1. This kind of parody was popularized by the nationally televised comedy show Saturday Night Live in the 1980s.
2. On the Chicago School and its contextual approach, see Andrew Abbott, “Of Time and Space: The Contemporary Relevance of the Chicago School,” Social Forces 75 (June 1997), 1149–82.
3. For a scathing criticism of Park’s race relations paradigm for its manner of obfuscating the structures and dynamics of racial oppression, see Stephen Steinberg, Race Relations: A Critique (Palo Alto, CA: Stanford University Press, 2007). St. Clair Drake and Horace R. Cayton, Black Metropolis (1945; repr. with new foreword by Mary Pattillo, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2015); for an analysis of how Drake and Cayton’s book redefined the concept of the ghetto within the social sciences, see Mitchell Duneier, Ghetto: The Invention of a Place, the History of an Idea (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2016).
4. The so-called concentric zone model (otherwise known as the Burgess model) was developed by Chicago School founders Ernest Burgess and Robert Park in their seminal study The City. Robert E. Park, Ernest W. Burgess, and Roderick D. McKenzie, The City: Suggestions for Investigation of Human Behavior in the Urban Environment (1925; repr., Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984).
5. Michael J. Dear, ed., From Chicago to LA: Making Sense of Urban Theory (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 2002). In fact, one can find the genesis of the Los Angeles School more than a decade before this when Mike Davis claimed to be “excavating the future in Los Angeles” in his classic book City of Quartz. Mike Davis, City of Quartz: Excavating the Future in Los Angeles (1991, repr., London: Verso, 2006).
6. Dick Simpson and Tom M. Kelly, “The New Chicago School of Urbanism and the New Daley Machine,” Urban Affairs Review 44 (November 2008), 218–38. Students of New York politics have also weighed in on this discussion; see, for example, John Mollenkopf, “School Is Out: The Case of New York City,” Urban Affairs Review 44 (November 2008), 239–65.
7. See John P. Koval, “An Overview and Point of View,” in The New Chicago: A Social and Cultural Analysis, ed. John P. Koval, Larry Bennett, Michael I.J. Bennett, Fassil Demissie, Roberta Garner, and Kiljoong Kim (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2006), 3–17; and Terry Nichols Clark, “The New Chicago School,” in Dennis R. Judd and Dick Simpson, The City, Revisited: Urban Theory from Chicago, Los Angeles, and New York (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2011), 220–41.
8. Simpson and Kelly, “New Chicago School of Urbanism,” 238.
9. Robert J. Sampson, Great American City: Chicago and the Enduring Neighborhood Effect (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2012).
10. The only other book on Chicago that moves in this direction is Larry Bennett, The Third City: Chicago and American Urbanism (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2010). While Bennett, one of the leading proponents of the New Chicago School, is not a historian, he is attentive to how Chicago’s past has weighed upon the city’s recent evolution. Yet Third City is largely concerned with the Richard M. Daley era (1989–2011) and with questions of urban form. Moreover, Bennett’s minimal coverage of black Chicago leaves a large part of the Chicago story untold. To this day, the only other serious historical monograph on Chicago over the longue durée is Dominic Pacyga’s Chicago: A Biography (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2010), but this book’s treatment of the high era of globalization is rather schematic. Richard M. Daley’s twenty-two years in City Hall, for example, receive merely twelve pages of a book that numbers more than four hundred.
11. Fittingly, during the twelve-year interregnum between the administrations of Richard J. Daley and Richard M. Daley, Chicago politics became quite contentious—especially during the “council wars” that broke out during the term of the city’s only popularly elected black mayor, Harold Washington.
12. My conception of neoliberalization is informed by the work of Wendy Brown, who defines neoliberalism as a “rationality extending a specific formulation of economic values, practices, and metrics to every dimension of human life.” Wendy Brown, Undoing the Demos: Neoliberalism’s Stealth Revolution (New York: Zone Books, 2015), 30.
13. Eric Klinenberg, Heat Wave: A Social Autopsy of Disaster in Chicago (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002).
14. David Harvey, A Brief History of Neoliberalism (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005).
15. Ibid., 42.
16. Wendy Brown, “American Nightmare: Neoliberalism, Neoconservatism, and De-democratization,” Political Theory 34 (December 2006), 695.
17. Mahmood Mamdani, Good Muslim, Bad Muslim: America, the Cold War, and the Roots of Terror (New York: Pantheon, 2004).
18. See, for example, Milton Rakove, Don’t Make No Waves . . . Don’t Back No Losers: An Insider’s Analysis of the Daley Machine (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1976); and William L. Grimshaw, Bitter Fruit: Black Politics and the Chicago Machine, 1931–1991 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992).
19. Similar “red squads” operated in New York, Philadelphia, Los Angeles, Detroit, Baltimore, and Washington, DC, but none were as sophisticated and aggressive as that in Chicago. Surprisingly, the only study of the role played by these organizations is Frank J. Donner, Protectors of Privilege: Red Squads and Police Repression in Urban America (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1990). Unfortunately, Donner did not have access to the Chicago Police Red Squad files, which were turned over for public scrutiny after a 1987 federal court order.
1. Lincoln Steffens, The Shame of Nations (1904; repr., New York: Dover, 2004), 192, 163.
2. Daniel T. Rodgers, Atlantic Crossings: Social Politics in a Progressive Age (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 1998), 5.
3. Daniel H. Burnham and Edward H. Bennett, Plan of Chicago (1908, Commercial Club of Chicago; repr., New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1993), 1.
4. Report of the City Council Committee on Crime of the City of Chicago, March 22, 1915; Chicago Tribune, December 21, 1903.
5. Chicago Tribune, December 25, 1903.
6. Jeffrey S. Adler, First in Violence, Deepest in Dirt: Homicide in Chicago, 1875–1920 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006), 15; on working-class male “sporting culture,” see Timothy J. Gilfoyle, City of Eros: New York City, Prostitution, and the Commercialization of Sex, 1790–1920 (New York: Norton, 1992), 99–106.
7. Upton Sinclair, The Jungle (1906; repr., New York: Dover, 2001), 15.
8. Robert Hunter, Tenement Conditions in Chicago: Report of the Investigative Committee of the City Homes Association (Chicago: City Homes Association, 1901), https://archive.org/details/tenementconditio00city, 128, 132.
9. Wesley G. Skogan, Chicago since 1840: A Time-Series Data Handbook (Urbana, IL: Institute of Government Affairs, 1976), 24.
10. Dominic A. Pacyga, Chicago: A Biography (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009), 61.
11. Carol Willis, Form Follows Finance: Skyscrapers and Skylines in New York and Chicago (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1995), 63.
12. Daniel Bluestone, chap. 4, in Constructing Chicago (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1991).
13. Report on the Population of the United States at the Eleventh Census: 1890, part I (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1895), 672; Thirteenth Census of the United States Taken in the Year 1910, vol. 1, Population 1910: General Report and Analysis (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1913), 829. The size of the Jewish population is estimated using the census figures for Russian-born immigrants. A tiny community before the 1890s, the foreign-born Greek population leaped forty-seven-fold between 1890 and 1920.
14. Allan H. Spear, Black Chicago: The Making of a Black Ghetto (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1967), 12–15.
15. Adler, First in Violence, Deepest in Dirt, 44.
16. Chicago Socialist, October 8, 1904, quoted in David H. Bates, “Between Two Fires: Race and the Chicago Federation of Labor, 1904–1922” (PhD dissertation, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2012), 36.
17. Chicago Tribune, April 8, 1905.
18. Bates, “Between Two Fires,” 55.
19. Chicago Tribune, May 8, 1905.
20. Frederic Thrasher, The Gang: A Study of 1,313 Gangs in Chicago (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1927), 131.
21. James R. Barrett, “Americanization from the Bottom Up: Immigration and the Remaking of the Working Class in the United States,” Journal of American History 79 (December 1992), 996–1020; James R. Barrett and David R. Roediger, “The Irish and the ‘Americanization’ of the ‘New Immigrants’ in the Streets and in the Churches of the Urban United States, 1900–1930,” Journal of American Ethnic History, Summer 2005, 3–33
22. New York Times, November 1, 1903.
23. U.S. Congress, Senate Committee on Immigration, Report of the Immigration Commission: Immigration and Crime, vol. 36 (Washington, DC, 1911), 144.
24. Chicago Record-Herald, July 31, 1906, quoted in Adler, First in Violence, Deepest in Dirt, 161–62.
25. Maureen Flanagan, “Gender and Urban Political Reform: The City Club and the Woman’s City Club of Chicago in the Progressive Era,” American Historical Review 95, no. 4 (October 1990), 1032–50.
26. John J. Glessner, The Commercial Club of Chicago: Its Beginning and Something of Its Work (Chicago: Privately printed for members of the Commercial Club, 1910), www.forgottenbooks.com/en/books/TheCommercialClubofChicago_10519965.
27. Paul DiMaggio, “The Problem of Chicago,” in The American Bourgeoisie: Distinction and Identity in the Nineteenth Century, ed. Sven Beckert and Julia B. Rosenbaum (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010), 209–32. If Chicago’s brand of progressivism stood out in some ways, such activities of cultural patronage suggest its elites were more focused on changing the behavior of the laboring classes than addressing the structural roots of inequality. My thinking here thus concurs with recent work challenging the coherence and impact of the progressive era: see, for example, David Huyssen, Progressive Inequality: Rich and Poor in New York, 1890–1920 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2014).
28. Joseph M. Siry, “Chicago’s Auditorium Building: Opera or Anarchism,” Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 57 (1998), 137.
29. On the promotion of the plan, see Carl Smith, chap. 7, in The Plan of Chicago: Daniel Burnham and the Remaking of the American City (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006).
30. Burnham and Bennett, Plan of Chicago, 1, 50.
31. Ibid., 8.
32. Ibid., 32.
33. Ibid., 108.
34. Ibid., 8.
35. Ibid., 50.
36. Robert Lewis, “Modern Industrial Policy and Zoning: Chicago, 1910–1930,” Urban History 40, no. 1 (February 2013), 96–97.
37. Chicago Tribune, July 8, 1917.
38. William Tuttle, Jr., Race Riot: Chicago in the Red Summer of 1919 (1970; repr., Chicago: Illini Books, 1996), 75–76.
39. Chicago Commission on Race Relations (CCRR), The Negro in Chicago: A Study of Race Relations and a Race Riot (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1922), 3.
40. James R. Grossman, Land of Hope: Chicago, Black Southerners, and the Great Migration (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989), 178.
41. Arnold R. Hirsch, “E Pluribus Duo?: Thoughts on ‘Whiteness’ and Chicago’s ‘New’ Immigration as a Transient Third Tier,” Journal of American Ethnic History 23 (Summer 2004), 7–44; see also James R. Barrett and David Roediger, “Inbetween Peoples: Race, Nationality, and the ‘New Immigrant’ Working Class,” Journal of American Ethnic History 16 (Spring 1997), 3–44.
42. Frederic Thrasher, The Gang: A Study of 1,313 Gangs in Chicago (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1927), 16.
43. Mike Royko, Boss: Richard J. Daley of Chicago (New York: Dutton, 1971), 37.
44. CCRR, The Negro in Chicago, 8.
45. Annual Report of the Crime Commission, 1920, quoted in CCRR, The Negro in Chicago, 342.
46. John Landesco, “The Gangster and the Politician,” 8, Ernest Watson Burgess Papers, box 132, folder 7, University of Chicago Special Collections Research Center.
47. James R. Barrett, Work and Community in the Jungle: Chicago’s Packinghouse Workers, 1894–1922 (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1987), 13–35; see also Rick Halpern, Down on the Killing Floor: Black and White Workers in Chicago’s Packinghouses, 1904–1954 (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1997), 7–43.
48. Sinclair, The Jungle, 30.
49. Thrasher, The Gang, 174.
50. Ibid., 17, 194.
51. Thomas Jablonsky, Pride in the Jungle: Community and Everyday Life in Back of the Yards Chicago (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1993), 90.
52. Dominic Pacyga, “Chicago’s 1919 Race Riot: Ethnicity, Class, and Urban Violence” in The Making of Urban America, 2nd ed., ed. Raymond A. Mohl (Scholarly Resources: Wilmington, DE, 1997), 187–207.
53. Hirsch, “E Pluribus Duo?”
54. Thomas Philpott, The Slum and the Ghetto: Neighborhood Deterioration and Middle Class Reform, Chicago, 1880–1930 (Belmont, CA: Wadsworth, 1991), 195.
55. Pacyga, Chicago, 220.
56. Thomas A. Guglielmo, White on Arrival: Italians, Race, Color, and Power in Chicago, 1890–1945 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003), 101.
57. “Igoe Flays Negroes in Harsh Terms,” Plain Truth 1, no. 1 (October 1930), box 102, folder 3, Charles Merriam Papers, Special Collections–University of Chicago.
58. Douglas Bukowski, Big Bill Thompson, Chicago, and the Politics of Image (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1998), 133.
59. Ibid., 151–52.
60. Chicago Tribune, October 3, 1924.
61. Mary J. Herrick, Chicago Schools: A Social and Political History (New York: Sage, 1970), 159.
62. Chicago Daily News, Jan 10, 1928.
63. Arnold Hirsch, Making the Second Ghetto: Race and Housing in Chicago, 1940–1960 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978), 4.
64. Paul M. Green, “Anton J. Cermak: The Man and His Machine,” in The Mayors: The Chicago Political Tradition, ed. Paul M. Green and Melvin G. Holli (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 2005), 109.
65. Roger Biles, Big City Boss in Depression and War: Mayor Edward J. Kelly of Chicago (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1984), 26–29.
1. “Business in Bronzeville,” Time, April 18, 1938. The caskets and hair-straightening products mentioned here reflect the facts that undertakers were one of most important business groups in black Chicago and beauty parlors topped the list.
2. Ibid.
3. Quoted in Wallace D. Best, Passionately Human, No Less Divine: Religion and Culture in Black Chicago, 1915–1952 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2005), 87.
4. St. Clair Drake and Horace Cayton, Black Metropolis: A Study of Negro Life in a Northern City (1945; repr., Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2015), 433.
5. Ibid., 438.
6. Ibid., 380.
7. Ibid., 439–43.
8. Christopher Robert Reed, chap. 3, in The Rise of Chicago’s Black Metropolis, 1920–1929 (Urbana-Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 2011).
9. Drake and Cayton, Black Metropolis, 217–23.
10. Ford S. Black, comp and arr. Black’s Blue Book: Business and Professional Directory (Chicago: Ford S. Black, 1918), xv.
11. Drake and Cayton, Black Metropolis, 434, 438, 629. By the late 1910s churches rivaled beauty services as the most prominent “business and professional” listings in Black’s Blue Book.
12. Ibid., 629, 650–51.
13. Best, Passionately Human, No Less Divine, 84.
14. Ibid., 85.
15. On the “slumming” craze in Chicago, see Chad Heap, Slumming: Sexual and Racial Encounters in American Nightlife, 1885–1940 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009), chap. 5.
16. On the evolution of “racial uplift ideology” among black leaders and intellectuals during the interwar years, see Kevin K. Gaines, Uplifting the Race: Black Leadership, Politics, and Culture in the Twentieth Century (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996), 234–53.
17. Davarian Baldwin, Chicago’s New Negroes: Modernity, the Great Migration, and Black Urban Life (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2007), 45.
18. Ibid.
19. Chicago Defender, May 17, 1919. For an excellent study of how such class-biased prescriptions exemplified the Chicago Urban League’s tendency to embrace behavioral models of uplift, see Touré F. Reed, Not Alms but Opportunity: The Urban League and the Politics of Racial Uplift, 1910–1950 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2008).
20. Half-Century Magazine, January–February 1923, 13.
21. Chicago Defender, April 24, 1920.
22. Chicago Defender, November 17, 1923.
23. Robert Park and Ernest Burgess, Introduction to the Science of Sociology (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1924), 138–39.
24. Baldwin, Chicago’s New Negroes, 45.
25. Shane White, Stephen Garton, Stephen Robertson, and Graham White, Playing the Numbers: Gambling in Harlem between the Wars (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2010), 221.
26. Chicago Defender, September 26, 1931; Chicago Defender, August 22, 1931.
27. Perhaps the most significant inquiry into “the minds of individual gamblers” during this era is White et al., Playing the Numbers, especially chap. 8. See also Victoria Wolcott, “The Culture of the Informal Economy: Numbers Runners in Inter-War Black Detroit,” Radical History Review (Fall 1997), 46–75.
28. Drake and Cayton, Black Metropolis, 576.
29. Richard Wright, 12 Million Black Voices: A Folk History of the Negro in the United States (1941; repr., New York: Arno Press, 1969), 106.
30. William A. Gamson, Talking Politics (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 32.
31. François Ewald, “Insurance and Risk,” in The Foucault Effect: Studies in Governmentality, ed. Graham Burchell, Colin Gordon, and Peter Miller (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), 199.
32. I borrow the term linked fate from Michael Dawson, who uses it to convey the feeling among African Americans that their individual interests are closely connected with the collective fate of the group. Michael C. Dawson, Behind the Mule: Race and Class in African-American Politics (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994).
33. Political Scientist Wendy Brown uses the term economization to describe how the advance of neoliberalism “construes subjects as relentless economic actors” or as “human capital.” Wendy Brown, chap. 1, in Beyond the Demos: Neoliberalism’s Stealth Revolution (New York: Zone Books, 2015).
34. Chicago Defender, June 24, 1922.
35. Chicago Tribune, August 4, 1931.
36. Mayor Thompson had slated DePriest to fill the vacancy opened up by Representative Martin B. Madden’s death just prior to the general elections that year.
37. Harold F. Gosnell, Negro Politicians: The Rise of Negro Politics in Chicago (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1935), 236–40.
38. Douglas S. Massey, “Residential Segregation and Neighborhood Conditions in U.S. Metropolitan Areas,” in America Becoming: Racial Trends and Their Consequences, vol. 1., ed. Neil J. Smelser, William Julius Wilson, and Faith Mitchell (Washington, DC: National Academy Press, 2001), 394. The dissimilarity index measures the relative separation or integration of groups across all neighborhoods of a city or metropolitan area. The dissimilarity index score of 85.2 means that 85.2 percent of white people would need to move to another neighborhood to make whites and blacks evenly distributed across all neighborhoods.
39. Christopher Robert Reed, The Depression Comes to the South Side: Protest and Politics in the Black Metropolis, 1930–1933 (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 2011), 88.
40. James R. Grossman, Land of Hope: Chicago, Black Southerners, and the Great Migration (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989), 233.
41. Chicago Defender, August 8, 1931.
42. Beth Tompkins Bates, Pullman Porters and the Rise of Protest Politics in Black America, 1925–1945 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2001), 72.
43. Grossman, Land of Hope, 230.
44. The Messenger 2 (August 1920), 73–74.
45. Bates, Pullman Porters and the Rise of Protest Politics, 80.
46. The Messenger 2 (October 1919), 5.
47. Cynthia Taylor, A. Philip Randolph: The Religious Journey of an African American Labor Leader (New York: New York University Press, 2006), 116.
48. Pittsburgh Courier, August 16, 1941.
49. Chicago Defender, November 19, 1927.
50. Bates, Pullman Porters and the Rise of Protest Politics, 81.
51. Jeffrey Helgeson, Crucibles of Black Empowerment: Chicago’s Neighborhood Politics from the New Deal to Harold Washington (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2015).
52. Historian Earl Lewis uses the concept of the home sphere to connote a field of political activity that links up the household, the neighborhood, and the wider black community. Earl Lewis, In Their Own Interests: Race, Class, and Power in Twentieth-Century Norfolk, Virginia (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), 66–88.
53. Black, Black’s Blue Book, 24.
54. Chicago Defender, September 29, 1923.
55. Quoted in Reed, Rise of Chicago’s Black Metropolis, 96.
56. Chicago Defender, October 13, 1923.
57. N.D.B. Connolly, A World More Concrete: Real Estate and the Remaking of Jim Crow Florida (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2014), 11.
58. Chicago Defender, November 17, 1923.
59. Chicago Defender, May 23, 1925.
60. Helgeson, Crucibles of Black Empowerment, 2.
61. Chicago Defender, February 22, 1936.
62. Erik S. Gellman, Death Blow to Jim Crow: The National Negro Congress and the Rise of Militant Civil Rights (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2012), 25.
63. Chicago Defender, February 22, 1936.
64. Quoted in Michael W. Harris, The Rise of Gospel Blues: The Music of Thomas Andrew Dorsey in the Urban Church (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), 89.
65. Ralph Ellison, Shadow and Act (1953; repr., New York: Vintage, 1995), 78–79.
66. Houston A. Baker, Jr., Blues, Ideology, and Afro-American Literature: A Vernacular Theory (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984), 188.
67. See Angela Y. Davis, Blues Legacies and Black Feminism: Gertrude “Ma” Rainey, Bessie Smith, and Billie Holiday (New York: Vintage, 1998); Hazel Carby, “‘It Jus Be’s Dat Way Sometime’: The Sexual Politics of Women’s Blues,” in Unequal Sisters: A Multicultural Reader in U.S. Women’s History, ed. Ellen Carol DuBois and Vicki L. Ruiz (New York: Routledge, 1990).
68. Chicago Defender, April 21, 1928.
69. Chicago Defender, August 28, 1926; Chicago Defender, July 24, 1926.
70. Chicago Defender, June 18, 1927.
71. While Armstrong’s rendition may have focused attention on white racism, it is important to note that the song was originally written for the 1929 Broadway musical Hot Chocolates, in which it was sung by a dark-skinned black woman who had lost her lover to a lighter-skinned woman.
1. For an excellent critical perspective on the “good war” ideology and its dynamics of ethnic (but not racial) inclusion, see Gary Gerstle, American Crucible: Race and Nation in the Twentieth Century (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001).
2. Life, August 7, 1942.
3. Chicago’s Report to the People, 1933–1946 (Chicago: City of Chicago, 1947), 40.
4. For a detailed description of the war mobilization as it touched the lives of ordinary Chicagoans, see Perry R. Duis, “No Time for Privacy: World War II and Chicago’s Families,” in The War in American Culture: Society and Consciousness during World War II, ed. Lewis A. Erenberg and Susan E. Hirsch (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996), 46–70.
5. Quoted in William M. Tuttle Jr., Daddy’s Gone to War: The Second World War in the Lives of American Children (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 70.
6. Chicago Tribune, June 13, 1943.
7. On the symbolic politics of juvenile delinquency panics in the 1940s and 1950s, see James Gilbert, A Cycle of Outrage: America’s Reaction to the Juvenile Delinquent in the 1950s (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986).
8. For further discussion of the circumstances of the Zoot Suit Riots and their meaning in wartime America, see Mauricio Mazon, The Zoot-Suit Riots: The Psychology of Symbolic Annihilation (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1984).
9. Chicago Defender, May 22, 1943.
10. Chicago Tribune, June 22, 1943.
11. “Meeting on Inter-Racial Situation,” Friday, June 25, 1943, Welfare Council of Metropolitan Chicago Papers, box 145, folder 2, Chicago History Museum. For a study that demonstrates that such tensions escalated into violence in cities across the country during this time, see Harvard Sitkoff, “Racial Militancy and Interracial Violence in the Second World War,” Journal of American History 58 (December 1971), 661–81.
12. “Meeting on Inter-Racial Situation,” Welfare Council of Metropolitan Chicago Papers.
13. Quoted in Herbert Shapiro, White Violence and Black Response: From Reconstruction to Montgomery (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1988), 311.
14. Chicago Tribune, June 22, 1943.
15. For a detailed account of the 1943 race riot in Detroit, see Domenic J. Capeci Jr. and Martha Wilkerson, Layered Violence: The Detroit Rioters of 1943 (Jackson and London: University Press of Mississippi, 1991).
16. Chicago Defender, July 31, 1943.
17. On the efforts of the CIO to create an interracial “culture of unity,” see Lizabeth Cohen, Making a New Deal: Industrial Workers in Chicago, 1919–1939 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 333–49.
18. On Mayor Kelly, see Roger Biles, Big City Boss in Depression and War: Mayor Edward J. Kelly of Chicago (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1984).
19. Robin D.G. Kelley, Race Rebels: Culture, Politics, and the Black Working Class (New York: Free Press, 1994), 161–81.
20. Kenneth B. Clark and James Barker, “The Zoot Effect in Personality: A Race Riot Participant,” Journal of Abnormal Psychology 40, no. 2 (1945), 143–48.
21. Chicago Defender, October 2, 1943.
22. Chicago Defender, July 7, 1945.
23. Raymond Williams, Marxism and Literature (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 1977).
24. James Baldwin, Notes of a Native Son (Boston: Beacon Press, 1955), 92–94.
25. W.E.B. Du Bois, Black Reconstruction in America, 1860–1880 (1935; repr., New York: Atheneum, 1992), 700.
26. Analysis of Chicago School Strikes, American Council on Race Relations, Welfare Council of Metropolitan Chicago Papers, box 145, folder 3, Chicago History Museum. A number of scholars have examined the role of interracial rape rumors in triggering white mob violence against racial others between 1917 and 1943: see, for example, Marilynn S. Johnson, “Gender, Race, and Rumours: Re-examining the 1943 Race Riots,” Gender and History 10 (August 1998), 252–77.
27. L. Stanton, “Eagles, January 20, 1942,” Chicago Common Papers, box 7, folder: Clubs and Groups, 1940–42, Chicago History Museum.
28. A fascinating account of the racial politics of municipal swimming pools can be found in Jeff Wiltse, Contested Waters: A Social History of Swimming Pools in America (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2007).
29. Chicago Defender, May 20, 1944.
30. For a comprehensive account of the Chicago Housing Authority and its difficulties in pursuing a policy of racial integration, see Arnold R. Hirsch, Making the Second Ghetto: Race and Housing in Chicago, 1940–1960 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998).
31. Quoted in Roger Biles, “Edward J. Kelly: New Deal Machine Builder,” in The Mayors: The Chicago Political Tradition, ed. Paul M. Green and Melvin G. Holli (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 2005), 124.
32. For more background on the mayor of Bronzeville tradition, see Peter M. Rutkoff and William B. Scott, “Pinkster in Chicago: Bud Billiken and the Mayor of Bronzeville, 1930–1945,” Journal of African American History 89 (Autumn 2004), 316–30.
33. For an article that examines how southern foodways offended black middle-class sensibilities, see Tracey N. Poe, “The Origins of Soul Food in Black Urban Identity: Chicago, 1915–1947,” American Studies International (February 1999), 4–33.
34. Adam Green, Selling the Race: Culture, Community, and Black Chicago, 1940–1955 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007).
35. Ibid., 77.
36. For a full account of these controversies, see Nadine Cohadas, Spinning Blues into Gold: The Chess Brothers and the Legendary Chess Records (New York: St. Martin’s / Griffin, 2001).
37. The documentary Martin Scorsese Presents the Blues: A Musical Journey was produced by filmmaker Martin Scorsese and aired on PBS as a seven-part series between September 28 and October 4, 2003. The segment dealing with Chess, “Godfathers & Sons,” was directed by Marc Levin.
38. For an account of the sense of racial militancy pervading the zoot suit milieu during the war and a provocative analysis of the link between this militancy and the rise of bebop, see Eric Lott, “Double V, Double-Time: Bebop’s Politics of Style,” Callaloo 11, no. 3 (1988), 587–605.
39. Once again, I am indebted to Adam Green for this idea, which is developed at length in Green, Selling the Race, chap. 2.
40. The seminal book on the “urban crisis” is Thomas J. Sugrue, The Origins of the Urban Crisis: Race and Inequality in Postwar Detroit (1998; repr., Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2005).
41. An instructive analysis of these arguments can be found in Eduard Bonilla-Silva, Racism without Racists: Colorblind Racism and the Persistence of Racial Inequality in the United States (New York: Rowman & Littlefield, 2006).
42. For two examples, see Thomas Byrne Edsall and Mary D. Edsall, Chain Reaction: The Impact of Race, Rights, and Taxes on American Politics (New York: Norton, 1991); and Jim Sleeper, The Closest of Strangers: Liberalism and the Politics of Race in New York City (New York: Norton, 1990).
43. The first major study to push the debate on the “urban crisis” back to the 1940s and 1950s was Hirsch, Making the Second Ghetto.
44. Chicago Commission on Human Relations, Documentary Memorandum: “Interracial Disturbances at 7407–7409 South Parkway and 5643 South Peoria Street,” ACLU Papers, box 7, folder 5, Special Collections–University of Chicago.
45. “Human Relations in Chicago: Report for the Year 1946 of the Mayor’s Commission on Human Relations,” Chicago Urban League Papers, folder 229, Special Collections, University of Illinois–Chicago Circle.
46. Chicago Commission on Human Relations, Documentary Memorandum: “Interracial Disturbances.”
47. For a recent study that argues for the key role played by youths in racist violence in Chicago during these years, see Andrew J. Diamond, Mean Streets: Chicago Youths and the Everyday Struggle for Empowerment in the Multiracial City, 1908–1969 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2009).
48. Mayor’s Commission on Human Relations, memorandum on Fernwood Park Homes, Chicago Urban League Papers, folder 709, Special Collections, University of Illinois–Chicago Circle; Chicago Defender, August 30, 1947.
49. Council Against Racial and Religious Discrimination, Documented Memorandum XI: “1947 School Race Strike at Wells High School in Chicago,” Chicago Commons Papers, box 31, folder 1, Chicago History Museum.
50. Chicago Defender, July 30, 1949; Chicago Defender, September 17, 1949.
51. For a full account of Mayor Martin Kennelly’s years in office, see Arnold R. Hirsch, “Martin H. Kennelly: The Mugwump and the Machine,” in The Mayors, ed. Green and Holli, 126–43.
52. Loïc Wacquant uses the term hyperghetto to distinguish the more recent black ghettos stricken by the disintegration of their middle-class strata, the disappearance of their economic bases, and the withdrawal of the welfare state from the “communal ghettos” of the first half of the twentieth century, which grouped together blacks of all classes around a range of vibrant institutions. Loïc Wacquant, Urban Outcasts: A Comparative Sociology of Advanced Marginality (Cambridge, UK: Polity Press, 2008), 2–4.
53. On the dynamics of white resistance and flight on Chicago’s West Side in the postwar decades, see Amanda I. Seligman, Block by Block: Neighborhoods and Public Policy on Chicago’s West Side (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005).
1. Arnold R. Hirsch, Making the Second Ghetto: Race and Housing in Chicago, 1940–1960 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998).
2. Chicago Tribune, July 17, 1951. For a recent analysis of the events in Cicero that highlights the involvement of teenagers in the affair, see Andrew J. Diamond, Mean Streets: Chicago Youths and the Everyday Struggle for Empowerment in the Multiracial City, 1908–1969 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2009), 166.
3. The addresses of those arrested were published in Chicago Tribune, July 14, 1951.
4. Mayor’s Commission on Human Relations, “Progress Report, Month of July, 1946,” Chicago Area Project Papers, box 32, folder 1, Chicago History Museum.
5. Mike Royko, Boss: Richard J. Daley of Chicago (New York: Dutton, 1971), 56–57.
6. James Q. Wilson, Negro Politics: The Search for Leadership (New York: New Press, 1960).
7. Adam Cohen and Elizabeth Taylor, American Pharaoh: Mayor Richard J. Daley: His Battle for Chicago and the Nation (Boston: Little, Brown, 2000), 95.
8. The definitive study of the role of the black submachine in mayoral elections in Chicago is William J. Grimshaw, Bitter Fruit: Black Politics and the Chicago Machine, 1931–1991 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992).
9. Thomas J. Sugrue, The Origins of the Urban Crisis: Race and Inequality in Postwar Detroit (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2005); and Matthew D. Lassiter, The Silent Majority: Suburban Politics in the Sunbelt South (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007).
10. Confidential Report, Case # E-77, Operative L.G., April 23, 1954, ACLU Papers, box 11, folder 9, Special Collections–University of Chicago.
11. Chicago Defender, April 2, 1955.
12. Cohen and Taylor, American Pharaoh, 134–36.
13. Royko, Boss, 88–89.
14. Ibid., 89.
15. Cohen and Taylor, American Pharaoh, 141.
16. Adam Green, Selling the Race: Culture, Community, and Black Chicago, 1940–1955 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007), 179–212.
17. Richard M. Daley, interview by Paul M. Green, Illinois Issues 22 (August–September 1991), 22.
18. Cohen and Taylor, American Pharaoh, chap. 5.
19. Milton Rakove, Don’t Make No Waves . . . Don’t Back No Losers: An Insider’s Analysis of the Daley Machine (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1976), 5.
20. Cohen and Taylor, American Pharaoh, 164.
21. Jon C. Teaford, The Rough Road to Renaissance: Urban Revitalization in America, 1940–1985 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990), 19.
22. Nelson Algren, Chicago: City on the Make: 50th Anniversary Edition, introduction by Studs Terkel, annotated by Bill Savage and David Schmittgens (1950; Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2001), 23.
23. Royko, Boss, 93.
24. Hirsch, Making the Second Ghetto, 131.
25. Quoted in Hirsch, Making the Second Ghetto, 112.
26. Joel Rast, “Regime Building, Institution Building: Urban Renewal Policy in Chicago, 1946–1952,” Journal of Urban Affairs 31, no. 2 (May 2009), 177–78.
27. Joel Rast, “Creating a Unified Business Elite: The Origins of the Chicago Area Committee,” Journal of Urban History 37, no. 4, 593–96.
28. Quoted in Rast, “Creating a Unified Business Elite,” 596.
29. Ibid.
30. Rast, “Regime Building, Institution Building,” 180.
31. David Harvey, A Brief History of Neoliberalism (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2005), 47.
32. For a history of how the definition of blight shifted from a condition of substandard housing to a condition of “suboptimal” local economic development in the postwar decades, see Colin Gordon, “Blighting the Way: Urban Renewal, Economic Development, and the Elusive Definition of Blight,” Fordham Urban Law Journal 31, no. 2 (January 2004), 305–37.
33. Wendy Brown, Edgework: Critical Essay on Knowledge and Politics (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2005), 44.
34. Quoted in Hirsch, Making the Second Ghetto, 122.
35. Hirsch, Making the Second Ghetto, 257; and Amanda I. Seligman, Block by Block: Neighborhoods and Public Policy on Chicago’s West Side (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005), 8.
36. Cohen and Taylor, American Pharaoh, 189.
37. William Julius Wilson, When Work Disappears: The World of the New Urban Poor (New York: Vintage, 1997), 35.
38. Gwendolyn Brooks, “We Real Cool,” in The Bean Eaters (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1960).
39. Chicago Tribune, March 21, 1961.
40. For similar stories in other cities, see, for example, Herbert Gans, The Urban Villagers (New York: Free Press, 1962); Manuel Castells, The City and the Grassroots: A Cross-Cultural Theory of Urban Social Movements (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983).
41. Julian Levi, commencement address at the John Marshall Law School, Chicago, Illinois, February 18, 1961, President Beadle Administration Records, box 353, folder 5, Special Collections–University of Chicago.
42. Quoted in Robert A. Slayton, Back of the Yards: The Making of a Local Democracy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986), 203.
43. Quoted in Sanford D. Horwitt, Let Them Call Me Rebel: Saul Alinsky—His Life and Legacy (New York: Vintage, 1992), 102, 105, which provides a meticulous account of the founding of the BYNC, 102–19.
44. Jacques Maritain, “Of America and of the Future,” Commonweal 41 (April 13, 1945), 642–45.
45. For an excellent account of the role played by parishes in the story of race relations and of the struggle of progressive Catholic leaders to promote interracialism in Chicago and throughout the country, see John T. McGreevy, Parish Boundaries: The Catholic Encounter with Race in the Twentieth Century Urban North (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996).
46. OSC Recommendations to Superintendent Wilson, Industrial Areas Foundation Records, folder 334, Special Collections–University of Illinois–Chicago Circle.
47. Quoted in Horwitt, Let Them Call Me Rebel, 315.
48. Ibid., 398, 402.
49. Alain Touraine, The Voice and the Eye: An Analysis of Social Movements (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1981).
1. Francis J. Carney, Activity Report, September 30, 1963, Chicago Youth Development Project, Hans Mattick Papers, box 3, folder 7, Chicago History Museum.
2. Chicago Tribune, July 3–4, 1955.
3. Chicago Daily News, January 25–26, 1956.
4. Chicago Daily News, January 27, 1956.
5. Chicago Defender, April 27, 1957.
6. The scholarship on the dynamics of social movements is vast. Two key works of reference are Mario Diani and Doug McAdam, eds., Social Movements and Networks: Relational Approaches to Collective Action (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2003); and Donatella della Porta and Mario Diani, Social Movements: An Introduction (Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2006).
7. Among some of the recent fine works that have complicated the conventional civil rights story are Peniel E. Joseph, Waiting ’Til the Midnight Hour: A Narrative History of Black Power in America (New York: Holt, 2007); Matthew Countryman, Up South: Civil Rights and Black Power in Philadelphia (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2007); Thomas J. Sugrue, Sweet Land of Liberty: The Forgotten Struggle for Civil Rights in the North (New York: Random House, 2009); and Donna Jean Murch, Living for the City: Migration, Education, and the Rise of the Black Panther Party in Oakland, California (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 2010).
8. Frank Carney, Associate Director of Extension Work, Supervisory Report, Crane High School Riot Incident, June 15, 1962, Hans Mattick Papers, box 3, folder 5, Chicago History Museum.
9. Eric Schneider, Vampires, Dragons and Egyptian Kings: Youth Gangs in Postwar New York (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1999).
10. For a discussion that challenges “race-neutral” analyses of gangs, see John M. Hagedorn, “Race Not Space: A Revisionist History of Gangs in Chicago,” Journal of African American History 91, no. 2 (2006): 194–208.
11. For two introductions to Henri Lefebvre’s thinking on the production of space, see Rob Shields, Lefebvre, Love, and Struggle: Spatial Dialectics (London and New York: Routledge, 1998), 141–85; and Edward W. Soja, Postmodern Geographies: The Reassertion of Space in Critical Social Theory (London: Verso, 1989), 76–93.
12. Manuel Castells, The City and the Grassroots: A Cross-Cultural Theory of Urban Social Movements (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1983), 331.
13. John F. McDonald, Employment Location and Industrial Land Use in Metropolitan Chicago (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1984), 71–73.
14. Frank Carney, Report on Activities, Feb. 1, 1961 to Feb. 17, 1961, Hans Mattick Papers, box 3, folder 4, Chicago History Museum.
15. Louise Año Nuevo Kerr, “The Chicano Experience in Chicago, 1920–1970,” (PhD dissertation, University of Illinois–Chicago, 1976), 166.
16. The Jones Act of 1917 granted all Puerto Ricans the right to U.S. citizenship. Many Puerto Ricans arriving in Chicago before the late 1940s had initially settled in New York City, but in the late 1940s a private Chicago-based employment agency, Castle, Barton and Associates, recruited Puerto Rican men to work as unskilled steelworkers and Puerto Rican women to serve as domestic workers in the metropolitan Chicago area. In addition to these North and West Side areas of settlement, a notable community also took shape in the South Side Woodlawn area. For a thorough account of the migration and settlement of Puerto Ricans (and Mexicans) in postwar Chicago, and of their negotiation of Chicago’s racial context, see Lilia Fernández, Brown in the Windy City: Mexicans and Puerto Ricans in Postwar Chicago (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2012).
17. Felix Padilla, Puerto Rican Chicago (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1987), 59.
18. For a detailed account of the racial aggression Puerto Ricans faced in Chicago in the 1950s and 1960s, see Andrew J. Diamond, Mean Streets: Chicago Youths and the Everyday Struggle for Empowerment in the Multiracial City, 1908–1969 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2009), chap. 5.
19. Robert Orsi, “The Religious Boundaries of an Inbetween People: Street Feste and the Problem of the Dark-Skinned ‘Other’ in Italian Harlem, 1920–1990,” American Quarterly 44 (September 1992), 314.
20. “Puerto Ricans in Chicago: A Study of a Representative Group of 103 Households of Puerto Rican Migrants on Chicago’s Northwest Side—and their Adjustment to Big-City Living,” June 1960, Chicago History Museum.
21. Spanish names appear prominently, for example, on the list of youths arrested at the Calumet Park race riot of 1957.
22. Chicago Daily Defender, May 26, 1960.
23. Stuart Hall, “New Ethnicities,” in Stuart Hall: Critical Dialogues in Cultural Studies, ed. David Morley and Kuan-Hsing Chen (London and New York: Routledge, 1996), 441–49.
24. Chicago Daily News, July 29, 1963.
25. Adam Cohen and Elizabeth Taylor, American Pharaoh: Mayor Richard J. Daley: His Battle for Chicago and the Nation (Boston: Little, Brown, 2000), 302, 304.
26. Chicago Defender, October 12, 1963.
27. Alan B. Anderson and George W. Pickering, Confronting the Color Line: The Broken Promise of the Civil Rights Movement in Chicago (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2008), 80.
28. John L. Rury, “Race, Space, and the Politics of Chicago’s Public Schools: Benjamin Willis and the Tragedy of Urban Education,” History of Education Quarterly 39 (Summer 1999), 130.
29. Vermont senator and 2016 presidential candidate Bernie Sanders, at the time a 21-year-old University Chicago student and CORE activist, was another of those arrested by police that day.
30. Chicago Sun-Times, August 29, 1963.
31. Robert O. Self, American Babylon: Race and the Struggle for Postwar Oakland (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2003), 217.
32. Chicago Daily News, October 21, 1963.
33. A.B. Spellman, “Interview with Malcolm X,” Monthly Review 16, no. 1 (1964), 1–11.
34. Cited in Robin D.G. Kelley, Freedom Dreams: The Black Radical Imagination (Boston: Beacon Press, 2002), 85.
35. Chicago Tribune, July 19, 1965; Chicago Sun-Times, July 19, 1965; Chicago Defender, July 23, 1965.
36. David Dawley, A Nation of Lords: The Autobiography of the Vice Lords (1973; Prospect Heights, IL: Waveland Press, 1992), 103, 107.
37. Noble de Salvi, “Angry Demand for Police Crackdown,” Daily Calumet, September 28, 1966.
38. Gwendolyn Brooks, “The Blackstone Rangers,” in Blacks (Chicago: Third World Press, 1987).
39. “A Statement Regarding the Relationship of the First Presbyterian Church and the Blackstone Rangers,” Virgil Peterson Collection, box 42, folder 15, Chicago History Museum.
40. See the many photos of Lawndale street scenes in Dawley, A Nation of Lords, 55–96.
41. Quoted in Cohen and Taylor, American Pharaoh, 337–338.
42. David Garrow, Bearing the Cross: Martin Luther King, Jr., and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (New York: Harper, 2004), 455.
43. One can find no better description of the relationship between the black submachine and the Daley machine in this era than William L. Grimshaw, Bitter Fruit: Black Politics and the Chicago Machine, 1931–1991 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992).
44. Investigator’s Report, Meeting at Stone Temple Baptist Church, June 6, 1966, Chicago Police Red Squad Files, box 139, file 940-B, Chicago History Museum.
45. Chicago Sun-Times, July 12, 1966.
46. Investigator’s Report, Intelligence Division, CPD, July 11, 1966, Chicago Police Red Squad Files, box 137, file 940-B, Chicago History Museum.
47. James R. Ralph, Jr., Northern Protest: Martin Luther King, Jr., Chicago, and the Civil Rights Movement (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993), 94.
48. Investigator’s Report, Intelligence Division, SCLC Leadership Conference at Holy Cross School at 65th and Maryland, May 10, 1966, Chicago Police Red Squad Files, box 137, file 940-A, Chicago History Museum.
49. Dawley, A Nation of Lords, 110.
50. Anderson and Pickering, Confronting the Color Line, 210–16; Ralph, Northern Protest, 109–13; Cohen and Taylor, American Pharaoh, 387–92.
51. Taylor Branch, At Canaan’s Edge: America in the King Years, 1965–1968 (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2006), 508.
52. Information Report, Departure and Return of Demonstrators in the Gage Park Vigil, August 5, 1966, Chicago Police Red Squad Files, box 139, file 940-D, Chicago History Museum.
53. Jon Rice, “The World of the Illinois Panthers,” in Freedom North: Black Freedom Struggles Outside the South, ed. Jeanne Theoharis and Komozi Woodard (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), 48.
54. New York Times, August 6, 1966.
55. Quoted in Ralph, Northern Protest, 137.
56. In her analysis of the CFM’s emphasis on the “open occupancy” issue, historian Beryl Satter comes to a similar conclusion: see Beryl Satter, Family Properties: How the Struggle over Race and Real Estate Transformed Chicago and Urban America (New York: Picador, 2009), 190–92.
57. East Garfield Park Organization Newsletter, July 25, 1966 (in author’s possession).
58. This bit of information was revealed to me by an activist who witnessed the event but who wished to remain anonymous.
59. Investigator’s Report, Washington Park Forum, August 1, 1966, Chicago Police Red Squad Files, box 156, file 973-A, Chicago History Museum.
60. John R. Fry, Locked-Out Americans: A Memoir (New York: Harper & Row, 1973), 19.
61. For an in-depth and balanced account of TWO’s work with the Blackstone Rangers on this youth program, see John Hall Fish, Black Power/White Control: The Struggle of the Woodlawn Organization in Chicago (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1973), 115–74.
62. Letter from Alfonso Alford to the Honorable Richard J. Daley, April 9, 1968, facsimile published in Dawley, A Nation of Lords, 122.
63. See, for example, Dawley, A Nation of Lords, 158–176; Fish, Black Power/White Control, 115–74; and Fry, Locked-Out Americans, chap. 4.
64. Arthur M. Brazier, Black Self-Determination: The Story of The Woodlawn Organization (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdman, 1969), 125.
65. Fish, Black Power/White Control, 148–74.
66. James McPherson, “Almighty Black P Stone and What Does that Mean?” Atlantic Monthly 223 (May and June, 1969).
67. Chicago Tribune, June 21, 1969.
68. “Street Gangs: A Secret History,” Time Machine, written and produced by Greg DeHart, hosted by Roger Mudd, produced by Termite Art Productions for the History Channel, 2000.
69. Self, American Babylon, 218.
70. A photo of Chew sitting atop his Rolls Royce appeared in the December 8, 1966, edition of Jet magazine.
71. For a detailed account of the negotiations between King and Daley, see Satter, Family Properties, 203–8. As Satter demonstrates in this pathbreaking study, gains by black Chicagoans in the racially discriminatory housing market would come not from the impetus of City Hall or the Chicago Real Estate Board but rather from a grassroots mobilization of black homeowners who had been forced into exploitive financial arrangements with panic-peddling “contract lenders” because discriminatory redlining practices by the government and the banking industry had shut them out of the conventional home mortgage market.
1. Norman Mailer, Miami and the Siege of Chicago (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1968), 77, 82.
2. Studs Terkel, Division Street America (New York: New Press, 2006), xxx.
3. Several scholars and journalists have reconstructed the events surrounding the Democratic National Convention of 1968. The two finest accounts, to my mind, are Mailer, Miami and the Siege of Chicago; and David Farber, Chicago ’68 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987). For a compelling cinematic interpretation, see the film Medium Cool (1969).
4. Farber, Chicago ’68, 200.
5. Mike Royko, Boss: Richard J. Daley of Chicago (New York: Dutton, 1971), 89.
6. The term southern strategy was popularized by Nixon campaign strategist Kevin Phillips, who in 1969 urged the Republican Party to abandon its liberal establishment constituency in the Northeast and pursue a race-driven strategy that would realign the South with the Republican Party and win increasing numbers of white middle-class voters in the North. A generation of political historians took this idea of a southern strategy at face value, thus viewing Barry Goldwater and George Wallace as the progenitors of a racialized conservatism that saw Republicans using racially coded appeals to mobilize working-class and middle-class white voters. More recently, historians have begun to challenge this interpretation. For an excellent study that views Republican strategy not as a racially driven southern strategy but rather as a colorblind “suburban strategy” oriented around notions of middle-class entitlement, meritocracy, and consumer rights, see Matthew D. Lassiter, The Silent Majority: Suburban Politics in the Sunbelt South (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2005). Few historians have viewed Richard J. Daley as a critical figure in the rise of reactionary populism in the 1960s.
7. For a detailed analysis of the response to Daley’s handling of both the 1968 riot and the protests at the Democratic National Convention, see Farber, Chicago ’68, 246–58; and David Farber, “The Silent Majority and Talk about Revolution,” in The Sixties: From Memory to History (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1994), 291–316.
8. “The Troubled America: A Special Report on the White Majority,” Newsweek, October 6, 1969, 31.
9. Frank J. Donner, Protectors of Privilege: Red Squads and Police Repression in Urban America (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1992).
10. Ibid., 52.
11. Similar “red squads” operated in New York, Philadelphia, Los Angeles, Detroit, Baltimore, and Washington, DC, but none as sophisticated and aggressive as that in Chicago.
12. Quoted in Jeffrey Haas, The Assassination of Fred Hampton: How the FBI and the Chicago Police Murdered a Black Panther (Chicago: Lawrence Hill Books, 2009) 102.
13. See, for example, Todd Gitlin, The Sixties: Years of Hope, Days of Rage (New York: Bantam, 1993); Allen J. Matusow, The Unraveling of America: A History of Liberalism in the 1960s (New York: Perennial, 1985); and Winifred Breines, “Whose New Left?” Journal of American History 75 (September 1988): 528–45.
14. Chicago Reader, January 25, 1990.
15. Hannah Arendt, On Violence (New York: Mariner Books, 1970).
16. For a brilliant account of such tactics in the city of Los Angeles, see Mike Davis, City of Quartz: Excavating the Future in Los Angeles (New York: Verso, 2006).
17. Paul Gilroy, “There Ain’t No Black in the Union Jack”: The Cultural Politics of Race and Nation (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), 247.
18. In the original mural, the hands reached up towards the logo of the Latin American Defense Organization (LADO), a community organization that worked on housing, education, and health issues in the late 1960s and early 1970s. The sun was painted over the LADO logo during a restoration project led by original painter Weber in 2013.
19. Paul Ricoeur, Hermeneutics and the Human Sciences: Essays on Language, Action, and Interpretation, trans. John B. Thompson (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 158.
20. Chicago Tribune, October 18, 1968.
21. John F. McDonald, Employment Location and Industrial Land Use in Metropolitan Chicago (Champaign, IL: Stipes, 1984), 10–11.
22. R.C. Longworth, “How Much Time Do We Have? . . . No Time,” Chicago Tribune, May 10, 1981.
23. Gregory D. Squires, Larry Bennett, Kathleen McCourt, and Phillip Nyden, Chicago: Race, Class, and the Response to Urban Decline (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1987), 39–40.
24. McDonald, Employment Location and Industrial Land Use, 12.
25. The Standard Oil building was renamed the Amoco Building in 1985, when the company changed names, and then the Aon Center in 1999, when the Aon Corporation became the building’s primary tenant. The Sears Tower was renamed the Willis Tower in 2009, when London-based insurance broker Willis Group Holdings, Ltd., leased a portion of the building and obtained the building’s naming rights.
26. Los Angeles would never produce a signature structure of this kind, although seven out of its fifteen tallest buildings were completed in the 1970s. On these two historical moments of skyscraper construction, see Carol Willis, Form Follows Finance: Skyscrapers and Skylines in New York and Chicago (Princeton, NJ: Princeton Architectural Press, 1995).
27. For a detailed account of this passage from Fordism to a regime of “flexible accumulation,” see David Harvey, The Condition of Postmodernity: An Enquiry into the Origins of Cultural Change (London: Basil Blackwell, 1990), 141–72.
28. Saskia Sassen, The Global City: New York, London, Tokyo (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1991), 3.
29. Ibid., 150. These figures are for the year 1977.
30. Harvey, Condition of Postmodernity, 141–42.
31. Department of City Planning, City of Chicago, “Development Plan for the Central Area of Chicago: A Definitive Text for Use with Graphic Presentation” (Chicago: City of Chicago, 1958), 26.
32. Quoted in Joel Rast, Remaking Chicago: The Political Origins of Urban Industrial Change (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2002), 31.
33. “Things to Do and See at Marina City,” Marina City Management, 1964, archived at http://www.marinacity.org/history.htm.
34. See Adam Cohen and Elizabeth Taylor, American Pharaoh: Mayor Richard J. Daley: His Battle for Chicago and the Nation (Boston: Little, Brown, 2000), 294.
35. Frank Maier, “Chicago’s Daley: How to Run a City,” Newsweek, April 5, 1971.
36. Silicon Valley outside of San Francisco and the Route 128 High Technology Corridor outside of Boston are two prime examples.
37. David Bernstein, “Daley v. Daley,” Chicago Magazine, September 2008.
38. In 1972, the old First National Bank Building next to it was razed to make space for the construction of a sunken plaza, which two years later became the site for the city’s next major public art acquisition: Marc Chagall’s enormous Four Seasons mosaic.
39. Chicago Central Area Committee, “Chicago 21: A Plan for the Central Area Communities,” September 1973.
40. Cohen and Taylor, American Pharaoh, 531.
41. Chicago Defender, April 20, 1978.
42. Ibid.
43. Lawrence Bobo, James Kleugel, and Ryan A. Smith, “Laissez-Faire Racism: The Crystallization of a Kinder, Gentler Antiblack Ideology,” in Racial Attitudes in the 1990s, ed. Steven A. Tuch and Jack K. Martin (Westport, CT: Praeger, 1997), 17.
44. For a broader discussion of the depoliticizing effects of neoliberalism, see Wendy Brown, “American Nightmare: Neoliberalism, Neoconservatism, and De-Democratization,” Political Theory 34 (2006), 690–715.
45. The order prohibited federal contractors and federally assisted construction contractors and subcontractors who do over $10,000 in government business in one year from discriminating in employment decisions on the basis of race, color, religion, sex, or national origin. Contractors with fifty or more employees and contracts of $50,000 or more were also required to “take affirmative action” to increase the participation of minorities and women in the workplace if a workforce analysis demonstrated their underrepresentation.
46. Chicago Defender, July 22, 23, 1969. These gangs finally managed to bring about the long-awaited citywide gang alliance, referred to as LSD—for Lords, Stones, and Disciples. The alliance was active in CUCA’s campaign against the Chicago Building Trades unions, but broke up shortly after.
47. Bernstein, “Daley v. Daley.”
48. The Chicago Mercantile Exchange had evolved from the Chicago Butter and Egg Board, which some disgruntled traders at the Chicago Board of Trade formed in 1874.
49. For the full story of the Chicago Mercantile Exchange’s dramatic success in the early 1970s, see Bob Tamarkin, The Merc: The Emergence of a Global Financial Powerhouse (New York: Harpercollins, 1993).
50. Leo Melamed, “Chicago’s Future in Futures” (speech, 23rd Annual Fall Management Conference, Northwestern University, Evanston, IL, November 7, 1973), archived at http://www.leomelamed.com.
51. Douglas Franz, “A One-Issue Mayoral Race,” Chicago Tribune, March 27, 1983.
52. Chicago Sun-Times, February 21, 1983; and Chicago Tribune, February 21, 1983.
53. For a detailed discussion of the grassroots racism that emerged during the 1983 Democratic primary, see Paul Kleppner, Chicago Divided: The Making of a Black Mayor (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press), 176–85.
54. It is important to point out that while conservatives made the most use of rationalizations that minimized racism and blamed cultural pathologies—most notably, dysfunctional family and child-rearing arrangements—for ghetto poverty, the key intellectual foundations for such ideas came from “liberals” like Daniel Patrick Moynihan and William Julius Wilson. See Nathan Glazer and Daniel Patrick Moynihan, Beyond the Melting Pot: The Negroes, Puerto Ricans, Jews, Italians, and Irish of New York City (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1970); and William Julius Wilson, The Declining Significance of Race: Blacks and Changing American Institutions (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980).
55. Washington was not the first black mayoral candidate to take an antimachine candidacy on to the political stage; another black state senator, Richard Newhouse, had run against Daley in 1975, but because he was widely viewed as having no chance against the machine, he managed to garner only 6 percent of the black vote (and 3 percent of the citywide vote).
56. Quoted in William J. Grimshaw, Bitter Fruit: Black Politics and the Chicago Machine, 1931–1991 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992), 168.
57. Ibid, 71–78.
58. Chicago Defender, February 23, 1983.
59. Chicago Tribune, March 1, 1983.
60. Chicago Tribune, March 3, 4, 6, 8, 1983.
61. Chicago Defender, November 11, 1982.
62. Milton Rakove, Don’t Make No Waves . . . Don’t Back No Losers: An Insider’s Analysis of the Daley Machine (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1976), 8.
63. Chicago Tribune, March 3, 1983.
64. Slavoj Zizek, “Eastern Europe’s Republics of Gilead,” in Dimensions of Radical Democracy: Pluralism, Citizenship, Community, ed. Chantal Mouffe (London: Verso, 1996)
65. These flyers are reproduced in Kleppner, Chicago Divided, 212–13. Soul Train was a television show that was popular among African Americans in the 1970s and 1980s and featured black soul musicians and dancers.
66. These figures are derived from a number of exit polls compiled in Kleppner, Chicago Divided, 217–18.
67. See footage of the incident at MediaBurnArchive, “Jane Byrne’s Easter at Cabrini Green, 1981,” uploaded November 4, 2009, https://youtu.be/9kCmb6tv1J4.
68. Chicago Tribune, August 28, 1983.
69. Chicago Tribune, October 5, 1983.
70. Gary Rivlin, Fire on the Prairie: Chicago’s Harold Washington and the Politics of Race (New York: Henry Holt, 1992), 305.
71. The name first appeared in the Wall Street Journal.
72. Barack Obama, Dreams from My Father: A Story of Race and Inheritance (New York: Three Rivers Press, 2004), 197.
73. Nicholas De Genova and Ana Y. Ramos-Zayas, Latino Crossings: Mexicans, Puerto Ricans, and the Politics of Race and Citizenship (New York: Routledge, 2003), 47–50.
74. Ibid., 50–56.
75. Chicago Tribune, May 9, 1983.
76. On Washington’s attempts to reach out to lakefront gays and lesbians by supporting gay rights, see Timothy Stewart-Winter, Queer Clout: Chicago and the Rise of Gay Politics (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2016), 158–67. As Stewart-Winter argues, such efforts were even more notable in that rumors surrounding Washington’s own sexuality swirled continuously around the mayor during his time in office.
77. Gutiérrez has been the U.S. congressman representing the ethnically diverse Fourth District of Illinois since 1993.
78. David Axelrod, who would become Barack Obama’s campaign strategist and then senior advisor, had served as a key media consultant to Washington during the campaign.
79. Obama, Dreams from My Father, 287.
80. For an excellent discussion of Obama’s years in Chicago, see Thomas J. Sugrue, Not Even Past: Barack Obama and the Burden of Race (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2010), 58–70.
81. See Adolph Reed, Jr., Stirrings in the Jug: Black Politics in the Post-Segregation Era (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1991).
82. Obama, Dreams from My Father, 288.
1. Eugene Sawyer’s appointment as mayor by the city council in 1987 had been only for a term of two years. In 1989, Daley had prevailed easily in a special mayoral election against Sawyer in the primary and then against independent candidate Timothy Evans and Republican candidate Eddie Vrdolyak in the general election.
2. Chicago Sun-Times, July 18, 1995.
3. Chicago Tribune, July 18, 1995.
4. This was the number that a team of epidemiologists came up with; the city’s figure for heat-related deaths was 521.
5. Eric Klinenberg, Heat Wave: A Social Autopsy of Disaster in Chicago (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002), 91.
6. Ibid., 99.
7. Ibid., 139.
8. Neil Smith, The New Urban Frontier: Gentrification and the Revanchist City (New York: Routledge, 1996), 45, 211. See also Mary Pattillo, Black on the Block: The Politics of Race and Class in the City (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007), which applies this thinking to the process of gentrification in Chicago.
9. Klinenberg, Heat Wave, 149–53. Klinenberg conducted numerous interviews with Chicago police officers who voiced such complaints.
10. My thinking here borrows from Wendy Brown’s work on tolerance. Wendy Brown, Regulating Aversion: Tolerance in the Age of Identity and Empire (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2008).
11. See Neil Brenner and Nik Theodore, eds., Spaces of Neoliberalism (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2002); and Jason Hackworth, The Neoliberal City: Governance, Ideology, and Development in American Urbanism (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2006).
12. Evan Osnos, “The Daley Show,” New Yorker, March 8, 2010, 41.
13. Ibid., 50.
14. Smaller cities like Detroit, Baltimore, and Washington, DC, had higher homicide rates, but Chicago’s total was higher than all cities with more than one million inhabitants, including, most notably, New York and Los Angeles, both of which have larger populations than Chicago. This does not contradict the fact that violent crime rates in Chicago were down from the early 1990s; they were decreasing all over urban America, but the drop was less dramatic in Chicago.
15. Chicago Tribune, February 7, 1999.
16. Brookings Institution Center on Urban and Metropolitan Policy, Chicago in Focus: A Profile from Census 2000 (November 1, 2003), https://www.brookings.edu/research/chicago-in-focus-a-profile-from-census-2000/.
17. United States Bureau of the Census, “5% Public Use Microdata Sample (PUMS),” Census 2000, https://www.census.gov/census2000/PUMS5.html.
18. Chicago Sun-Times, April 7, 2002; for a detailed ethnographic study of the involvement of Chicago street gangs in the underground economy of the 1990s, see Sudhir Alladi Venkatesh and Steven D. Levitt, “‘Are We a Family or a Business?’: History and Disjuncture in the American Urban Street Gang,” Theory and Society 29, no. 4 (August 2000), 427–62.
19. James W. Wagner and Kate Curran Kirby, Chicago Crime Commission Gang Book: A Detailed Overview of Street Gangs in the Metropolitan Chicago Area (Chicago: Chicago Crime Commission, 2006).
20. Chicago Police Department, Research and Development Division, “Gang-Motivated Murders: 1991–2004,” Chicago Crime Trends (August 2005).
21. Chicago Tribune, September 26, 2009.
22. Chicago, fittingly, became the first school system in the nation to appoint a “CEO” in 1995.
23. America’s Promise Alliance, Cities in Crisis 2009: Closing the Graduation Gap. While according to this study, the national average in 2005 was 70.6 percent, the rate for the country’s largest urban centers generally ranged between 40 and 60 percent. Chicago’s 51 percent rate was roughly equal to that of New York but well below Philadelphia’s 62.1 percent, which had gained over 23 points between 1995 and 2005.
24. Mayor’s Press Office, “Chicago Public Schools Enrollment Increases Fifth Straight Year, Mayor Daley and School Officials Say,” August 10, 2010, archived in Mayor’s Press Releases at https://www.cityofchicago.org/
25. Chicago Defender, March 25–31, 2009.
26. Charter schools are publicly funded but operate independently, free from some of the rules that constrain regular schools. According to rules for charter schools in Illinois, for example, only 50 percent of the teaching staff need be certified by the state.
27. All this data is accessible on the Chicago Public Schools website, www.cps.edu.
28. Center for Labor Market Studies, “Youth Labor Market and Education Indicators for the State of Illinois,” Chicago Alternative Schools Network (October 2003), archived at www.asnchicago.org.
29. Human Relations Foundation/Jane Addams Policy Initiative, Minding the Gap: An Assessment of Racial Disparity in Metropolitan Chicago (Chicago: Jane Addams Hull House Association, 2003), available at University of Illinois at Chicago Library. For a more detailed discussion of these reports and of Chicago school reform in the 1990s, see Pauline Lipman, “Chicago School Reform: Advancing the Global Agenda,” in The New Chicago: A Social and Cultural Analysis, ed. John P. Koval, Larry Bennett, Michael I.J. Bennett, Fassil Demissie, Roberta Garner, and Kiljoong Kim (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2006), 248–58.
30. Rick Perlstein, “Chicago School: How Chicago Elites Imported Charters, Closed Neighborhood Schools, and Snuffed Out Creativity,” Jacobin, April 20, 2016, www.jacobinmag.com/2016/04/chicago-public-schools-charters-closings-emanuel/.
31. Jitu Brown, Eric Gutstein, and Pauline Lipman, “Arne Duncan and the Chicago Success Story: Myth or Reality,” Rethinking Schools Online 23, no. 3 (Spring 2009).
32. By 2011, the number of military high schools had increased to six, more than any other city in the nation. Chicago also had, according to the CPS website (www.cps.edu), “the largest JROTC [Junior Reserve Officer Training Corps] in the country in number of cadets,” along with more than twenty “middle school cadet corps” programs.
33. Lipman, “Chicago School Reform,” 251.
34. Between 1981 and 1992, federal spending for subsidized housing fell by 82 percent, job training and employment programs were cut by 63 percent, and the budget for community development and social service block grants was trimmed by 40 percent.
35. See, for example, Shelby Steele, The Content of Our Character: A New Vision of Race in America (New York: HarperPerennial, 1991); Thomas Sowell, Race and Culture: A World View (New York: Basic Books, 1995); and William Julius Wilson, The Truly Disadvantaged: The Inner City, the Underclass, and Public Policy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987).
36. William Julius Wilson, The Declining Significance of Race: Blacks and Changing American Institutions (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978); and Wilson, The Truly Disadvantaged.
37. Million Man March National Organizing Committee, “Million Man March Fact Sheet,” in Million Man March / Day of Absence; A Commemorative Anthology of Speeches, Commentary, Photography, Poetry, Illustrations & Documents, ed. Haki R. Madhubuti and Maulana Karenga (Chicago: Third World Press, 1996), 152.
38. Robin D.G. Kelley, Race Rebels: Culture, Politics, and the Black Working Class (New York: Free Press, 1994), 224.
39. See “Nihilism in Black America” in Cornel West, Race Matters (Boston: Beacon Press, 1994).
40. Chicago Tribune, February 12, 1995.
41. Neal Pollack, “The Gang That Could Go Straight,” Chicago Reader, January 26, 1995.
42. Ibid.
43. Chicago Sun-Times, May 19, 2005.
44. Chicago Sun-Times, January 26, 2004.
45. I borrow the term from the classic Jonathan Kozol, Savage Inequalities: Children in America’s Schools (New York: Harper Perennial, 1992).
46. Dick Simpson, “From Daley to Daley: Chicago Politics, 1955–2006,” Great Cities Institute Publication No. GCP-06–03 (May 2006), 18.
47. David Moberg, “The Fuel of a New Machine,” Chicago Reader, March 30, 1989.
48. Cook County Clerk’s Office, “City of Chicago TIF Revenue Totals by Year, 1986–2006,” archived at http://www.cookcountyclerk.com/tsd/tifs/Pages/default.aspx.
49. The state of California was the first to enact TIF legislation in 1952, with six other states following suit in the 1960s. By 2000, all but three states had passed TIF legislation.
50. For a detailed discussion of how TIF laws have been transformed from “tools for eradicating substandard housing conditions to a way for municipalities to ‘pad the tax base,’” see Colin Gordon, “Blighting the Way: Urban Renewal, Economic Development, and the Elusive Definition of Blight,” Fordham Urban Law Journal 31, no. 2 (January 2004), 305–37.
51. Ben Joravsky, “Million Dollar Lies,” Chicago Reader, August 11, 2006.
52. Ben Joravsky, “The Shadow Budget,” Chicago Reader, October 22, 2009.
53. Ibid.
54. David Moberg, “Economic Restructuring: Chicago’s Precarious Balance,” in The New Chicago, ed. John P. Koval et al., 31.
55. City of Chicago, Department of Planning and Development, “Staff Report to the Community Development Commission Requesting Developer Designation: Brach’s Redevelopment,” January 8, 2008.
56. Another irony worth mentioning here was that Brach’s paid wages that tripled the state minimum. By 1995 activists struggling for a citywide minimum wage had already drawn attention to the city’s lack of support for Brach’s in comparison with low-wage competitors like Pilsen’s Farley Candy Company, which benefited from a $3 million tax abatement from the city.
57. For a detailed account of the making of Millennium Park, see Timothy J. Gilfoyle, Millennium Park: Creating a Chicago Landmark (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006).
58. Costas Spirou, “Urban Beautification: The Construction of a New Urban Identity in Chicago,” in The New Chicago, ed. John P. Koval et al., 297–98.
59. City of Chicago Department of Planning and Development, “The Chicago Central Area Plan: Final Report to the Chicago Plan Commission” (Chicago: City of Chicago, 2003).
60. Dennis R. Judd, “Constructing the Tourist Bubble,” in The Tourist City, ed. Dennis R. Judd and Susan S. Fainstein (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1999), 35–53.
61. Travel Industry Association of America, “Direct Impact of Travel to Chicago,” www.choosechicago.com. Choose Chicago was the official destination marketing organization for the city of Chicago in 2012.
62. This estimate of manufacturing jobs lost comes from a study financed by the United States Department of Labor: Chicago Federation of Labor and Center for Labor and Community Research, “Creating a Manufacturing Career Path System in Cook County (December 2001),” archived at http://www.clcr.org/.
63. Ibid.
64. Data derived from Equal Employment Opportunity Commission Report (EEO-4) for the City of Chicago, 1980–1999, Municipal Reference Section, Harold Washington Library, Chicago.
65. Larry Bennett, Third City: Chicago and American Urbanism (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2010), 95.
66. Chicago Tribune, April 23, 1989.
67. Michael B. Katz, “Why Don’t American Cities Burn Very Often,” Journal of Urban History 34 (2008), 185–208.
68. This argument was made powerfully in: Adolph Reed, Stirrings in the Jug: Black Politics in the Post-Segregation Era (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1999).
69. Pattillo, Black on the Block.
70. Katz, “Why Don’t American Cities Burn Very Often,” 196.
71. The best sociological study of the culture of basketball in black Chicago is the brilliant documentary Hoop Dreams (1994), which follows the lives of two budding basketball stars over eight years.
72. See, for example, Reuben A. Buford May, Living through the Hoop: High School Basketball, Race, and the American Dream (New York: New York University Press, 2007).
73. Historians are just beginning to explore how this massive wave of Mexican immigration offset the forces of deindustrialization and depopulation. See A.K. Sandoval-Strausz, “Latino Landscapes: Postwar Cities and the Transnational Origins of a New Urban America,” Journal of American History 101 (December 2014), 804–31.
74. For a comprehensive report criticizing these privatization schemes, see Tony Dutzik, Brian Imus, and Phineas Baxandall, Privatization and the Public Interest: The Need for Transparency and Accountability in Chicago’s Public Asset Lease Deals (Chicago: Illinois PIRG Education Fund, 2009), www.illinoispirg.org/sites/pirg/files/reports/Privatization-and-the-Public-Interest.pdf.
75. Daley claimed the action was necessary to protect the city from a possible terrorist plot.
76. Cathy J. Cohen, Democracy Remixed: Black Youth and the Future of American Politics (New York: Oxford University Press, 2010), 175.
77. Dominic Pacyga and Ellen Skerrett, Chicago: City of Neighborhoods: Histories and Tours (Chicago: Loyola University Press, 1986).
78. During these years, a list of these neighborhood festivals could be found on the City of Chicago’s official tourism website www.explorechicago.org.
79. City of Chicago, Office of Tourism and Culture, Chicago Neighborhood Tours 2009: Discover the World in Our Backyard (Chicago: Office of Tourism and Culture, 2009), accessed from www.ChicagoNeighborhoodTours.com in 2009. In 2012, Mayor Rahm Emanuel eliminated the Office of Tourism and Culture, with its tourism functions thereafter subcontracted out to the private-sector nonprofit Choose Chicago and its culture responsibilities taken up by the Chicago Department of Cultural Affairs and Special Events.
80. Timothy Stewart-Winter, Queer Clout: Chicago and the Rise of Gay Politics (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2016), 220. It is important to point out that Harold Washington’s support of Chicago’s gay community had paved the way for Daley’s embrace of Boystown as a key constituency. After Washington’s death, an impressive voter registration campaign called Lesbian/Gay Voter Impact had managed to add over 17,000 new voters in heavily gay areas of the Forty-Fourth, Forty-Sixth, Forty-Eighth, and Fiftieth Wards. Stewart-Winter, Queer Clout, 180.
81. Henri Lefebvre, The Production of Space (Oxford, UK: Wiley-Blackwell, 1991).
82. Stewart-Winter, Queer Clout, 221.
83. Neil Smith, “New Globalism, New Urbanism: Gentrification as Global Urban Strategy” in Spaces of Neoliberalism: Urban Restructuring in North America and Western Europe, ed. Neil Brenner and Nik Theodore (London: Wiley-Blackwell, 2002).
84. It might appear to some that the idea of an active state in the process of gentrification seems to contradict the view of Richard M. Daley’s program as neoliberal. This is not the case. What distinguishes neoliberalism from classical liberalism is the key part played by the state in unleashing the forces of the free market and promoting the role of private capital.
85. Pattillo, Black on the Block, 259–62.
86. John J. Betancur, Isabel Domeyko, and Patricia A. Wright, Gentrification in West Town: Contested Ground (Chicago: Nathalie P. Voorhees Center for Neighborhood and Community Improvement, College of Urban Planning and Public Affairs, University of Illinois at Chicago, 2001), 19, www.urbancenter.utoronto.ca/pdfs/curp/Chicago_Gentrification-in-W.pdf.
87. Ibid., 20.
88. Pilsen is part of the Lower West Side community area. The Mexican community in this part of the city, however, extends westward across Western Avenue into the South Lawndale community area (also known as Little Village or La Villita), where, by the 1990s, Mexicans constituted over 80 percent of the population.
89. Chicago Sun-Times, May 23, 2003.
90. According to the 2010 census, African Americans constituted about 41 percent of the population of the Humboldt Park community area, but they remained largely segregated in the southwest quadrant below Grand Avenue bordering the Garfield Park neighborhood. Latinos represented over 52 percent.
91. This quote appeared in the mission statement on the Puerto Rican Cultural Center’s website in 2011. The current statement mentions the importance of promoting “a holistic vision of community wellness and stability” but now omits any reference to “development” goals. See http://prcc-chgo.org/.
92. Antonio Olivo, “Edgy about ‘Yuppies,’” Chicago Tribune, June 12, 2006; I discovered this from Bennett, Third City, 135.
93. John Betancur, “Gentrification before Gentrification: The Plight of Pilsen in Chicago,” (White Paper, Nathalie P. Voorhees Center for Neighborhood and Community Improvement, University of Illinois–Chicago, 2005), 33.
94. On UNO’s Alinskyite approach, see Wilfred Cruz, “UNO: Organizing at the Grassroots,” Illinois Issues (April 1988). In 2011, UNO’s website made no mention of the goal of affordable housing or the fight against pollution. Midwest Generation, the owner of the two coal plants, contributed $50,000 to Alderman Solis for his 2011 reelection campaign.
95. Betancur, “Gentrification before Gentrification,” 26.
96. Chicago Tribune, November 28, 2008.
97. This was due to the fact that Logan Square’s population was twice the size of Pilsen’s (referred to as the Lower West Side on the Chicago community area map). According to the 2010 U.S. census, Logan Square, which was about two-thirds “Hispanic” (the term employed by the census), had a total population of over 72,000; Pilsen possessed a population of just under 36,000, nearly 89 percent of which was Hispanic.
98. In the 1980s, thirteen residents of the Humboldt Park barrio were arrested for their association with the Fuerzas Armadas para la Liberacion Nacional (FALN), a terrorist group that claimed responsibility for a series of attacks against U.S. military installations; in 1995, the FBI investigated several teachers and administrators at Humboldt Park’s Roberto Clemente High School for terrorist activities—a situation that received a great deal of media scrutiny in Chicago.
99. On the gentrification of the Lower East Side, see Christopher Mele, Selling the Lower East Side: Culture, Real Estate, and Resistance in New York, 1880–2000 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2000); William Sites, Remaking New York: Primitive Globalization and the Politics of Urban Community (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2003).
100. Richard Lloyd, Neo-Bohemia: Art and Commerce in the Postindustrial City (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005), 76–82.
101. Dick Hebdige, Subculture: The Meaning of Style (New York: Methuen, 1979), 102–6.
102. Chicago Tribune, January 27, 2008.
103. Chicago Tribune, August 21, 2008.
104. The new Near North Side branch, with an initial collection of thirty thousand titles and a number of personal computers, replaced a makeshift “reading room” occupying the second floor of the Seward Park fieldhouse.
105. Chicago Sun-Times, March 30, 2011.
106. For an excellent account of the policy and planning decisions that led to the failure of Chicago’s public housing program between the 1940s and 1990s, see D. Bradford Hunt, Blueprint for Disaster: The Unraveling of Chicago Public Housing (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009).
107. Brian J. Miller, “The Struggle over Redevelopment at Cabrini-Green, 1989–2004,” Journal of Urban History 34 (May 2008), 947–48.
108. Brian Rogal, “The Habitat Company: Private Firm Keeps Tight Grips on Public Housing,” Chicago Reporter, November, 1999.
109. ABLA is the acronym for the massive Near West Side complex composed of the Jane Addams Homes, Robert Brooks Homes, Loomis Courts, and Grace Abbott Homes.
110. Under the Section 8 voucher program, individuals or families with a voucher could rent in the private housing market and, based on their income, pay no more than 30 percent for rent.
111. See, for example, Susan J. Popkin and Mary Cunningham, CHA Relocation Counseling and Assessment: Interim Report (Washington, DC: Urban Institute, 2001), http://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/publication/61641/410313-CHA-Relocation-Counseling-Assesment-Interim-Report.PDF.
112. Quoted in Karen Hawkins, “Emanuel Inherits Complex Public Housing Legacy,” Associated Press, May 18, 2011. Venkatesh had followed the relocation situation after spending two years at the Robert Taylor Homes to complete his pathbreaking study. Sudhir Alladi Venkatesh, American Project: The Rise and Fall of Modern Ghetto (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2000).
113. Adolph L. Reed, Jr., “When Government Shrugs: Lessons of Katrina,” The Progressive, September, 2006.
114. Chicago Journal, May 19, 2010; The Gazette, June 4, 2010.
115. The CHA Admissions and Continued Occupancy Policy guidelines can be found at www.thecha.org/.
116. These are terms employed by Mary Pattillo in Black on the Block.
117. Naomi J. McCormick, Mark L. Joseph, and Robert J. Chaskin, “The New Stigma of Relocated Public Housing Residents: Challenges to Social Identity in Mixed-Income Developments,” City and Community 11, no. 3 (2012), 296–97.
118. John P. Koval and Kenneth Fidel, “Chicago: The Immigrant Capital of the Heartland,” in The New Chicago, ed. John P. Koval et al., 97–104.
119. Brookings Institution, Chicago in Focus, 22. The black-Puerto Rican dissimilarity index was even higher than the black-Mexican dissimilarity index.
120. “Census 2000: Whole Population, Segregation,” Lewis Mumford Center for Comparative Urban and Regional Research, the University at Albany, SUNY, http://mumford.albany.edu/census/.
121. Indians are the largest Asian subgroup in the Chicago six-county metropolitan area, with some 115,000 people.
122. Kiljoong Kim, “The Korean Presence in Chicago,” in The New Chicago, ed. John P. Koval et al., 159.
123. The Chicago metropolitan area was a major destination for these groups. Between 1965 and 2000, 15 percent of all Palestinians and Jordanians and 13 percent of all Iraqis entering the country settled in Illinois. See Louise Cainkar, “Immigrants from the Arab World,” in The New Chicago, ed. John P. Koval et al., 185.
124. Mary Patrice Erdmans, “New Chicago Polonia: Urban and Suburban,” in The New Chicago, ed. John P. Koval et al., 123.
125. A description of the gate’s history can be found on the Chicago Chinatown Chamber of Commerce website, www.chicagochinatown.org.
126. Ben Joravsky, “Signs of the Times: In Albany Park, a Dispute over ‘Seoul Drive and Korea Town,’” Chicago Reader, April 29, 1993. The revolt caused the city council to rescind the initially proposed “Korea Town” designation and to shorten the part of Lawrence to be named Seoul Drive.
127. U.S. Bureau of the Census, “Table 39, Nativity and Place of Birth of Resident Population for Cities of 100,000 or More,” Statistical Abstract of the United States: 2011.
128. Richard Florida, The Rise of the Creative Class: And How It’s Transforming Work, Leisure, Community, and Everyday Life (New York: Perseus Book Group, 2002), 8.
129. Nichols Clark was quoted in Richard Florida, “The Rise of the Creative Class: Why Cities without Gays and Rock Bands Are Losing the Economic Development Race,” Washington Monthly, May 2002.
130. Wicker Park’s arrival on the national scene came with the release of Stephen Frears’s film High Fidelity, in which the neighborhood is a backdrop for a love story between two young bohemians. For an excellent account of Daley’s incorporation of Boystown’s gay community into his coalition, see Stewart-Winter, Queer Clout, chap. 8.
131. Richard Sennett, The Uses of Disorder: Personal Identity and City Life (New York: Norton, 1992).
1. According to Richard Florida’s 2011 “Global Economic Power Index” (City Lab, www.citylab.com/), a measure of economic output, global financial influence, and innovation (based on patenting activity), Chicago was the fourth most economically powerful city in the world—behind only Tokyo, New York, and London (and just ahead of Paris).
2. Chicago Tribune, May 10, 2011.
3. Wall Street Journal, November 21, 2008.
4. Naomi Klein, The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism (New York: Picador, 2007), 6.
5. Micah Uetricht, Strike for America: Chicago Teachers Against Austerity (New York: Verso, 2014), 33.
6. For a detailed account of CORE’s dramatic rise within the CTU, see Uetricht, Strike for America; and Jane F. McAlevey, No Shortcuts: Organizing for Power in the New Gilded Age (New York: Oxford University Press, 2016), chap. 4.
7. Uetricht, Strike for America, 37.
8. Quoted in McAlevey, No Shortcuts, 124.
9. Chicago Tribune, September 14, 2014.
10. Chicago Reader, March 26, 2015.
11. Teresa L. Cordova and Matthew D. Wilson, Lost: The Crisis of Jobless and Out of School Teens and Young Adults in Chicago, Illinois and the U.S. (Chicago: Great Cities Institute, University of Illinois at Chicago, January 2106), https://greatcities.uic.edu/2016/02/01/lost-the-crisis-of-jobless-and-out-of-school-teens-and-young-adults-in-chicago-illinois-and-the-u-s/.
12. Chicago Sun-Times, November 16, 2015.
13. By 2016 Chicago had the highest sales tax in the United States.
14. Beyza Buyuker, Melissa Mouritsen, and Dick Simpson, Continuing the Rubber Stamp City Council, Chicago City Council Report Number 7, June 8, 2011–November 15, 2014 (Chicago: Department of Political Science, University of Illinois at Chicago, December 9, 2014), 1–4, https://pols.uic.edu/political-science/chicago-politics/city-council-voting-records.
15. Among Chicago’s talented group of investigative journalists are Rick Perlstein, Ben Joravsky, Dan Mihalopoulos, Mick Dumke, Whet Moser, and David Moberg.
16. The nickname “Mayor 1%” was popularized by Kari Lyderson, Mayor 1%: Rahm Emanuel and the Rise of Chicago’s 99% (Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2014).
17. New York Times, March 21, 2015.
18. The data can be easily accessed on the Invisible Institute’s website: http://invisible.institute/police-data/.
19. The struggle for the level 1 trauma center ended triumphantly, with the University of Chicago breaking ground on a $39 million department in September of 2016.
20. Juliana Menasce Horowitz and Gretchen Livingston, “How Americans View the Black Lives Matter Movement,” Fact Tank: News in the Numbers, Pew Research Center, July 8, 2016, http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2016/07/08/how-americans-view-the-black-lives-matter-movement/.