to this dichotomy, see Raibmon, Authentic Indians.

4. The classic work on this stereotype still remains Berkhofer, White Man’s Indian.

5. O’Neill, “Rethinking Modernity,” 12.

6. Trachtenberg, Incorporation of America, 37 (quotation). See also Busch, War against the Seals, 95–157; McEvoy, Fisherman’s Problem, 19–119; Gibson, Otter Skins; Dorsey, Dawn of Conservation Diplomacy, 105–64; and Dolin, Fur, Fortune, and Empire. Recent literature—much of it cited in this chapter—has begun to counter this trend.

7. Hosmer, American Indians in the Marketplace; O’Neill, Working the Navajo Way; Raibmon, Authentic Indians; Lutz, Makúk; and Bauer, We Were All Like Migrant Workers Here.

8. “Heirship Report for Chestoqua Peterson,” December 2, 1926 [Probate No. 17954/21 and 56084/26], folder 17954-21; and “Heirship Report for Quata Moore,” September 11, 1930 [Probate No. 56334/30], folder 56334-30, box 350, CCF, NARA. See also Swan’s diaries in Swan Papers, 1833–1909; Family Group Sheets, MCRC; Claplanhoo-Martin and Claplanhoo, interview; and McCarty, interview.

9. Non-Natives have always had difficulty writing indigenous names. “Klah-pe at hoo” is an approximation of Claplanhoo. “Ratified Treaty No. 286: Documents Relating to the Negotiation of the Treaty of January 31, 1855, with the Makah Indians,” p. 2, United States, Bureau of Indian Affairs, Documents Relating to the Negotiation of Ratified and Unratified Treaties, NARA-PNR (hereafter cited as Treaty Negotiation Notes).

10. For the dangers of romanticizing Indian agency, see Hosmer, American Indians in the Marketplace, 223.

11. “New Bedford Shipping List: Whaling in the North Pacific,” as printed in Starbuck, History of the American Whale Fishery (1964), 1:104. During the whaling industry, there was no standard for gallons per barrel. Each barrel of whale oil contained from thirty to thirty-five gallons. Scoresby, Account of the Arctic Regions, 2:397–415, 525–28. See chapter 3 for an explanation about Makah whaling returns in the mid-nineteenth century.

12. McCarty, interview. In anthropologist Erna Gunther’s genealogical notes on Makahs, Hiškwi shows up as xicka, or “John (Old Man) McCarty.” McCarty Genealogy Notes, Erna Gunther Papers, 1882–1981.

13. The exact origins of non-Native whaling in the North Pacific are unclear. Historians point to the 1835 voyage of Captain Folger’s Ganges from Nantucket as the first whaler to hunt north of 49°N and east of 170°W. But there were probably earlier voyages, including the Eleanora from Providence, Rhode Island (1802); the Minerva from Norfolk, Virginia (1805); Benjamin Worth, a Nantucket whaling master, who claimed to have whaled along the Northwest Coast as far north as 59°N before 1824; and at least one French whaler (Gange) in 1834. Webb, On the Northwest, 15, 35–36; Brandt, Whale Oil, vii (quotation).

14. Committee on Rosin Oil, Report on Rosin Oil, 5.

15. Except where otherwise noted, information about the early decades of Pacific whaling is from Jenkins, History of the Whale Fisheries, 207–55; Scammon, Marine Mammals of the North-Western Coast, 212–15; and Starbuck, History of the American Whale Fishery (1964), 1:90–98.

16. George W. R. Bailey (green hand), keeper, “The Journal of the Caroline on the Northwest Coast, September 1843,” MS 596, Kendall Whaling Museum, Sharon, MA, as excerpted in Webb, On the Northwest, 287–95, quotation on p. 294. See also S. Gordon (Captain of H.M.S. America) to Secretary of the Admiralty, October 19, 1845, ROT, Vols. 721–725: 1822–1852, 723:5–10 [microfilm copy in “Correspondence with Hudson’s Bay Company,” vol. 1, BCA]; “Log of the Cowlitz (barque),” October 16, 1845, C.1/259, Ship Logs, HBCA.

17. James Douglas and John Work to [HBC] Governor and Committee, November 6, 1847, in Bowsfield, Fort Victoria Letters, 13; Webb, On the Northwest, 125–32.

18. Culin, “Summer Trip among the Western Indians,” 151–52; Barton, “ ‘Red Waters,’“240. For more on i·tap (David Fischer), see Pascua, interview, 2008; Arnold, interview; Morse and Marr, Portrait in Time, 35.

19. “Later from the West Coast—More about the Mysterious Wreck—The Whaling Expedition,” British Colonist, March 31, 1869; Webb, On the Northwest, 127.

20. Historian David Arnold makes a similar argument for Haida and Tlingit fishers in southeast Alaska during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Fishermen’s Frontier, 130.

21. Webb, On the Northwest, 70–72.

22. Starbuck, History of the American Whale Fishery (1964), 1:102–3; Springer et al., “Whales and Whaling in the North Pacific Ocean and Bering Sea,” 246. Springer estimates that “aboriginal whaling” in the Pacific had reduced the number of grays to twelve thousand by 1846. Japanese shore whaling, which intensified from the seventeenth to nineteenth centuries, also caused this reduction. For historical Japanese whaling, see Kalland and Moeran, Japanese Whaling, 65–94; and Watanabe, Japan’s Whaling. For the early hunt in Magdalena Bay along the Baja coastline, see Igler, Great Ocean, 117–24.

23. Songini, Lost Fleet, 287–342. For an overview of the 1870s decline of the Yankee whaling industry, see Starbuck, History of the American Whale Fishery (1964), 1:109–13, quotation on p. 112. For more on the price of whale oil versus petroleum, see Brandt, Whale Oil, 50–54. In 1881, the federal government switched from whale oil to “coal oil” (petroleum) to fuel the nation’s lighthouse lamps, a change noted by those acquainted with lighthouses on the Olympic Peninsula. Entry for June 7, 1881, Diary 29, Swan Papers, 1833–1909.

24. Brandt, Whale Oil, 54.

25. Ibid., 51–52; Webb, On the Northwest, 221–87.

26. Swan, “Indians of Cape Flattery,” 7–8; entries for November 24, 1859, Diary 2; April 6, 1866, Diary 9; September 23, 1866, Diary 10, Swan Papers, 1833–1909.

27. M. T. Simmons, Agent Report, ARCIA (1858), 232; entry for July 15, 1891, Diary 55, Swan Papers, 1833–1909.

28. For the 1860s censuses, see Swan, Bound autograph manuscript journal and memorandum book (hereafter cited as Manuscript Journal), Frank R. and Kathryn M. Stenzel Research Files on Western American Art. For details on these economic activities, see the Swan Diaries, especially 5, 6, 8, and 9. John’s continued status among the People of the Cape was noted in December 21, 1878, and January 23, 24, 1879, Diary 23, Swan Papers, 1833–1909.

29. Entries for October 29, November 1, 1859, Diary 2, Swan Papers, 1833–1909. This represents an average of 2,300 gallons of oil per whale, a number that I use in estimating indigenous whaling returns of this period.

30. No returns were recorded from 1871 to 1874 due to the disaster of ships crushed by Arctic ice in 1871. San Francisco’s oil imports dwindled to 1,200 barrels (or about 39,000 gallons) in 1875 and dipped even lower—675 barrels (or about 21,938 gallons)—a year later. But in 1877, the city imported its highest amount yet, 4,520 barrels (or about 146,900 gallons) of oil; however, no oil imports were recorded from 1878 to 1883 with the collapse of the sail-powered Yankee whaling industry in the late 1870s. Beginning in the 1880s, steam-powered whaling ships began embarking from San Francisco to ply the North Pacific and Arctic. Working from more efficient steamships and armed with a new darting gun (combination of bomb lance and harpoon), non-Native whalers realized large returns, and oil imports in San Francisco peaked at 29,870 barrels (nearly 1 million gallons) in 1887. Starbuck, History of the American Whale Fishery (1964), 2:697; Tower, History of the American Whale Fishery, 130. In this period, the number of gallons per barrel of whale oil varied from 30 to 35 gallons; when estimating the amount of gallons based on barrel statistics, I have used the average of 32.5 gallons per barrel.

31. They processed more oil in 1889 because the whales they landed were larger than the ones from the previous year. “Report of A. B. Alexander, Fishery Expert,” enclosure in Tanner, “Report,” 278. For more on the history of the San Simeon Bay whaling station, see Pavlik, “Shore Whaling at San Simeon Bay.”

32. “Whalers in the Pacific.” For the estimate of twenty barrels, see economist Lester Lave’s estimate that nineteenth-century whalers harvested this amount of oil per whale. Kovarick, “Whale Oil Myth.” For the estimate of thirty barrels, see Coté, Spirits of Our Whaling Ancestors, 62. See also Lord Cornbury to Board of Trade, July 1708, as quoted in Starbuck, History of the American Whale Fishery (1878), 1:26; Hammond, “Lubrication of Cutting Tools—3,” 607.

33. Claplanhoo-Martin and Claplanhoo, interview. During the interview, Pug associated Jongie’s last whale with the year of the Alaska-Yukon-Pacific Exposition. Jongie’s great-grandfather, Che-ya-te-toh, probably made this harpoon and added the first notches to it. See also Boalt, “Indian Canoemen.” For the last Makah whale hunt of the 1920s, see Laut, “Who Wants a Whale Steak?”; Webb, On the Northwest, 287; and Collins, “Subsistence and Survival,” 183. The IWC granted protection for gray whales in 1947. In some parts of the West Coast, grays were protected beginning in 1937. See Dedina, Saving the Gray Whale, 26; and US House Committee on Merchant Marine and Fisheries, Saving the Gray and Bowhead Whales.

34. Entry for March 27, 1862, Diary 5, Swan Papers, 1833–1909; William A. Newell, US Indian Inspector, “Neah Bay Agency, W.T., Inspector’s Report,” November 18, 1884, United States, Records of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, Inspection of Field Jurisdiction Neah Bay.

35. Entry for February 24, 1880, Diary 10, Swan Papers, 1833–1909. See also Morse and Marr, Portrait in Time, 29; Barton, “ ‘Red Waters,’ ” 115; Webster, ARCIA (1865), 90–93; Henry Webster, Agent Report, ARCIA (1867), 41–45; E. M. Gibson, Agent Report, ARCIA (1873), 306–9; and Charles Huntington, Agent Report, ARCIA (1875), 362–64.

36. CIA to Wood, December 11, 1884, p. 273, Finance Division, vol. 108, 8 November 1884 to 17 December 1884, United States, Office of Indian Affairs Correspondence. See also Wood to CIA, January 14, 1885, no. 2053, United States, Letters Received (hereafter cited as LR). Steamships in the Pacific Northwest hired Native deckhands at fifty to sixty dollars a month plus board. See I. W. Powell (Indian superintendent of British Columbia), Annual Report of the Department of Indian Affairs (1886), 107. In the first part of the twentieth century, white California fishers followed a similar pattern, relying on technological advances of motorized vessels to open up deep-water fisheries. See McEvoy, Fisherman’s Problem, 123–55.

37. Entries for September 24, 1861, Diary 5; May 27, 1879, Diary 25, Swan Papers, 1833–1909; “Exciting Whale Hunt,” June 15, 1905, Victoria Daily Colonist, 8; Lewis, “Whale Hunters of Neah Bay.”

38. “It is precisely because stories of wealthy Indians deviate from the familiar chronicle of economic decline that they deserve to be told.” Harmon, Rich Indians, 9.

39. When Swan initially wrote of James, he described him as John’s nephew. Later diary entries described him as John’s son. See entries for December 2, 1863, Diary 6; November 6, 1864, Diary 8, Swan Papers, 1833–1909. A 1930 heirship report clarified the Claplanhoo genealogy, showing that James was Halick’s son and that John was his uncle. With Halick’s death from smallpox in 1853, John married his brother’s wife and adopted James. See Heirship Report for Quata Moore. For information on James’s whaling activities, see Claplanhoo-Martin and Claplanhoo, interview.

40. Stewart, “Practical Advice on the Choice of Furs No. 3.”

41. E. M. Gibson, Agent Report, ARCIA (1871), 280; Gibson, ARCIA (1873), 308; and Charles Huntington, Agent Report, ARCIA (1874), 332; Swan, “Report of Investigations at Neah Bay,” 205. The Swan report noted that Makah sealers and local whites involved in the industry believed that Cape Flattery fur seals differed from the migratory fur seal herds and, at the very least, represented a local breeding population. Recent archaeological studies confirm this possibility. See Crockford, Frederick, and Wigen, “Cape Flattery Fur Seal.” I have estimated the number of sealers from Huntington’s report. He counted 174 Makah males. Some of the oldest males did not hunt, while some of the older boys (counted as children) accompanied male relatives on seal hunts. For sealing done by older boys, see the Alanson Wesley Smith Papers (microfilm, roll 3).

42. Entries for January 15, 1879, Diary 23; March 12, 1879, Diary 24; January 29, 1881, Diary 29, Swan Papers, 1833–1909; Charles Willoughby, Agent Report, ARCIA (1880), 155–56; Charles Willoughby, Agent Report, ARCIA (1882), 155; A. W. Vowell, Indian Superintendent [of British Columbia], to Theo Davie, Attorney General [of BC], August 3, 1894 (1030/94); and Hammersly and Hamilton, barristers, to Arthur G. Smith, Deputy Attorney General [of BC], September 11, 1894 (1277/94), box 3, file 2: Correspondence Inward, 1894, British Columbia, Attorney General [microfilm B09318], BCA; Swan, “Fur Seal Industry of Cape Flattery and the Vicinity” [1880?], Stenzel Collection. Nuu-chah-nulth sealers also made similar labor arrangements. Guillod, Journal; William Stone to Mr. Daykin, June 12, 1895, file 2254, part 1, Canada, Department of Marine and Fisheries Central Registry Records [reel B-11112], BCA. See also Murray, Vagabond Fleet, 16–17; and Lutz, Makúk, 189, 199.

43. For details related to purchasing the Lottie, see entries for April 16, 1885, Diary 38; January 17, February 3, 8, 1886, Diary 39, Swan Papers, 1833–1909. Entries from February through July in Diary 39 include details about James’s first season as owner of the Lottie. See also Isaac Powell, Agent Report, ARCIA (1886), 235.

44. Entries for March 26, 1881, Diary 29; October 17, 1885, Diary 38; September 17, October 18, 1886, Diary 40; December 9, 1893, Diary 59, Swan Papers, 1833–1909. For Indian agents’ information on Makah schooner ownership, see Oliver Wood, Agent Report, ARCIA (1885), 188; Powell, Agent Report, ARCIA (1887), 210; and Powell to CIA, August 21, 1889, no. 24364, LR. See also “Deposition of Charlie, Nitnat Indian sealer,” and “Deposition of Moses, Nitnat Indian sealer,” April 27, 1892, BSTA, Fur Seal Arbitration, 3:304, 308. The British Colonist also tracked Makah-owned schooners: April 10, 1887, September 4, 1889, October 28, 1892, February 2, 1893. Information on Makah ownership of schooners also appears in Lohbrunner, “Reminiscences of B.C. Sealing Industry,” BCA; Collins, “Report on the Fisheries of the Pacific Coast,” 254; and Costello, Siwash, 121.

45. Costello, Siwash, 116.

46. Harmon, Rich Indians, 134–35 (quotation). See also Hosmer, American Indians in the Marketplace; O’Neill, Working the Navajo Way; and Arnold, Fishermen’s Frontier. This analysis is adapted from Patricia Albers’s findings about American Indian laborers and markets of exchange. Albers, “Marxism and Historical Materialism,” 279.

47. Powell to CIA, March 8, 1886, no. 7920, LR; C. S. Fairchild, Acting Secretary of the Treasury, to Secretary of the Interior, April 5, 1886, no. 9425, LR; Powell to CIA, March 10, 1887, no. 7376, LR; entries for March 9, 1880, Diary 10; September 7, 1887, Diary 41; August 31, September 1, 1889, Diary 48, Swan Papers, 1833–1909; Murray, Vagabond Fleet, 155; Stewart, “Practical Advice on the Choice of Furs No. 3.”

48. For information on the Claplanhoo fleet’s expansion, see British Colonist, October 28, 1892, and January 28, 1893. See also October 25, 1891, Diary 55; December 15, 1892, Diary 58; January 22, March 30, December 9, 1893, Diary 59; January 3, 1897, Diary 63, Swan Papers, 1833–1909. For Deeah genealogical information, see January 13, 1863, Diary 6. Many entries in the Swan diaries note Makah owners maintaining and insuring their vessels: November 21, 1886, Diary 40; February 22, 1890, Diary 50; July 11, 1890, Diary 51; May 14, 1891, Diary 55; June 7, 1892, Diary 56; January 29, February 3, 1893, Diary 59.

49. Harry Guillod, Indian Agent (West Coast Agency), September 23, 1901, Annual Report of the Department of Indian Affairs (1901), 268; Jordan, Fur Seals and Fur-Seal Islands, part 1, 217; Knight, Indians at Work, 158.

50. Harmon, Rich Indians, 9.

51. Charles Adie, [“Bill of Sale,”] December 26, 1891, enclosed in letter from McGlinn to CIA, December 30, 1891, no. 608, LR; entry for September 7, 1891, Diary 55, Swan Papers, 1833–1909; McGlinn, Agent Report, ARCIA (1892), 495 (quotation). For Koba·li’s ownership of the Hotel Classet, see Culin, “Summer Trip among the Western Indians,” 147, 152. See also Lutz, Makúk, 191; Knight, Indians at Work, 163; and Hosmer, American Indians in the Marketplace, 109–211.

52. Information for this description of nineteenth-century Makah sealing is taken from a collection of depositions made by Makah sealers and schooner owners on April 27, 1892, as evidence for the Bering Sea Tribunal of Arbitration. Sealers making statements included Peter Brown, his son Chestoqua, James Claplanhoo, and eighteen others. See “Testimony Taken among the Makah Indians,” BTSA, Fur Seal Arbitration, 3:376–99. See also entries for February 24, 1880, Diary 10; December 31, 1878, Diary 23, Swan Papers, 1833–1909.

53. For the dates of the two sealing seasons during the 1880s and 1890s, see Diaries 25–62, Swan Papers, 1833–1909.

54. For Chestoqua’s Makah sealer count, see entry for June 15, 1892, Diary 56, Swan Papers, 1833–1909. The Makah Indian agent counted 141 males above age eighteen and 59 ages six to sixteen. Assuming that 21 of the 59 were boys ages ten to sixteen (three boys/age year), brings the total to 162 males ages ten and above. Conservatively assuming that 10 of these were simply too old to seal brings the total to 152 sealing-aged males. For census data and income from the coastal sealing season, see McGlinn, ARCIA (1892), 496. For the age range of sealers, see the depositions from Makah and Nuu-chah-nulth sealers in BSTA, Fur Seal Arbitration, 3:304–98.

55. Entry for 14 July 1896, Diary 62, Swan Papers; Lutz, Makúk, 95, 187.

56. Swan made numerous references to these other purposes. See entries for February 6, July 13, August 21, 1887, Diary 41; June 23, July 5, 1890, Diary 51; December 1, 1890, Diary 53; January 25, 1892, Diary 56, Swan Papers, 1833–1909. For hop pickers, see Raibmon, Authentic Indians, 74–134. For similar cases, both terrestrial and maritime, see Knight, Indians at Work; Shepherd, “Land, Labor, and Leadership”; O’Neill, Working the Navajo Way; Thrush, Native Seattle, 66–78; Lutz, Makúk; Arnold, Fishermen’s Frontier; and Bauer, We Were All Like Migrant Workers Here.

57. Swan described a more complete range of these goods and services. See Diaries 39–64, covering the years 1886–98, Swan Papers, 1833–1909.

58. Except for the first year of their lease, when they only took about 23,000 seals, in fifteen of the twenty years, ACC hunters exceeded the 100,000 quota by up to 10,000 seals. The 1870 number is from Tomasevich, International Agreements, 74. Data for 1871–95 are from “United States No. 2 (1898): Joint Statement of Conclusions Signed by the British, Canadian, and United States’ Delegates Respecting the Fur-Seal Herd Frequenting the Pribyloff Islands in Behring Sea,” in BSTA, Bering Sea Arbitration Papers, 5:4. Data for 1896–97 are from Jordan, Fur Seals and Fur-Seal Islands, part 1. For the Pribilof herd, see also Baird, “Status Report on the Northern Fur Seal,” 4–5; Scammon, Marine Mammals of the North-Western Coast, 141–63; Paterson, “North Pacific Seal Hunt,” 98; and Dorsey, Dawn of Conservation Diplomacy, 114.

59. Wright, Lewis and Dryden’s Marine History, 427. This is probably a more accurate number than the two thousand to three thousand identified in Jordan, Fur Seals and Fur-Seal Islands, part 1.

60. “Deposition of Osly, Makah Indian sealer,” April 27, 1892, in BSTA, Fur Seal Arbitration, 3:391 (quotation). The fur seal statistics for the AAC, NACC, and pelagic catches are from “United States No. 2 (1898): Joint Statement of Conclusions,” 4; and Jordan, Fur Seals and Fur-Seal Islands, part 1. Jordan argued for a more complete tabulation of the cost of pelagic sealing on the Pribilof herd (170–72). Although he did not estimate the number lost by hunting with shotguns and rifles, he did note that there must have been a “great loss by sinking” of seals shot and not recovered (143). For a more complete discussion on the environmental cost of North Pacific sealing, see Dorsey, Dawn of Conservation Diplomacy, 105–64; and Busch, War against the Seals, 95–157.

61. Huntington, ARCIA (1875), 362–64; Rufus Calhoun, Master of the Buena Vista, to CIA, March 23, 1882, no. 10292, LR; British Colonist, June 13, 1883 (quotation). For examples of maritime accidents involving Makah sealers and schooners, see British Colonist, May 17, 1882, April 10, 1887, April 19, 1895.

62. September 7, 1887, Diary 41, Swan Papers, 1833–1909; Fairchild to Secretary of the Interior, April 5, 1886, no. 9425, LR; Powell to CIA, March 10, 1887, no. 7376, LR.

63. Scott, Seeing Like a State, 2.

64. Wright, Lewis and Dryden’s Marine History, 426.

65. “Behring Sea Arbitration Award of the Tribunal of Arbitration, Constituted under Article 1 of the Treaty Concluded at Washington on the 19th February, 1892, between Her Britannic Majesty and the United States of America” (London: Harrison and Sons, August 1893), in West Coast Agency—Decision of Tribunal of Arbitration, vol. 3873, file 89,849, part 2 [microfilm C-10154], Library and Archives Canada, Ottawa; Wright, Lewis and Dryden’s Marine History, 429 (quotation).

66. Guillod to Vowell, August 17, 1898, West Coast Agency—Decision of Tribunal of Arbitration (quotation); entry for March 26, 1889, Diary 47, Swan Papers, 1833–1909. For an overview of the diplomatic troubles, see Paterson, “North Pacific Seal Hunt”; Busch, War against the Seals, 123–57; Murray, Vagabond Fleet; and Dorsey, Dawn of Conservation Diplomacy, 105–64.

67. July 31, August 31, 1889, Diary 48, Swan Papers, 1833–1909; George H. Shields, Assistant Attorney General, to Secretary of the Interior, December 21, 1889, enclosed in letter from Secretary of the Interior to CIA, December 21, 1889, no. 36992, LR.

68. Powell to CIA, August 21, 1889, no. 24364, LR; Shields to Secretary of the Interior, December 21, 1889, enclosed in letter from Secretary of the Interior to CIA, December 21, 1889, no. 36992, LR. Examples of Euro-American vessels seized include the San Diego and the Sierra. See Murray, Vagabond Fleet, 62.

69. Powell to CIA, November 13, 1893, no. 43351, LR. See also Swan’s filed objection, “Exceptions to the Ruling of the Court in U.S. v. Schooner James G. Swan,” April 7, 1892, enclosed in Powell’s letter (quotation). Ironically, Swan’s logic on the inability of Congress to turn the Bering Sea into a mare clausum aligned with the decision handed down by the Paris Tribunal in 1894. See also entries for September 21, 1889, Diary 48; April 4, 1890, Diary 50; April 19, 1890, Diary 51, Swan Papers, 1833–1909.

70. See Charles H. Tupper to Foster, May 26, 1893, enclosure 1 in no. 65, and John W. Foster to Tupper, 27 May 1893, enclosure 2 in no. 65, “United States, No. 11 (1893): Papers Relating to the Proceedings of the Tribunal of Arbitration,” in BTSA, Bering Sea Arbitration Papers, 5:50–51.

71. Powell, Agent Report, ARCIA (1894), 316; British Colonist, January 3, July 2, 1894; December 9, 30, 1893, Diary 59, Swan Papers, 1833–1909. Koatslanhoo was also known as Washington Irving or Albert.

72. See William H. Brinker, US Attorney, to John C. Keenan, October 26, 1895, and [newspaper clipping, 1895], enclosed in letter from Keenan, US Indian Agent at Neah Bay Agency, to CIA, November 1, 1895, no. 45552, LR. See also Mountain Democrat, June 22, 1895; and Weekly Gazette and Stockman, February 27, 1896.

73. The closed season covered the Pacific north of 35°N latitude and east of 180° longitude. Other tribunal recommendations included a sixty-mile no-sealing zone around Saint Paul and Saint George Island and a new requirement for the licensing of sealing vessels. See Paterson, “North Pacific Seal Hunt,” 103; and Dorsey, Dawn of Conservation Diplomacy, 122.

74. Powell to Capt. D. F. Tozier of the [Revenue] Steamer Grant, June 4, 1894, enclosed in letter from Powell to CIA, June 4, 1894, no. 22501, LR; Acting Secretary of the Interior to CIA, October 4, 1894, no. 38575, LR. See also Powell, ARCIA (1894), 316; December 9, 1893, Diary 59; June 26, July 15, 1894, Diary 60, Swan Papers, 1833–1909. James Claplanhoo owned a share of the Puritan.

75. [Newspaper clipping, excerpt], Daily Columbian, December 9, 1893, West Coast Agency—Decision of Tribunal of Arbitration.

76. Powell, ARCIA, 1894, 316; John C. Keenan, Agent Report, ARCIA (1896), 313; October 7, 1895, Diary 61; October 7, 1896, Diary 62, Swan Papers, 1833–1909.

77. Tomasevich, International Agreements, 88; Paterson, “North Pacific Seal Hunt,” 101; Busch, War against the Seals, 123–25. For the act that President McKinley signed into law on December 29, 1897, see Jordan, Fur Seals and Fur-Seal Islands, part 1. For more on McKinley-era Republican politics, see Cherny, American Politics in the Gilded Age, 94–138; and Rauchway, Murdering McKinley.

78. Cushing to Robert McClelland, Secretary of the Interior, July 5, 1856, in Andrews, Official Opinions of the Attorneys General, 7:749; Judson Harmon to the Secretary of the Treasury, January 5, 1897, in Brandenburg, Official Opinions of the Attorneys-General, 21:468; WA Const., art. 6, § 1.

79. Harmon, Indians in the Making, 160–89.

80. Prucha, Great Father, 230.

81. James Claplanhoo, Capt. John Claplanhoo, et al., Petition, [December] 1897, no. 53731, LR. For a similar strategy deployed by American Indians in other parts of the nation, see Lewis, Neither Wolf nor Dog; and Bauer, We Were All Like Migrant Workers Here.

82. Claplanhoo-Martin and Claplanhoo, interview. A precursor to the US Coast Guard, the Life-Saving Service established the Neah Bay Station in 1877 on reservation land that the Department of the Interior let the service use. See “Station Neah Bay, Washington.” In 1889, John Claplanhoo had complained to Swan about the appropriated land, and he purchased part of it back from the Life-Saving Service in 1891. See entries for April 4, 1877, Diary 22; May 18, 1889, Diary 47; June 15, 1891, Diary 55, Swan Papers, 1833–1909.

83. Chestoqua Peterson to Swan, May 5, 1899, series B.1.2.1, [UW microfilm A8576, reel 4], Swan Papers, 1852–1907.

84. Morse to CIA, July 2, 1900, no. 32541, LR. For an overview of Nuu-chah-nulth sealing from 1866 to 1916, see Lutz, Makúk, 198–201. For the use of shipping articles in Victoria, see documents in File 2254, Part 1: Sealing—Efforts of U.S. Vessels to Enlist Indian Crews and Protests of Victoria Sealing Company against Same, 1895–99, Department of Marine and Fisheries, Documents Relating to B.C. [microfilm reel B-11112], BCA.

85. For a complete examination of the diplomatic efforts to bring about this convention, see Busch, War against the Seals, 123–57; Tomasevich, International Agreements; and Dorsey, Dawn of Conservation Diplomacy, 105–64.

86. BSTA, Fur Seal Arbitration, 7:130–31.

87. Costello, Siwash, 116.

88. Anthropologist Katherine Reedy-Maschner makes a similar argument relative to the Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act (1971) and Aleut communities. “Deprivations amid Abundance,” 115.

89. N. O. Nicholson, Taholah Superintendent, to Western Weekly, Inc., September 10, 1934, File 927.0 Seals and Sealskins—Reports, etc. (Original Neah Bay Agency), box 171: Decimal File 921.5–936, TIA.

90. For an explanation about the development of this stereotype, see Usner, Indian Work, 8–12. I have estimated the schooner investment figure from Swan’s records. See Diaries 39–63, Swan Papers, 1833–1909. This figure does not include money spent on canoes, sealing gear, upkeep, moorage, or insurance.

91. Jangi James to Swan, February 24, 1899, series B.1.2.3, Swan Papers, 1852–1907; Colfax to Frank K. Lane, Secretary of the Interior, December 9, 1919; Colfax to Cato Sells, CIA, 9 December 1919; E. B. Meritt, Assistant Commissioner [of Indian Affairs] to Colfax, January 8, 1920; Smith, Commissioner of Fisheries, to CIA, December 30, 1919, folder 106911-1919, box 115, CCF; Murray, Vagabond Fleet, 160.

92. Raymond H. Bitney, Superintendent of Neah Bay Agency, to CIA, January 20, 1932, folder 69742-1931, box 155, CCF; Claplanhoo-Martin and Claplanhoo, interview.

93. Morse, Agent Report, ARCIA (1899), 356.

94. Tomasevich, International Agreements, 107. Environmental historian Kurkpatrick Dorsey concludes, “The end of pelagic sealing had given the fur seal a new life.” Dawn of Conservation Diplomacy, 162.

95. Lutz, Makúk, 23–26.

96. For perspectives on Swan’s reputation, see Roger Chute, Assistant Fish Economist, to Erna Gunther, Director of the Washington State Museum at the University of Washington, April 22, 1937, Ms 15/106, George Roger Chute Collection; and Huntington, Memoir, 1899, 127. For biographic information on Swan during these years, see “Guide to the James Gilchrist Swan Papers, 1833–1909”; and McDonald, Swan among the Indians, 169–79. For an assessment of his importance to Smithsonian collections, see Cole, Captured Heritage, 9–47; and Miles, James Swan, 25–36. The more than thirteen hundred times Swan noted someone coming to or leaving the reservation are from Diaries 10 and 23–30, Swan Papers, 1833–1909. I also consulted Wright to determine the Pacific ports of specific vessels. Wright, Lewis and Dryden’s Marine History.

97. Entries for July 26, 1879, Diary 10; July 10, 15, 21, August 2, 6, 13, 1880, Diary 28; July 10, August 9, 1880, June 25, July 23, 1881, Diary 29; March 5, 1879, Diary 25; October 22, 1879, Diary 23, Swan Papers, 1833–1909.

98. “Deadly Embrace of a Devil-Fish.”

99. Entries for December 5, 8, 1879, Diary 10; February 26, 1879, Diary 25; April 23, 1880, Diary 28, Swan Papers, 1833–1909; Wright, Lewis and Dryden’s Marine History, 142, 430; Swan, “Report of Investigations at Neah Bay,” 203.

100. For the development of Puget Sound and Washington Territory, along with the rise of specific towns and industries, see Snowden et al., History of Washington, 4:137–254; Meany, History of the State of Washington, 220–79; Bagley, History of Seattle, 1:100–134; Morgan, Last Wilderness, 29–82; Russell, Jimmy Come Lately, History of Clallam County; Martin and Brady, Port Angeles, Washington, 13–71; Thrush, Native Seattle, 17–78; Klingle, Emerald City, 12–85.

101. Entries for August 30, October 7, 8, 1879, January 24, 1880, Diary 10; October 4, 11, 1880, Diary 28; October 2, 4, 11, 17, 20, July 18, 1880, Diary 29; September 11, 1881, Diary 30; October 10, 14, September 2, 1884, Diary 36, Swan Papers, 1833–1909; Raibmon, Authentic Indians, 74–134.

102. Entries for December 11, 1863, Diary 6; October 10, 1864, Diary 8; July 2, 1880, Diary 28, Swan Papers, 1833–1909; Wright, Lewis and Dryden’s Marine History, 256.

103. Entries for March 16, 1880, Diary 10; May 26, 1880, Diary 28, Swan Papers, 1833–1909.

104. Entries for April 18, 1881, Diary 29; January 17, February 3, 8, 1886, Diary 39; May 26, 1887, Diary 41; March 1, 1889, Diary 46; May 15, June 7, 1892, Diary 56; December 15, 1892, Diary 58; January 23, March 30, 1893, Diary 59; October 19, 1894, Diary 60, Swan Papers, 1833–1909.

105. Entries for December 1878, Diary 23, Swan Papers, 1833–1909; Claplanhoo-Martin and Claplanhoo, interview.

106. Swan, “History of the Commencement of the Makah Indian Agency at Neah Bay, W.T.,” April 5, 1881; August 30, September 26, 1865, Diary 9, Swan Papers, 1833–1909. For more on Indians making opportunities from education, see Collins, “Future with a Past.”

107. Entries for November 28, 1864, Diary 8, and May 6, 1865, Diary 9, Swan Papers, 1833–1909; Swan, 22 January 1865, Manuscript Journal.

108. McGlinn to CIA, 25 January 1892, No. 3889, LR; “Indian Potlatch.”

109. Entries for March 1, 1889, Diary 46; March 26, 27, 1889, Diary 47, Swan Papers, 1833–1909. James hired another son-in-law, Luke Gilbert, as master of the Emmett Felitz. Entry for April 4, 1893, Diary 59. At least one other historian has claimed that Makah schooner purchases meant that they left behind expensive indigenous practices such as potlatching. See Murray, Vagabond Fleet, 156. He comes to this conclusion based upon the 1893 words of Chief Peter Brown, who claimed that they had abandoned the potlatch so that they could buy schooners. Perhaps Chief Brown told the inspector what he wanted to hear. As father of James’s son-in-law and business associate Chestoqua Peterson, Chief Brown would have been a familiar participant in these potlatches. The McGlinn report that Murray cites also has no mention of this interview with Chief Brown. McGlinn, Agent Report, ARCIA (1893), 325–27. However, this was certainly what McGlinn wanted to believe. McGlinn to CIA, January 25, 1892, no. 3889, LR.

110. Entries for July 11, 1881, Diary 29; June 12, 1885, Diary 38, Swan Papers, 1833–1909; Adie, [“Bill of Sale”]; McGlinn to CIA, December 30, 1891, no. 609, LR; Claplanhoo-Martin and Claplanhoo, interview.

111. For the unsuitability of other Indian reservation lands for agriculture, see Schusky, “Lower Brule Sioux Reservation”; Pennington, “Government Policy and Indian Farming”; Wessel, “Agent of Acculturation”; Lewis, Neither Wolf nor Dog; Ostler, Plains Sioux and U.S. Colonialism, 56, 138; and Ficken, “After the Treaties.”

112. Willoughby, ARCIA (1882), 155.

113. Charles Huntington, Agent Report, ARCIA (1876), 133–35; J. H. Hays, Agent Report, ARCIA (1870), 36; Daniel W. Quedessa, [Makah], to A. W. Smith, April 1885, Alan-son Wesley Smith Papers (microfilm roll 3); Gibson, ARCIA (1873), 308.

114. McGlinn’s letter to the commissioner exemplifies this. McGlinn to CIA, January 25, 1892, no. 3889, LR.

115. Stevens, Life of Isaac Ingalls Stevens, 1:477.

116. For their initial lack of interest in allotment, see McGlinn, Agent Report, ARCIA (1890), 222–25. For Makah support of ten-acre, waterfront allotments, see McGlinn, ARCIA (1892), 494.

117. Said, Orientalism, 54.

118. Claude C. Covey, Agent Report, ARCIA (1903), 333.

119. Daniel Dorchester, Superintendent of Indian Schools, to CIA, October 4, 1890, no. 31461, LR; Acting Secretary of the Interior Department to CIA, October 4, 1894, no. 38575, LR.

120. “Special Meeting of the Makah Tribe and Council,” January 23, 1956, Erna Gunther Papers, 1871–1962; Jim Terry (Stanford University), Ed Claplanhoo, Ione Bowechop, and Vivian Lawrence, “Analysis of Schools and Education on Our Makah People,” [1973], Erna Gunther Papers, 1887–1980; Claplanhoo-Martin and Claplanhoo, interview; McCarty, interview; Mrs. Jerry McCarty Testimony, [Swindell], “Transcript of the Meeting, Oct. 15, 1941—evening meeting,” pp. 5–6, Edward Swindell Jr. Papers; Testimony of Perry Ides, Makah, July 14, 1949, “Official Reporter’s Transcript of Trial Proceedings,” p. 111, 98-A-234, box 158: file 15216—Makah Indian Tribe vs. Milo Moore, Dir. of Fisheries, 1 of 3, Attorney General Files, WSA; Coté, Spirits of Our Whaling Ancestors, 50–52; Colson, Makah Indians, 18–21, 77–78.

121. Recent scholarship is beginning to explore this new narrative. For a North American perspective, see Foster, Being Comanche; Hosmer and O’Neill, Native Pathways; Deloria, Indians in Unexpected Places; Raibmon, Authentic Indians; and Harmon, Rich Indians. Scholars outside the North American context have also developed this narrative. See Petrie, Chiefs of Industry.

CHAPTER 6: “EVERYTHING IS PLAYED OUT HERE”

1. Makah v. U.S.; John Geisness, Samuel B. Bassett, and J. Duane Vance, Attorneys for Petitioners [Makahs], Amended Petition for [Docket] No. 60: Before the Indian Claims Commission of the United States of America—Makah Indian Tribe v. United States of America (Seattle: Argus Press, n.d.), p. 9 (quotation), folder: Makah Litigation, docket 60, box 20, Department of Fisheries, MCRC.

2. Makah v. U.S.

3. Estelle Reel, [Superintendent of Indian Schools], to William A. Jones, May 19, 1900, Estelle Reel Collection.

4. For another case study examining the Tlingit and Haida of southeast Alaska, see Arnold, Fishermen’s Frontier.

5. IPHC, “Pacific Halibut,” 4–13; Tomasevich, International Agreements on Conservation of Marine Resources, 127–29; Bell, Pacific Halibut.

6. Barbara Lane, “Makah Traditional Fisheries at the Entrance of the Juan de Fuca Strait and Northwestward—Halibut,” April 1991, 2; “Written Testimony of Nora Barker, Makah Elder and Teacher of Makah History, [August 23, 1977],” 2; testimony of Oliver Ward Ides and Harry McCarthy [probably McCarty] from “Transcript, Hearing of Sep. 7, 1977, before Magistrate Cooper,” 18, 21–23; “Affidavit of Dale Johnson re: Makah Request for Ocean Fishing Places, Sep. 28, 1982,” 1–2; “Affidavit of Charles Peterson re: Makah Request for Ocean Fishing Places, Sep. 28, 1982,” 2; John. A Thomas and Ann M. Renker, “Halibut Fishing, [ca. 1991],” 1; Ann M. Renker, “Report of the MCRC Halibut Research Team,” May 1991, 7; exhibits, folder: Legal Case C85-1606M, Makah v. U.S., box 14, Makah Tribe, MTC Collection. [Swindell], “Transcript of the Meeting, Oct. 15, 1941—Evening Meeting,” and “Place Names, 24 November 1941,” Edward Swindell Jr. Papers; James Swan to Governor Miles C. Moore, August 30, 1889, box 1P-1-2: folder—Fishing, Washington State, Governors Papers, Miles C. Moore Papers; Testimony of Charles E. Peterson, Makah, July 13,1949, “Official Reporter’s Transcript of Trial Proceedings,” p. 14, in 98-A-234, box 158: file 15216—Makah Indian Tribe vs. Milo Moore, Dir. of Fisheries, 1 of 3, Washington State, Attorney General Files, WSA (hereafter cited as Peterson Testimony); La Pérouse, Voyage Round the World, 182–83. Roger Chute heard the oral history about the discovery of the banks from James Hunter. See “Hunter, James; John Markishtum and James Hunter (Makah Indians, Neah Bay), June 25, 1936,” Ms 15/57, George Roger Chute Collection (hereafter cited as Markishtum and Hunter); Irving, interview; Greene, interview.

7. Irving, interview; “Joint Affidavit of Randolph Parker, Chester Wanderhard, Henry St. Clair, Luke Markishtum, Henry Markishtum and Arthur Johnson—Makah Indian Tribe,” May 11, 1942, in Swindell, “Report,” 195; Transcript of the Meeting, 3–29; Chute Interview of St. Clair, June 25, 1936, Ms 15/2, 15/74, Chute Collection; Wessen, “Prehistory of the Ocean Coast of Washington,” 419; Renker and Gunther, “Makah,” 425. For the life history of Pacific salmon, see Lichatowich, Salmon without Rivers, 9–23. For a map of salmon migration routes through the region, see Wadewitz, Nature of Borders, 5.

8. Markishtum, Seattle Mail and Herald, December 9, 1905. Additional information on Makah halibut fishing comes from Peter Eggers, Oral Testimony Collected by Roger Chute, 29 May 1936, Ms 15/58, Chute Collection (hereafter cited as Eggers Testimony); Markishtum and Hunter; James Swan, Bound autograph manuscript journal and memorandum book, p. 76, Stenzel Collection, Beinecke; Renker, “Report of the MCRC Halibut Research Team”; Testimony of Perry Ides, Makah, July 14, 1949, “Official Reporter’s Transcript of Trial Proceedings,” p. 110 (hereafter cited as Ides Testimony); Thomas and Renker, “Halibut Fishing,” 4–7; Claplanhoo-Martin and Claplanhoo, interview; and Swan, “Indians of Cape Flattery,” 93–106.

9. In addition to the Markishtum article, sources on halibut processing include Chute to Henry St. Clair, Neah Bay, November 1, 1937, Ms 15/71, and Washburn testimony, July 24, 1936, Ms 15/21, Chute Collection; Chute Interview of St. Clair; Renker, “Report of the MCRC Halibut Research Team,” 6; E. M. Gibson, Agent Report, ARCIA (1873), 307; Samuel G. Morse, Agent Report, ARCIA (1902), 357; and Collins, “Report on the Fisheries of the Pacific Coast,” 266.

10. Irving, interview; Kelez, “Troll Fishery,” 749; Chute Interview of St. Clair; McCarthy [McCarty] Testimony, 22; Daniel William Quedessa to Sister Mary, May 5, 1926, Kenneth G. Smith Papers; “Written Testimony of Nora Barker,” 1–2.

11. Swan to Miles C. Moore [governor, Washington Territory], August 30, 1889, “Fishing,” box 1P-1-2, Moore Papers. Swan drew this statistic from a fisheries report he sent to Spencer Baird at the Smithsonian in October 1880. He also noted 154 family heads at Neah Bay. For the population statistic, see ARCIA, 1880, 252. See also Chute Interview of St. Clair; and Chute Interview of LaChester, June 26, 1936, Ms 15/53, Chute Collection. LaChester noted that salmon were bigger back then, normally weighing around twenty pounds.

12. Smith, “Report on the Division of Methods and Statistics of the Fisheries,” 163.

13. “Joint Affidavit of Randolph Parker, et al.,” 195. Swindell also met with tribal elders and leaders earlier at Neah Bay to hear about their usual and accustomed fishing grounds. See Transcript of the Meeting.

14. For intertribal trade, see Transcript of the Meeting, 18; Banfield, Daily Victoria Gazette, August 14, 1858; Peter Eggers to Chute, July 27, 1936, Ms 15/58, James Hunter’s reply to Chute’s letter dated November 1, 1937, Ms 15/71, Chute Collection; Eggers Testimony; Chute Interview of St. Clair; and Swan, “Visit to Tatooche Island,” Washington Standard, 20 July 1861, in Katz, Almost Out of the World, 121.

15. Renker, “Report of the MCRC Halibut Research Team,” 5–6.

16. Howay, Voyages of the “Columbia,” 74, 197, 371–72, 380–81, 394; Testimony of Joe Sly, Henry St. Clair, and Luke Markishtum, Transcript of the Meeting, 16, 18, 22. See chapter 2 for sales to the HBC.

17. Banfield, Daily Victoria Gazette, September 3, 1858; M. T. Simmons, Agent Report, ARCIA (1858), 232; Swan, “Two Months with the Makahs,” October 22, 1860, in Katz, Almost Out of the World, 73–74; Bancroft, History of Washington, Idaho and Montana, 346. By 1859, only two of the original four remained: Webster and C. L. Strong, a fisheries entrepreneur from San Francisco.

18. Henry A. Webster, Agent Report, ARCIA (1863), 444–45; entries for July 6, 7, 17, August 29, 1864, Diary 8, Swan Papers, 1833–1909; “Our Fisheries” (quotation).

19. Charles Huntington, Agent Report, ARCIA (1874), 332; Charles Huntington, Agent Report, ARCIA (1876), 134; Charles Willoughby, Agent Report, ARCIA (1881), 162; Charles Willoughby, Agent Report, ARCIA (1882), 155.

20. Testimony of Henry St. Clair, Transcript of the Meeting, 18 (hereafter St. Clair Testimony); W. L. Powell, Agent Report, ARCIA (1886), 235; W. L. Powell, Agent Report, ARCIA (1888), 225; Collins, “Report on the Fisheries of the Pacific Coast,” 249; Bell, Pacific Halibut, 21.

21. Pacific Fisherman 3, no. 7 (1905): 16; Collins, “Report on the Fisheries of the Pacific Coast,” 260–64, quotation on p. 261; Thompson and Freeman, “History of the Pacific Halibut Fishery,” 18–20; Bell, Pacific Halibut, 21–28; “Closed Season on Halibut,” 11. Swan had traveled to the East Coast a decade earlier to encourage Gloucester fishers to make use of Northwest Coast fisheries. See his entries for February 1867, Diary 11; see also February, March, June 1888, Diary 43, and March 30, 1889, Diary 47, Swan Papers, 1833–1909, for information about these schooners. Due to an accident at sea, the Edward E. Webster—also owned by Capt. Jacobs—arrived too late in 1888 to engage in halibut fishing that year. Owners sold the Oscar and Hattie in Victoria to a sealer who renamed it the E. P. Marvin.

22. Thompson and Freeman, “History of the Pacific Halibut Fishery,” 16, 18; Bell, Pacific Halibut, 24, 41; Collins, “Report on the Fisheries of the Pacific Coast,” 266.

23. Cheseboro, “Looking Backwards”; John P. McGlinn, Agent Report, ARCIA (1891), 448 (quotation). See also “Fish of the Pacific.” “North Pacific Fisheries” (quotation).

24. For Makah population statistics, see M. T. Simmons, Agent Report, ARCIA (1857), 335; and Powell, Agent Report, ARCIA (1888), 225. For non-Native statistics, see US Census Office, United States in 1860, 4; and US Census Office, Report on the Populations: 1890, 14.

25. Powell, ARCIA (1888), 225; McGlinn, Agent Report, ARCIA (1890), 222, 225; McGlinn, ARCIA (1891), 448.

26. Bell, Dunlop, and Freeman, “Pacific Coast Halibut Landings,” 10; McGlinn, Agent Report, ARCIA (1892), 495; Bell, Pacific Halibut, 22–49, 57–60, 75–78, 80–81; Thistle, “ ‘As Free of Fish,’ ” 107–8; “Halibut Fishing”; “Growth of the Halibut Industry”; Bower, Report, 36; Alexander, “Notes on the Halibut Fishery,” 142; Thompson and Freeman, “History of the Pacific Halibut Fishery,” 44–45.

27. Names of Pacific salmon can get confusing, especially when drawn from numerous archival accounts. Spring salmon (O. tscawytscha) also go by the name Chinook, king, quinnat, and tyee; sockeye (O. nerka) is sometimes called “red” salmon; humpbacks (O. gorbuscha) are also known as pinks; silvers (O. kisutch) are coho salmon; and chum (O. keta) are sometimes called dog or keta salmon. Newell, Tangled Webs of History, 13. See also Sword, “Annual Report,” 106; Scholefield and Howay, British Columbia, 2:585; and Cobb, Pacific Salmon Fisheries, 18–22, 152.

28. Bower, Report, 37–39; Barbare Bros.: Boat Builders and Designers, Catalog (Tacoma, WA: Stanley Bell Printing, 1915), in box 2H-2-50: folder—Fish Commission—1914, Washington State, Governors Papers, Ernest Lister Papers; Cobb, Pacific Salmon Fisheries, 75–90; Kelez, “Troll Fishery,” 749–53; Boxberger, To Fish in Common, 63–68; Wadewitz, Nature of Borders, 75–81.

29. “Huge Fishing Fleet at Neah Bay”; “Mild Curing at Neah Bay”; “New Gorman Cannery”; “Floating Cannery for Neah Bay.”

30. Ides Testimony, 112; Testimony of Arthur Johnson, Transcript of the Meeting, 28; Collins, “Report on the Fisheries of the Pacific Coast,” 266; Kelez, “Troll Fishery,” 749; James Crawford, “Report of [the State] Fish Commissioner,” November 1, 1892, 18; box 1P-1-2: Folder—Fishing; Moore Papers; Wilcox, “Fisheries of the Pacific Coast,” 289; Samuel G. Morse, Agent Report, ARCIA (1897), 292; Morse, Agent Report, ARCIA (1898), 300; Morse, Agent Report, ARCIA (1900), 396; Morse, Agent Report, ARCIA (1901), 385 (quotation); Claude C. Covey, Agent Report, ARCIA (1903), 333; Edwin Minor, Agent Report, ARCIA (1905), 358; Minor, Agent Report, ARCIA (1906), 375; Peter Eggers to Chute, August 30, 1937, and Theo Eggers, interview by Chute, transcript, June 19, 1936, Ms 15/58, Chute Collection; D. W. Manchester, Special Agent, “Report on Neah Bay, Washington, Agency,” February 1902 (quotation), no. 9638, LR; “News Items from the Fisheries Districts”; “News Items from the Fisheries Districts: Puget Sound”; “Mild Curing at Neah Bay.”

31. Peterson Testimony, 37, 52–53; St. Clair Testimony, 19; Lida W. Quimby, “Report of the Field Matron, Neah Bay Agency,” August 15, 1901, ARCIA (1901), 388 (quotation); Minor, ARCIA (1905), 358; Morse, ARCIA (1897), 292 (quotation). Some fishers still use the čibu·d today. See also “Old Indian Goes into Halibut Business”; Peter Eggers to Chute, July 27, December 12, 1936, Ms 15/58, Chute Collection; Raymond H. Bitney, “Commercial-Fishing by Makah Indians at Neah Bay, Wash.,” [1932], p. 34, folder 56247-1931, Neah Bay, 155, United States, Records of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, CCF.

32. McEvoy, Fisherman’s Problem, 10 (quotation). McEvoy’s integration of environment and society differs from Hardin, “Tragedy of the Commons.” See also Fr. Howerd Bell, interview by Roger Chute, January 20, 1936 (quotation), Ms 15/84, Chute Collection.

33. Renker, “Report of the MCRC Halibut Research Team,” 6. Southeast Alaskan fisheries also experienced the replacement of carefully controlled indigenous ownership with a new system of unregulated property rights brought by non-Natives. See Arnold, Fishermen’s Frontier.

34. Sproat, Scenes and Studies of Savage Life, 225.

35. Alexander, “Notes on the Halibut Fishery,” 142; Rathbun, “Review of the Fisheries,” 260 (quotation); “Halibut Fishing,” 39; “Flattery Fishing Is Poor” (quotation). For contested claims of overfishing, see Thistle, “ ‘As Free of Fish,’ ” 109–14.

36. “Closed Season on Halibut”; A. C. Little, “Report of A. C. Little, State Fish Commissioner,” January 1, 1902, p. 25, and T. R. Kershaw, “Report of Fish and Game Commissioner, 1902,” December 1, 1902, p. 101, box 2D-1-4: folder—Fish Commission, Washington State, Governors Papers, Henry McBride Papers; John L. Riseland, “Twentieth Annual Report of the State Fish Commissioner and Ex Officio Game Warden, 1909,” April 1, 1910, box 2G-2-14: folder—Fish Commission, 1909, Washington State, Governors Papers, Marion E. Hay Papers; Thompson, “Statistics of the Halibut Fishery in the Pacific.”

37. Roosevelt, “State of the Union Address.” There is a wealth of literature about Pacific salmon overfishing and conservation efforts. See McEvoy, Fisherman’s Problem; Newell, Tangled Webs of History; Taylor, Making Salmon; Lichatowich, Salmon without Rivers; Harris, Fish, Law, and Colonialism; Montgomery, King of Fish; and Harris, Landing Native Fisheries. For a comparison to Atlantic salmon and Atlantic fisheries in general, see Jenkins, “Atlantic Salmon,” 845–52; and Bolster, Mortal Sea.

38. “Closed Season on Halibut”; Thompson, “Statistics of the Halibut Fishery in the Pacific”; Thompson, “Regulation of the Halibut Fishery of the Pacific”; Thistle, “ ‘As Free of Fish,’ ” 114–19.

39. Taylor, “Negotiating Nature,” 337.

40. Report of the America-Canadian Fisheries Conference, 1918 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1920), p. 33 (quotation), box 2J-1-19: folder—Fisheries Commission, 1924, Washington State, Governors Papers, Louis F. Hart Papers; Tomasevich, International Agreements, 142–43; Thistle, “ ‘As Free of Fish,’ ” 121–23.

41. Newell, Tangled Webs of History, 183. For more on this treaty, see Bell, Pacific Halibut, 149–50.

42. Babcock et al., “Report of the International Fisheries Commission,” 7.

43. Thistle, “ ‘As Free of Fish,’ ” 124.

44. Tomasevich, International Agreements, 154–55 (quotation); Thompson and Freeman, “History of the Pacific Halibut Fishery,” 12; Babcock et al., “Report of the International Fisheries Commission”; Bell, Pacific Halibut, 151.

45. Frank Heward Bell, interview by Roger Chute, 20 January 1936 (quotation); and Notes by Roger Chute from the National Recovery Administration Code Hearing, [ca. 1933–1935], “Notes,” Ms 15/84, Chute Collection. See also Thompson and Freeman, “History of the Pacific Halibut Fishery,” 12, 46–47; Tomasevich, International Agreements, 150; Bell, Pacific Halibut, 76, 84; Babcock et al., “Report of the International Fisheries Commission,” 10–13.

46. Tomasevich, International Agreements, 155–62; Bell, Pacific Halibut, 136–37, 51–59.

47. Pacific Fisherman 32, no. 5 (1934): 37; and Pacific Fisherman 32, no. 7 (1934): 35; Tomasevich, International Agreements, 171–85; Bell, Pacific Halibut, 139–42; “Bureau of Fisheries Completes 70 Years of Service,” June 15, 1940, p. 10, Ms 15/56, Chute Collection.

48. John Markishtum and Henry St. Clair, interviews by Roger Chute, June 25, 1936, Ms 15/95, 15/74, Chute Collection; “Joint Affidavit of Randolph Parker, et al.,” 197.

49. Two letters from the Makah Boat Owners Association to N. O. Nicholson, TIA, January 19, 1938, and Paul J. Brodersen, Sub-Agent, Neah Bay, to N. O. Nicholson, Superintendent, January 21, 1938, file 921: Hunting and Fishing [1 of 3], box 170: Decimal File 916–921, United States. Records of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, Talolah Indian Agency (hereafter TIA). In 1974, Makah lawyers investigated the federal government’s expenditures on Makah fishing since 1855—they found nothing tied to this 1938 request. See Alvin J. Ziontz, “Plaintiff’s Requested Findings of Fact on the Issue of the Oral Promises of the United States to Furnish Aid and Support for Makah Fisheries,” December 16, 1974, 13–16, Legal Case 60-A, Makah v. U.S., ICC, MTC.

50. Colson, Makah Indians, 154.

51. Ibid., 123 (“old men” quotation); Peterson Testimony, 19 (quotation); Amended Petition before the Indian Claims Commission of the United States of America, No. 60: Makah Indian Tribe v. United States of America (Seattle: Argus Press, [1952]), pp. 9–10, 98-A-234, box 158: file 15216—Makah Indian Tribe vs. Milo Moore, Dir. of Fisheries, 3 of 3, Attorney General Files, WSA.

52. St. Clair Interview; Markishtum, interview; Transcript of the Meeting, 1.

53. Taylor, “Negotiating Nature,” 337. For buffalo comparison, see Calloway, Our Hearts Fell to the Ground, 121–32; West, Contested Plains, 90; and Zontek, Buffalo Nation, 21.

54. White, “It’s Your Misfortune.” For a helpful introduction to conflicts over American Indian treaty rights, see Wilkins and Lomawaima, Uneven Ground, 117–42.

55. Wadewitz, Nature of Borders, 84; Boxberger, To Fish in Common, 90.

56. Boxberger, To Fish in Common, 90.

57. Seattle Post-Intelligencer, August 3, 1915; Darwin, “Annual Reports,” 42.

58. State v. Towessnute; State v. Alexis; Kennedy v. Becker; Cato Sells, ARCIA (1916), 66; Cohen, Treaties on Trial, 56–58.

59. Ides Testimony, 113 (quotation); clipping, “State Arrests Indian Fishers,” Seattle Post-Intelligencer, October 14, [1924], and Boyd, Superintendent and Physician, Neah Bay Indian Agency, to CIA, January 12, 1925, folder 88716-1924, box 115, CCF.

60. As quoted in Boyd to CIA, January 12, 1925.

61. “State Arrests Indian Fishers.”

62. Irving to Commissioner, February 25, 1925, folder 88716-1924, box 115, CCF; Boyd to CIA, January 12, 1925.

63. Boyd to CIA, March 2, 1925, folder 88716-1924, box 115, CCF.

64. Estep to CIA, 2 December 1924—folder 88716-1924, CCF; Charles H. Burke, Commissioner, to Hubert Work, Secretary of the Interior, 16 February 1925—folder 88716-1924, box 115, CCF.

65. Goodall, Supervisor, “Report of Inspection of the Neah Bay School and Agency,” July 9, 1916, pp. 17–18, folder 26652-1915, box 910, CCF; Sells, ARCIA (1916), 81, 105, 129, 195. For more on Makah basketry, see Thompson and Marr, “Evolution of Makah Basketry.”

66. Henderson, “Report on the Neah Bay Indian Agency, Washington,” January 7, 1929, pp. 12–15, 21, folder 150: Inspections, Investigations, Reports, etc. (Neah Bay Agency), box 102: decimal file 137–150, TIA; Bitney, “Commercial-Fishing,” 37; US Department of Commerce, Bureau of Economic Analysis, http://www.bea.gov.

67. Hoxie, Final Promise.

68. Minor, Agent Report, ARCIA (1904), 352; A. D. Dodge, Superintendent, US Indian School Neah Bay, to CIA, July 26, 1920, folder 49747-1920, box 115, CCF; F. W. Buhram, Anacortes Fisheries, to CIA, telegram, July 17, 1919, folder 60721-1919, box 124, CCF; [Dodge] to CIA, August 7, 1922, folder 38838-1922, box 175, CCF.

69. This development was discussed in chapter 5.

70. I have adapted this idea from White, “ ‘Are You an Environmentalist?,’ ” 174.

71. Bitney, “Commercial-Fishing.” See also Bitney, “1932 Annual Report,” September 7, 1932, p. 3, folder 00-1932, box 31, CCF.

72. For more on the use of this stereotype, see Lutz, Makúk, 32–37.

73. Ibid., 23–26. See chapter 5 for a discussion of the late nineteenth-century Makah moditional economy.

74. Superintendent of U.S. Indian School, Neah Bay, to CIA, August 27, 1923, folder 8: Letter (8–27–1923), box 103: decimal file 150–160, TIA; Bitney to CIA, March 3, 1931, Folder 150: Inspections, Investigations, Reports, etc. (Neah Bay Agency), Box 102: Decimal File 137–150, TIA; Claplanhoo, interview; Pascua, interview, 2009; Claplanhoo-Martin and Claplanhoo, interview. For the importance of leisure time in a moditional economy, see Lutz, Makúk, 303.

75. C. L. Woods, Superintendent and Physician, “Report of Superintendent in Charge of Neah Bay Agency,” August 14, 1907, folder 71405-1907, box 31, CCF. For confirmation from the CIA on this plan, see Francis E. Leupp to Secretary of the Interior, March 21, 1907, box 2E-2-13: folder—Fed. Depts.—Indian Service, Washington State, Governors Papers, Albert E. Mead Papers. See also Woods to CIA, June 20, 1908, folder 93252-1907, Neah Bay, box 13, CCF.

76. [Francis E. Leupp,] CIA, to Schuyler Colfax, James Hunter, and Others, July 6, 1908, folder 93252-1907, box 13, CCF; Leupp, ARCIA (1909), 64–65. For the federal government’s management of tribal resources, see Fixico, Invasion of Indian Country.

77. Henderson, “Report on the Neah Bay Agency,” 19–20; Bitney, “1932 Annual Report,” 4–5. For Crown Zellerbach’s history, see “Guide to the Crown Zellerbach Corporation Records.”

78. Bitney, Superintendent, Neah Bay Agency, to CIA, January 22, 1932, file 150 Inspections, Investigations, Reports, etc. (Neah Bay Agency), box 102: decimal file 130–150, TIA.

79. McCarty, interview.

80. Mrs. C. Peterson, [Makah], to T. W. Hauff [c/o Senator C. C. Dill], November 24, 1931; and Bitney to CIA, January 20 1932, folder 69742-1931, box 155, CCF; Colson, Makah Indians, 124.

81. [Rathbun and Wakeham], Preservation of the Fisheries; Tomasevich, International Agreements, 250–56; Dorsey, Dawn of Conservation Diplomacy, 40–53, 76–104; Box-berger, To Fish in Common, 98–99; Wadewitz, Nature of Borders, 158–62, quotation on p. 159. For an introduction to Progressive era conservation, see Hays, Conservation and the Gospel of Efficiency; and Koppes, “Efficiency/Equity/Esthestics.”

82. Beaulieu, “Fishing Activities of Indians,” 1; Tomasevich, International Agreements, 257–68; Boxberger, To Fish in Common.

83. Boddy, “Enforcing Observance of Game Laws,” 19 (quotation); Cohen, Treaties on Trial, 44; Boxberger, To Fish in Common, 103–5. For an overview of the fisheries politics of this time and an economic analysis, see Barsh, Washington Fishing Rights Controversy.

84. E. M. Benn to Director of Fisheries, November 9, 1937, and S. P. Phillips, Acting Supervisor, Fisheries Patrol, to Robert J. Schoettler, Director [of Fisheries], August 24, 1951, folder: Makah, Copy 1855 Treaty, Tribal Fishing, 1936–1951, box 20: Makah, 1936–197; Department of Fisheries—Indian Affairs Files, WSA; Beaulieu, “Fishing Activities of Indians,” 1; Transcript of the Meeting, 4, 23, 29; Peterson Testimony, 18; McCarty, interview; Colson, Makah Indians, 44.

85. Transcript of the Meeting, 29.

86. I have borrowed the pendulum idea from Boxberger, To Fish in Common. For similar examples, see Wunder, “Retained by the People”; Iverson, We Are Still Here; Hosmer and O’Neill, Native Pathways; Raibmon, Authentic Indians, 135–97; Fisher, Shadow Tribe; and Fixico, Indian Resilience and Rebuilding.

87. Exhibit #6: Petition to Secretary of the Interior against Raymond H. Bitney, Superintendent, 5 November 1931, enclosed in Henry Roe Cloud, “Report of Henry Roe Cloud, Field Representative, on Removal of Raymond H. Bitney, Neah Bay [and] Quileute Jurisdictions,” [1933?], folder 10: 160 Personnel, Miscellaneous (1927–1936), box 103: decimal file 150–160, TIA. For the Meriam Report, see Wunder, “Retained by the People,” 54–63.

88. Crum, “Henry Roe Cloud”; Ramirez, “Henry Roe Cloud.”

89. “Report of Henry Roe Cloud,” 1, 10–11.

90. Ibid., 11–12. For more on the IRA, see Deloria and Lytle, Nations Within; and Rusco, Fateful Time.

91. Peterson Testimony, 24–32; Makah Tribe, Constitution and Bylaws; Colson, Makah Indians, 21–22; Ruby, Brown, and Collins, Guide to the Indian Tribes of the Pacific Northwest, 180.

92. For Pacific Northwest fishing rights cases, see Ziontz, “History of Treaty Fishing Rights in the Northwest”; Cohen, Treaties on Trial; Harmon, Indians in the Making, 218–44; Wilkinson, Messages from Frank’s Landing; Wilkinson, Blood Struggle, 167–73; Mulier, “Recognizing the Full Scope”; Duthu, American Indians and the Law, 99–105; Ziontz, Lawyer in Indian Country; and Wilkinson, People Are Dancing Again.

93. U.S. v. Winans. The Winans brothers had purchased land on the Washington side of the Columbia River, built fish wheels on the river, and erected fences around their operation, shutting out the Yakama tribal nation from its usual and accustomed grounds. On behalf of the Yakama tribe, the United States sued the Winans brothers.

94. Darwin to G. H. Best, Editor of The Herald, [1914], folder: Indian Fishing Rights, box 2H-2–59, and Darwin to Cato Sells, June 2, 1917, folder: Indian Fishing, box 2H-2-113, Lister Papers; Boddy, “Enforcing Observance of Game Laws,” 19.

95. Statement of Alvin J. Ziontz, Attorney for Makah Tribe, 79, LAL 4: Treaty Rights, Opinions, Statements, Magnuson Bill [1964], box 9: MTC Records.

96. U.S. v. Kagama; Seufert Brothers Company v. U.S.

97. Phillips to Schoettler, August 24, 1951.

98. McCauley v. Makah.

99. For the Makah position, see Vanderveer, Bassett and Geisness, Attorneys for the Makah, Appellee’s Brief for McCauley v. Makah (1942), folder 1: Law—Fishing Case—Makah Tribe v. State of Washington [1 of 2], box 554: Correspondence Relating to Indian Fishing Rights, 1931–45, TIA. See also Tulee v. Washington; Beaulieu, “Fishing Activities of Indians”; Swindell, “Report,” 189; Woods, “Who’s in Charge of Fishing?,” 419.

100. Colson, Makah Indians, 125.

101. Woods, “Who’s in Charge of Fishing?,” 420; Peterson Testimony, 64.

102. Makah v. Schoettler (quotation); Nathan G. Richardson, [Makah attorney], to Milo Moore, Director, Department of Fisheries, October 15, 1958, folder: Makah Administrative Correspondence, box 20, Department of Fisheries, MCRC; Woods, “Who’s in Charge of Fishing?,” 420–22.

103. Makah v. U.S.; Geisness, et al., Amended Petition for [Docket] No. 60; Ruby, Brown, and Collins, Guide to the Indian Tribes of the Pacific Northwest, 180–81. For the ICC, see Wunder, “Retained by the People,” 89–93; and Wilkins, Hollow Justice.

104. Defendant’s Memorandum for [Docket] No. 60: Makah Indian Tribe v. United States of America, [n.d.], 26, folder: Makah Litigation, Docket 60, box 20, Department of Fisheries; Ralph A. Barney, US Department of Justice, to Milo Moore, May 4, 1959, Makah Administrative Correspondence, Department of Fisheries, MCRC.

105. Dwight Eisenhower, “Statement by the President upon Signing Bill Concerning Termination of Federal Supervision over the Menominee Indian Tribe,” June 17, 1954, Peters and Woolley, The American Presidency Project, http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=9927. For termination, see Wunder, “Retained by the People,” 97–105; and Fixico, Termination and Relocation.

106. Swindell, “Report,” 96; American Friends Service Committee, Uncommon Controversy, 127; Richardson to Moore.

107. Adams, Projects Director [for the Survival of the American Indians Association], to President Lyndon B. Johnson, December 17, 1968, reproduced in Duwors, “Documents from the Indian Fishing Rights Controversy”; Tollefson to MTC, October 19, 1965, and Markishtum to Tollefson, November 8, 1965, MTC Collection.

108. Personal communication with Jerry Lucas, Makah manager of the SBA loan in the 1960s and 1970s, March 4, 2014; personal communication with Russell Svec, Fisheries Director for the Makah Fisheries Management Department, May 9, 2014. See also U.S. v. Washington. For more on ways Native peoples accessed new federal programs for economic development, see LaGrand, Indian Metropolis; and Cobb, Native Activism in Cold War America.

109. Richard Sohappy v. McKee Smith and U.S. v. Oregon (1969).

110. U.S. v. Washington. For summaries of the Boldt decision, see Cohen, Treaties on Trial, 3–14, quotation on p. 13; Wilkinson, Messages from Frank’s Landing, 49–65; Woods, “Who’s in Charge of Fishing?,” 426–30; Mulier, “Recognizing the Full Scope,” 58–67.

111. Northwest Indian Fisheries Commission, Treaty Fishing Rights; Brown, “Treaty Rights,” 3; Mulier, “Recognizing the Full Scope,” 59, 69 (quotations).

112. U.S. v. Washington (1975); U.S. v. Washington (1976); Cohen, Treaties on Trial, 15, 87–93, 100; Woods, “Who’s in Charge of Fishing?,” 430–31; Washington v. Washington Commercial Passenger Fishing Vessel Association (1979).

113. U.S. v. Washington (Phase II) (1980); U.S. v. Washington (Phase II) (1985).

114. Woods, “Who’s in Charge of Fishing?,” 433–35. For an alternate view on the 1985 treaty, see Boxberger, “Lummi Indians.” For contemporaneous perspectives on self-governance and self-determination, see Minugh, Morris, and Ryser, Indian Self-Governance; O’Brien, American Indian Tribal Governments; Ambler, Breaking the Iron Bonds; and Castile, Taking Charge.

115. United Nations, Division for Ocean Affairs and the Law of the Sea, “The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea.” UNCLOS went into effect in 1994 after the sixtieth nation signed it. Although the United States signed the treaty, the US Senate has yet to ratify it.

116. Johnson and Langdon, “Two Hundred Mile Zones”; Smith, Exclusive Economic Zone Claims, 21, 31, 223; Thompson, “Canadian Foreign Policy and Straddling Stocks,” 221. In 1983, the United States upgraded its maritime jurisdictional claims from an exclusive fishery zone to an exclusive economic zone. These boundary expansions only applied to the jurisdictional claims of nation-states; Washington State’s jurisdiction still only extends out three miles offshore.

117. Department of State, “Maritime Boundary Negotiations with Canada,” September 1976, enclosed in David A. Colson, attorney in the Office of the Assistant Legal Adviser for Oceans, Environment and Science, to Steven S. Anderson, [lawyer for the Makah Tribal Council,] October 21, 1976, Legal Case C85-1606M, MTC Collection; Resolution No. 20 of the Makah Indian Tribe, [1960]; and Milo Moore to Quentin Markishtum, Makah Chairman, 15 March 1960 (quotation), Makah Administrative Correspondence, Department of Fisheries, MCRC; Smith, Exclusive Economic Zone Claims, 9.

118. “Statement of Makah Tribe to Ambassador Lloyd Cutler Concerning United States–Canadian Talks on Halibut and Other Species,” July 31, 1978, Affidavit of Stephen H. Joner, May 6, 1991, and Alvin Ziontz, et al., [attorneys for Makah Tribe,] “Plaintiff’s Memorandum in Support of Motion for Partial Summary Judgment and in Response to Federal Defendants’ Motion for Partial Summary Judgment,” May 6, 1991, pp. 61–63, Legal Case C85-1606M, MTC Collection; Arnold, interview.

119. Edmund A. Starling, Agent Report, ARCIA (1852), 173; A. C. Elliot, [BC Attorney General], to K. W. Scott, [Canadian] Secretary of State, August 30, 1879, box 1, file 7: Correspondence Inward, 1878, British Columbia, Attorney General [microfilm B09318], BCA; Henry A. Webster to [Territorial Governor] E. P. Ferry, September 9, 1879, Indian Affairs Folder, box 1K-1-3, Washington State, Governors Papers, Elisha P. Ferry Papers; Seltz, “Epidemics, Indians, and Border-Making.”

120. Willie Clallam to Thomas Bishop, care of Senator Miles Poindexter, January 7, 1919; T. G. Bishop to CIA, February 8, 1919; and E. B. Merith, Asst. Commissioner, to T. G. Bishop, February 14, 1919, folder 11986-1919, box 116, CCF. For the ways US borders hardened in the early twentieth century, see St. John, Line in the Sand, 90–118; and Wadewitz, Nature of Borders, 144–67.

121. Thomas and Renker, “Halibut Fishing,” 8, n. 17.

122. “Transcript, Hearing of Sep. 7, 1977, before Magistrate Cooper,” and George D. Dysart, Asst. Regional Solicitor, Department of the Interior Counsel for the United States, “U.S. Memorandum re: Makah Request for Determination of Ocean Fishing Grounds,” August 31, 1977, Legal Case C85-1606M, Makah v. U.S., MTC Collection.

123. “Plaintiff’s Memorandum,” quotation on p. 1.

124. Alvin J. Ziontz, “Plaintiff’s Requested Findings of Fact on the Issue of the Oral Promises of the United States to Furnish Aid and Support for Makah Fisheries, and Plaintiff’s Brief,” December 16, 1974, Legal Case No. 60-A, MTC Collection.

125. For the cultural importance of the islands, see Barbara Lane, “Brief Report on the History of Tatoosh Island and Its Cultural Significance to the Makah Indians,” August 1982, and “Brief Report on the History of Waadah Island and Its Cultural Significance to the Makah Indians,” August 1982, Legal: Laws, U.S., MTC Collection.

126. 98 Stat. 179 and Public Law 98–282; “The Makah Claims Settlement Bill: An Honorable and Practical Resolution of 34 Years of Litigation,” 1984, pp. 15–16, folder: Legal—Laws, U.S., MTC Collection.

127. Metcalf, et al. v. Daley, et al.

128. Anderson, et al. v. Evans, et al.

129. Mulier, “Recognizing the Full Scope,” 89.

CONCLUSION: “EVENTS HAPPEN WHEN YOU GET A WHALE”

1. Polly McCarty, interview by Bowechop and Pascua, NOAA Interviews.

2. Johnson, interview; Dan Greene, NOAA Interviews.

3. These benefits are summarized from various sources, including Sones, interview; McCarty, interview; NOAA Interviews; Bowechop, “Contemporary Makah Whaling”; Barton, “ ‘Red Waters’ ”; Sepez, “Political and Social Ecology”; Renker, “Whale Hunting and the Makah Tribe”; Coté, Spirits of Our Whaling Ancestors, 140–41, 149. See the Introduction for more on the whale hunt and the reactions to it.

4. Richter, “Whose Indian History?” 389. Vine Deloria Jr. criticized supposedly inclusive US histories for simply adding the stereotypical trappings of various minority groups—“a few feathers, woolly heads, and sombreros”—to the dominant white narrative of “manifest destiny.” We Talk, You Listen, 39.

5. Kershaw, “In Petition to Government.”

6. American Indian scholar Jace Weaver brought this concept to the attention of the field in “More Light Than Heat,” 249. He credits the following for developing the concept: Smith, Burke, and Ward, “Globalisation and Indigenous Peoples”; Gough, “History, Representation, Globalisation and Indigenous Cultures.” See also Clifford, “Traditional Futures.”

7. Crystal Thompson and Janine Bowechop (Ledford), NOAA, interviews.

8. The Makah have partnered with the Olympic Coast National Marine Sanctuary to protect marine resources, including whales, halibut, black cod, whiting, and seals. See Vincent Cooke (Makah) and George Galasso (Olympic National Marine Sanctuary), “Challenges and Opportunities for the Makah Tribe and Olympic National Marine Sanctuary,” [2000?], National Sea Grant Library Website, accessed July 2009, http://nsgd.gso.uri.edu/riu/riuc04001/riuc04001_part4.pdf.

9. “Ratified Treaty No. 286: Documents Relating to the Negotiation of the Treaty of January 31, 1855, with the Makah Indians,” p. 2, Documents Relating to the Negotiation of Ratified and Unratified Treaties, NARA-PNR.

10. Makah Nation, produced by the MTC and Makah Whaling Commission; Greene, NOAA Interviews.

11. See Pascua, interview, 2008; Sepez, “Political and Social Ecology,” 109; Coté, Spirits of Our Whaling Ancestors, 69–114.

12. Ibid., 127–29. See also Erikson, Voices of a Thousand People, 119–34.

13. Huelsbeck, “Whaling in the Precontact Economy,” 9.

14. Makah Nation.

15. For citations about the 1999 hunt, see the Introduction.

16. This is drawn from Robert Miller’s definition of “self-determination.” Miller, “Tribal Cultural Self-Determination,” 123.

17. Makah Nation.

18. Blackhawk, “Recasting the Narrative of America,” 1168.

19. Barton, “ ‘Red Waters,’ ” 190 (quotation). Nuu-chah-nulth scholar Charlotte Coté characterizes the 1999 whale hunt as an indigenous action striking back at “culinary imperialism,” a power dynamic that dictates what counts as acceptable food, especially with respect to what indigenous peoples are allowed to produce and eat. Spirits of Our Whaling Ancestors, 163. For a brief history on the “Western hegemonic control of food production and food consumption,” see Barsh, “Food Security, Food Hegemony, and Charismatic Animals.” For a discussion of culinary imperialism applied to the Third World, see Narayan, Dislocating Cultures. Culinary imperialism is not limited to the Third World; the Japanese have complained about US culinary imperialism as applied to consuming whale products. See Sims, “Japan, Feasting on Whale.”