Yuandeng. (C) (圓澄). See ZHANRAN YUANDENG.

yuandun jiao. (J. endongyō; K. wŏndon kyo 圓頓教). In Chinese, “perfect and sudden teaching”; one of the highest levels of the various doctrinal taxonomies (panjiao; see JIAOXIANG PANSHI) deployed in the TIANTAI ZONG, HUAYAN ZONG, and sometimes the CHAN ZONG. The Tiantai school first introduced the term to refer to the highest form of the teachings. In the Tiantai analysis, “perfect” refers to “perfect teaching” or “consummate teaching” (YUANJIAO), the last of the four types of teachings according to content (huafa sijiao), while “sudden” refers to the “sudden teaching” (DUNJIAO), the first of the four modes of exposition (huayi sijiao) (see TIANTAI BAJIAO). The compound “perfect and sudden teaching” thus refers to the consummate vision of the ultimate truth of Buddhism that is expounded all at once without any provisional or gradual expedients. In the Tiantai zong, this “perfect and sudden teaching” may refer either to (1) the teachings of the Tiantai school itself, which provide an approach to Buddhist soteriology in which every stage, condition, and thought, whether defiled or pure, becomes the basis of enlightenment since it represents the perfect median truth (see SANDI); or (2) the teachings of the AVATAṂSAKASŪTRA, in which the Buddha expounded his consummate and unadulterated vision of reality immediately after his enlightenment without any consideration of the ability of his audience to understand that vision. The Huayan school follows closely the Tiantai concept of yuandun jiao. The Huayan and CHAN teacher GUIFENG ZONGMI (780–841), for example, refers to the perfect and sudden teaching as the “huayi dun” (sudden teaching according to the method of exposition), correlating it with the teaching of the dharma-realm of the mutual and unobstructed interpenetration between phenomenon and phenomena (SHISHI WU’AI FAJIE). The Korean SŎN (Chan) master POJO CHINUL (1158–1210), based on the works of LI TONGXUAN (635–730), interpreted the term as referring to the perfect and sudden enlightenment to the truth of nature origination (XINGQI), which occurs through understanding Huayan doctrine from a Sŏn perspective. In the Chan tradition, therefore, the “perfect and sudden teaching” may refer to the highest form of the Buddhist teachings rather than to the teachings of any specific scholastic school (KYO). See also WŎNDON SŎNGBUL NON.

yuanjiao. (圓教). In Chinese, “perfect/consummate teaching.” See HUAYAN WUJIAO.

Yuanjue jing. (J. Engakukyō; K. Wŏn’gak kyŏng 圓覺經). In Chinese, “Scripture of Perfect Enlightenment”; also known as Dafangguang yuanjue xiuduoluo liaoyi jing; an influential indigenous Chinese sūtra (see APOCRYPHA). The Yuanjue jing was purportedly translated by a certain Buddhatrāta (d.u.) at the monastery of BAIMASI in 693, but no Sanskrit or Tibetan equivalent is known to have existed and the scripture is now recognized as being an apocryphon. While in a special SAMĀDHI named “great illuminating repository of spiritual penetration” (shentong daguang mingzang), the Buddha is requested by twelve bodhisattvas including MAÑJUŚRĪ, SAMANTABHADRA, and MAITREYA to explain perfect enlightenment (yuanjue), the originally pure mind as its cause, and the different ways to cultivate it. The scripture focuses on ŚAMATHA, SAMĀPATTI, and DHYĀNA as the primary means of cultivation, and divides the spiritual capacity of sentient beings into three levels. The TATHĀGATAGARBHA and original-enlightenment (BENJUE) theories of the apocryphal DASHENG QIXIN LUN seem to have influenced the composition of the Yuanjue jing. The scripture was especially influential in the writings of the CHAN historian GUIFENG ZONGMI, who wrote several commentaries and subcommentaries on the text, including his Yuanjue jing lueshu, Yuanjue jing lüeshu chao, Yuanjue jing daochang xiuzheng yi, Yuanjue jing dashu, and Yuanjue jing dashu chao. Zongmi also wrote manuals, no longer extant, on the use of the Yuanjue jing in repentance rituals. The Yuanjue jing is one of a number of Chan-related texts that were translated into Uighur Turkish in the TURFAN region.

Yuanmiao. (原妙). See GAOFENG YUANMIAO.

Yuanming lun. (J. Enmyōron; K. Wŏnmyŏng non 圓明論). In Chinese, “Treatise on Perfect Illumination”; attributed to AŚVAGHOṢA, but almost certainly a transcription of a lecture by a teacher associated with the Northern school (BEI ZONG) in the nascent Chinese CHAN tradition. Several copies of this text have been discovered at DUNHUANG, and a private copy is extant in Japan. The treatise consists of nine chapters written largely in catechistic format. The treatise elucidates the causes and results of the path, the nature of the DHARMADHĀTU as the manifestation of one’s own mind, false and correct views, the importance of UPĀYA, and the practice of meditation. The Yuanming lun serves as an important source on the teachings of the early Chan tradition before its coalescence around the mythology of the “sixth patriarch” (LIUZU) HUINENG and the so-called Southern school (NAN ZONG).

Yuanren lun. (J. Genninron; K. Wŏnin non 原人論). In Chinese, “Treatise on the Origin of Humanity”; by the eminent HUAYAN and CHAN scholiast GUIFENG ZONGMI. A preface to this relatively short treatise was prepared by Zongmi, as was another by his lay disciple Pei Xiu (787?–860). The treatise largely consists of four chapters: exposing deluded attachments, exposing the partial and superficial, directly revealing the true source, and reconciling root and branches. In his critique of deluded attachments, Zongmi offers a response to the different Confucian and Daoist theories of the way (DAO), spontaneity (ziran), primal pneuma (yuanqi), and the mandate of heaven (tianming). Zongmi then briefly summarizes the teachings of the different vehicles of Buddhism, such as HĪNAYĀNA and MAHĀYĀNA, and expounds their different approaches to reality. Relying on the teachings of the AVATAṂSAKASŪTRA, Zongmi finally offers a Buddhist alternative to the theories of the Confucian and Daoist critics: the TATHĀGATAGARBHA as the origin of humanity.

yuanrong. (J. ennyū; K. wŏnyung 圓融). In Chinese, “consummate interfusion,” “perfectly interfused”; a term used in the HUAYAN and TIANTAI traditions to refer to the ultimate state of reality wherein each individual phenomenon is perceived to be perfectly interfused and completely harmonized with every other phenomena. Yuanrong is contrasted with “separation” (GELI), the understanding of reality in terms of the discriminative phenomena of the conventional realm. ¶ The concept of yuanrong is deployed soteriologically as one of the two modes of describing the bodhisattva path in the Huayan tradition, viz., the “approach of consummate interfusion” (yuanrong men), also known as the “approach of consummate interfusion and mutual conflation” (YUANRONG XIANGSHE MEN); this mode is contrasted with the “approach of sequential practices” (CIDI XINGBU MEN). The approach of sequential practices refers to the different stages in the process of religious training, which progress through the fifty-two stages of the bodhisattva path (MĀRGA). By contrast, the yuanrong men focuses instead on the principle of equivalency (pingdeng) and indicates the way in which any one stage of training subsumes all stages of the path, or how the inception of the path is in fact identical to its consummation. According to this mode of description, then, the completion of the ten stages of faith (shixin), a preliminary stage of the mārga in the Huayan tradition, is often stated to be identical to the achievement of buddhahood (XINMAN CHENGFO). In the Huayan school’s fivefold taxonomy of the teachings (HUAYAN WUJIAO) as systematized by FAZANG (643–712), the three vehicles are considered to represent the xingbu men, while the “consummate teaching” (YUANJIAO), the final and highest level of teaching in this schema, corresponds to the yuanrong men. ¶ Yuanrong is also used in accounts of contemplation practice in the Huayan school, as, for example, in the “contemplation on the consummate interfusion of the three sages” (sansheng yuanrong guan), which was treated by both CHENGGUAN (738–839) and LI TONGXUAN (635–730). In this Huayan meditation, the bodhisattvas MAÑJUŚRĪ and SAMANTABHADRA represent the causal aspects of practice (yinfen), and the buddha VAIROCANA, the fruition aspect (guofen); the consummate interfusion of the causal and effect aspects of practice thus indicates enlightenment. Samantabhadra and Mañjuśrī are juxtaposed as, respectively, the DHARMADHĀTU as the object of faith (suoxin) and the mind as the subject of faith (nengxin), as practice (xing) and understanding (jie), and as principle (LI) and wisdom (zhi). When these juxtaposed aspects are perfectly interfused with each other, the causal aspect is consummated and becomes perfectly interfused with the effect aspect. Thus Samantabhadra as the “empty TATHĀGATAGARBHA” (kong rulaizang) and Mañjuśrī as the “nonempty tathāgatagarbha” (bukong rulaizang) are interfused with Vairocana Buddha’s “comprehensive tathāgatagarbha” (zong rulaizang). ¶ In the Tiantai tradition, the “consummate interfusion of the three truths” (yuanrong sandi) is one of the two ways of interpreting the three truths (SANDI), viz., of emptiness (kongdi), provisionally real (jiadi), and the mean (zhongdi). The yuanrong sandi, also termed the “nonsequential three truths” (BU CIDI SANDI), refers to the notion that each truth (di) is endowed with all three of these truths together, and thus the particular and the universal are not separate from one another. This mode is distinguished from the “differentiated three truths” (GELI SANDI), also known as the “sequential three truths” (cidi sandi), where each truth is treated independently; in this mode, the first two truths represent the aspect of phenomena, while the last truth, of the mean, refers to the aspect of principle. In the Tiantai doctrinal taxonomy (see TIANTAI BAJIAO; WUSHI BAJIAO), geli sandi and yuanrong sandi are said to correspond, respectively, to the “distinct teaching” (biejiao) and the “consummate teaching” (yuanjiao), the third and fourth of the “four types of teaching according to their content” (huafa sijiao) in the Tiantai doctrinal classification. ¶ In both the Huayan and Tiantai traditions, yuanrong is also employed as a defining characteristic of the “dharma realm” (fajie; S. dharmadhātu). The term “consummate interfusion of the dharma realm” (fajie yuanrong) describes both the infinitely interdependent state of the Huayan “dharmadhātu of the unimpeded interpenetration of phenomenon with phenomena” (SHISHI WU’AI FAJIE), as well as the Tiantai doctrine of “intrinsic inclusiveness” (xingju), in which each individual phenomenon is said to be endowed with the TRICHILIOCOSM (SANQIAN DAQIAN SHIJIE; see TRISĀHASRAMAHĀSĀHASRALOKADHĀTU), which represents the entirety of existence in the Tiantai cosmology. The Huayan “dharmadhātu of the unimpeded interpenetration of phenomenon with phenomena” is systematized in the doctrine of the Huayan version of causality, the “conditioned origination of the dharmadhātu” (FAJIE YUANQI), and this Huayan causality of the dharmadhātu is also explained as the “consummate interfusion of the six aspects” (LIUXIANG yuanrong).

yuanrong sanguan. (圓融三觀). In Chinese, “three contemplations of consummate interfusion.” See SANGUAN.

yuanrong xiangshe men. (圓融相攝門). In Chinese, “approach of consummate interfusion and mutual conflation.” See YUANRONG.

Yuanwu Keqin. (J. Engo Kokugon; K. Wŏno Kŭkkŭn 圜悟克勤) (1062–1135). Chinese CHAN master in the LINJI ZONG; also known as Wuzhuo and Foguo. Yuanwu was a native of Chongning, Pengzhou prefecture, in present-day Sichuan province (northwest of the city of Chengdu). Little is known about his early career, but Yuanwu eventually became a disciple of the Chan master WUZU FAYAN. According to legend, Yuanwu became ill after leaving Wuzu’s side, and returned as Wuzu had predicted. Yuanwu then inherited Wuzu’s Linji lineage. While traveling in the south, Yuanwu befriended the statesman ZHANG SHANGYING (1043–1122) and also won the support of other powerful local figures, such as the governor of Chengdu. At their request, Yuanwu served as abbot of several monasteries, including Jiashansi and Daolinsi, where he lectured on the Xuedou gonggu by XUEDOU CHONGXUAN. These lectures were later edited together as the BIYAN LU (“Blue Cliff Record”), an influential collection of Chan cases (GONG’AN). Yuanwu was honored with several titles: Emperor Huizong (r. 1100–1125) gave him the title Chan master Foguo (Buddha Fruition) and Gaozong the title Chan master Yuanwu (Consummate Awakening). The title Chan master Zhenjue (True Enlightenment) was also bestowed upon him. Among his hundred or so disciples, DAHUI ZONGGAO, the systematizer of the KANHUA CHAN method of meditation, is most famous. Yuanwu’s teachings are recorded in the Yuanwu Foguo chanshi yulu and Yuanwu chanshi xinyao.

yuganaddha. (T. zung ’jug; C. shuangru/shuangyun; J. sōnyū/sōun; K. ssangip/ssangun 雙入/雙運). In Sanskrit and Pāli, lit., “yoked together,” sometimes translated as “union” or “joining.” The term is especially important in tantric literature, where it often refers to the union of two things, resulting in a state of nonduality (ADVAYA). However, the term appears in a variety of contexts where two elements are conjoined, including serenity (ŚAMATHA) and insight (VIPAŚYANĀ), wisdom (PRAJÑĀ) and method (UPĀYA), SAṂSĀRA and NIRVĀṆA, male and female, and subject and object. In Pāli literature, the term appears especially in the context of treatments of samatha and vipassanā, both in practices in which the meditator alternates between the two and practices in which the two are unified.

Yuimae. (C. Weimo hui; K. Yuma hoe 維摩會). In Japanese, “VIMALAKĪRTI ceremony.” One of the three great ceremonies (Nankyō san[n]e) held in the ancient Japanese capital of Nara. In 656, when the senior courtier Nakatomi no Kamatari (an ancestor of the Fujiwara clan) became seriously ill, the Paekche nun Pŏmmyŏng (J. Hōmyō) advised Empress Saimei to sponsor a reading of the “Inquiry about Illness” chapter of the VIMALAKĪRTINIRDEŚA in order to speed his recovery. The reading was successful and, out of gratitude, Kamatari and his family subsequently sponsored a lecture on the sūtra in 658 to commemorate the construction of the new monastery of Sankaiji. This ceremony was transferred to the Hossōshū (C. FAXIANG ZONG) monastery of KŌFUKUJI in Nara in 712, where it was held periodically every two to five years; it is now observed annually on the tenth day of the tenth lunar month. For seven days, a lecture on the Vimalakīrtinirdeśa is offered to the public and offerings are made to the SAṂGHA.

Yujŏmsa. (楡岾寺). In Korean, “Elm Hillock Monastery”; one of the four major monasteries located in the Diamond Mountains (KŬMGANGSAN) in present-day North Korea, and best known traditionally for its fifty-three buddha images. Yujŏmsa claims to be one of the oldest monasteries on the Korean peninsula. According to its historical record, Kŭmgangsan Yujŏmsa sajŏkki, written in 1297 by the Koryŏ official and diplomat Min Chi (1248–1326), icons of fifty-three buddhas drifted to the Silla seashore in the year 4 CE through the intercession of an Indo-Scythian [alt. Yuezhi, Rouzhi] king from the northwestern region of India. These images were originally cast by MAÑJUŚRĪ in the Indian city of ŚRĀVASTĪ and enshrined inside a large bell. After landing in Korea, the bell containing these fifty-three icons magically traveled inland and was eventually discovered in a branch of an elm tree by a Korean local official. To house these icons, the Silla king Namhae Ch’ach’aung (r. 4–24 CE) ordered the construction of this monastery, which he named after the elm tree in which the bell was discovered. Despite this legend of the monastery’s origins, however, the main construction work at Yujŏmsa could not have begun before 1168. In the thirteenth century, during the late Koryŏ period, the monastery enjoyed the patronage of the Mongol–Korean court, which raised its political status and importance. The fifty-three buddhas of Yujŏmsa remained a popular destination for both literati tourists and Buddhist pilgrims to the Diamond Mountains throughout the Chosŏn dynasty. When the site was surveyed in 1912 by the Japanese scholar Sekino Tadashi (1867–1935), only fifty small gilt bronze icons were displayed in the Nŭngin pojŏn on a unique screen altar that was ornamented with meandering tree branches. In contrast to Min Chi’s description of the iconography, various other images, including bodhisattvas and monastic figures, were included along with the buddha icons. Stylistically, forty-three individual figures could be dated to the Unified Silla period, and the remaining seven were determined to be post-Koryŏ products. This incongruent mixture of styles is due to continuous devastations of the images by fire and theft and their subsequent restorations. Yujŏmsa burned to the ground during the Korean War (1950–1953) and the current whereabouts of the fifty-three icons are unknown.

Yujŏng. (K) (惟政). See SAMYŎNG YUJŎNG.

yukti. (P. yutti; T. rigs pa; C. daoli; J. dōri; K. tori 道理). In Sanskrit, “reasoning” or “argumentation”; the process of analytical reflection that results in correct understanding. The term often appears in conjunction with ĀGAMA (scripture), as criteria or tools deployed to verify a particular point of doctrinal correctness. Yukti is usually presumed to have two denotations in the literature, viz., “reasoning” and “rational principles,” although sometimes it is difficult to differentiate between these two senses in a particular text. ¶ The MAHĀYĀNASŪTRĀLAṂKĀRA, for instance, refers to yukti as one of the four types of provisional establishment (prajñaptivyavasthāna), that is, provisional establishment of dharma (dharmaprajñaptivyavasthāna), truth (satyaprajñaptivyavasthāna), reasoning (yuktiprajñaptivyavasthāna), and vehicle (yānaprajñaptivyavasthāna). Yukti is itself subdivided into four types, that is, the yukti of reference (apekṣāyukti), defined as systematic attention (YONIŚOMANASKĀRA); efficacy (kāryakāraṇayukti), defined as right view together with its fruits (samyagdṛṣṭiḥ phalānvitā); valid proof (upapattisādhanayukti), defined as analysis by means of correct cognition (pramāṇavicaya); and reality (DHARMATĀ-yukti), defined as the inconceivable (ACINTYA). ¶ In such texts as the YOGĀCĀRABHŪMI, the SAṂDHINIRMOCANASŪTRA, and the ABHIDHARMASAMUCCAYA, the four types of yukti are described as tools or means for investigating Buddhist teachings and yukti thus carries the denotation of “rational principles” (see VYĀKHYĀYUKTI). In these scriptures, the principle of dependence (apekṣāyukti) is defined as the principle of dependent origination (PRATĪTYASAMUTPĀDA); thus, in dependence on the seed, the shoot emerges. The principle of efficacy (kāryakāraṇayukti) is defined as the way in which particular causes are associated with specific effects; thus, visual consciousness affects vision but not hearing. The principle of valid proof (upapattisādhanayukti) is defined as the three types of valid knowledge (PRAMĀṆA), that is, direct perception (PRATYAKṢA), logical inference (ANUMĀNA), and scripture (āgama). The principle of reality (dharmatā-yukti) is defined as the generic properties and natures of dharmas, such as the property of water falling downward, or the sun rising in the east. The Saṃdhinirmocanasūtra’s emphasis on the third yukti of valid proof ultimately led to a narrowing of the term to refer to the three types of valid knowledge (pramāṇa). After DIGNĀGA (c. 480–540), who accepted only two pramāṇas—that is, direct perception (pratyakṣa) and logical inference (anumāna), but not scripture (āgama)—yukti is subsequently confined to only these two types of pramāṇas. In the ABHIDHARMAKOŚABHĀṢYA, Vasubandhu advocates that the wisdom obtained through reflection (CINTĀMAYĪPRAJÑĀ), the second of the three modes of wisdom (prajñā) (along with the wisdom obtained through listening/learning [ŚRUTAMAYĪPRAJÑĀ] and the wisdom obtained through meditative practice [BHĀVANĀMAYĪPRAJÑĀ]) is produced from investigation by means of yukti (yuktinidhyānajā). Since Vasubandhu presents all three modes of wisdom as arising from meditative concentration (SAMĀDHI), yukti in this context seems to have been understood in relation to meditative practice, not purely intellectual reasoning. ¶ The Pāli equivalent yutti, which appears in the NETTIPPAKARAṆA, is presented as one of the sixteen categories (hārā) of scriptural exposition, referring to (logical) fitness, right construction, or correctness of meaning.

yuktikāya. (T. rigs tshogs). In Sanskrit, literally “corpus of reasoning,” or “collection of reasoning”; a term used in the Indian and Tibetan traditions to refer collectively to six works that traditionally constitute NĀGĀRJUNA’s philosophical oeuvre. The six works are the MŪLAMADHYAMAKAKĀRIKĀ, YUKTIṢAṢṬIKĀ, ŚŪNYATĀSAPTATI, VIGRAHAVYĀVARTANĪ, VAIDALYAPRAKARAṆA, and RATNĀVALĪ. (Some versions list only five works in the corpus, eliminating the Ratnāvalī; others substitute the AKUTOBHAYĀ in place of the Ratnāvalī as the sixth work). This group of texts is often referred to in connection with the STAVAKĀYA, or “corpus of hymns,” the devotional works attributed to Nāgārjuna. There are traditionally four works in this group of hymns, known collectively as the CATUḤSTAVA: the LOKĀTĪTASTAVA, NIRAUPAMYASTAVA, ACINTYASTAVA, and PARAMĀRTHASTAVA, although a number of other important hymns are also ascribed to Nāgārjuna. These two collections of Nāgārjuna’s works figure prominently in the “self-emptiness, other emptiness” (RANG STONG GZHAN STONG) debate in Tibetan Buddhism, where the parties disagree on the question of which corpus represents Nāgārjuna’s final view.

Yuktiṣaṣṭikā. (T. Rigs pa drug cu pa; C. Liushisong ruli lun; J. Rokujūju nyoriron; K. Yuksipsong yŏri non 十頌如理論). In Sanskrit, “Sixty Stanzas of Reasoning”; one of the most famous and widely cited works attributed to NĀGĀRJUNA, traditionally counted as one of the texts in his “corpus of reasoning” (YUKTIKĀYA). Although lost in the original Sanskrit, the work is preserved in both Tibetan and Chinese; a number of the Sanskrit stanzas have however been recovered as citations in other works. Sixty-one stanzas in length, the work is a collection of aphorisms generally organized around the topic of PRATĪTYASAMUTPĀDA. It begins with the famous homage to the Buddha, “Obeisance to the King of Sages who proclaimed dependent origination, this mode by which production and disintegration are abandoned.” The work argues throughout that the world that is subject to production and disintegration is an illusion created by ignorance and that the path taught by the Buddha is the means to destroy this illusion and the suffering it creates. Individual stanzas are quoted by such commentators as BHĀVAVIVEKA, CANDRAKĪRTI, and ŚĀNTARAKṢITA in support of some of the central debates in MADHYAMAKA, such as whether ARHATs must understand the Madhyamaka conception of emptiness (ŚŪNYATĀ) in order to be liberated from rebirth and whether Nāgārjuna held that external objects do not exist (the thirty-fourth stanza can be read to suggest that he held this view).

Yuktiṣaṣṭikāvṛtti. (T. Rigs pa drug cu pa’i ’grel pa). “Commentary on [NĀGĀRJUNA’s] Sixty Stanzas of Reasoning,” by CANDRAKĪRTI. See YUKTIṢAṢṬIKĀ.

Yulan Guanyin. (C) (魚藍觀音). See MALANG FU.

yulanben. (T. yongs su skyob pa’i snod; J. urabon; K. uranbun 盂蘭盆). In Chinese, lit. “yulan vessel,” referring to the “ghost festival.” The Sinographs “yulan” have typically been interpreted by scholars to be a transcription of a hypothetical BUDDHIST HYBRID SANSKRIT, Middle Indic, or perhaps even Iranian form *ULLAMBANA, which is presumed to correspond to the Sanskrit avalambana (lit. “hanging downward,” “suspended”); the term refers to the “Ghost Festival,” a ritual that sought the salvation of beings condemned to the unfortunate fate of being “suspended” in hell. This explanation of yulan is questionable, however, since this connotation of the Sanskrit term avalambana is unknown in Indian Buddhist contexts. The Tibetan translation of yulanben as yongs su skyob pa’i snod, or “vessel of complete protection,” also does not fit any connotations of “hanging down”; the Tibetan rendering does, however, seem to fit better an alternate explanation of the derivation of yulan(ben) as the Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit term ullumpana (sometimes mistakenly transcribed as ullumpana, ullumbana, etc.), lit. “rescuing, extracting [from an unfortunate fate].” The Sinograph “ben” (“bowl”) is less problematic: it refers to the bowl in which offerings are placed during the PRAVĀRAṆĀ festival in order to rescue one’s ancestors from their unfortunate destinies. A more recent hypothesis is that “yulan” is a transcription of the Sanskrit and Pāli term odana (cooked rice) and “ben” a native word for bowl; the compound “yulanben” is thus not a transcription of the hypothetical Sanskrit word ullambana but actually means a “rice bowl,” perhaps even a special kind of rice bowl for making offerings on the pravāraṇā day. The term yulanben is now used to refer to the “ghost festival,” a popular ceremony in medieval China, Korea, and Japan, when offerings were made to the SAṂGHA of the ten directions (DAŚADIŚ) on behalf of one’s ancestors. A bowl was filled with all kinds of flavorful foods and fruits and offered on behalf of seven generations of one’s deceased parents and ancestors. The festival was held on the full moon of the seventh lunar month, when the saṃgha performed the pravāraṇā ceremony, ending the summer rains retreat (VARṢĀ). The origin myth and practices associated with the ghost festival are found in various sources, including popular stories known as BIANWEN and such Buddhist apocryphal scriptures as the YULANBEN JING and BAO’EN FENGBEN JING (“Sūtra for Offering Bowls to Repay Kindness”). The Japanese BON FESTIVAL (alt. Obon) derives from this term; it is celebrated in either mid-July or mid-August in order to honor the spirits of one’s deceased ancestors.

Yulanben jing. (T. ’Phags pa yongs su skyobs pa’i snod ces bya ba’i mdo; J. Urabongyō; K. Uranbun kyŏng 盂蘭盆經). In Chinese, “Book of the Yulan Vessel”; an influential indigenous Chinese Buddhist scripture (see APOCRYPHA), often known in English as the Ullambana Sūtra or simply the Yulanben Sūtra. Along with the BAO’EN FENGBEN JING (“Scripture for Offering Bowls to Repay Kindness”), the Yulanben jing details the practice of the ghost festival (YULANBEN) and its origin myth. Little is known about the provenance of either text. Both are now generally presumed to be indigenous Chinese works, although some scholars continue to maintain that they are of Indian or Central Asian origin. They are thought to have been composed sometime between the fourth and fifth centuries and were included in the Chinese Buddhist canon as early as the sixth century. The origin myth recounted in the scripture describes the pious efforts of Mulian (S. MAHĀMAUDGALYĀYANA), one of the two main disciples of the Buddha, to save his mother from the tortures of her rebirth as a hungry ghost (PRETA). The Buddha explains to Mulian that it is impossible for an individual on his own to save his ancestors from their suffering; instead, one should place offerings in a bowl for the entire SAṂGHA of the ten directions, and these offerings will be sufficient to liberate up to seven generations of one’s parents and ancestors from their unfortunate rebirths. At least six commentaries were written on the Yulanben jing, although only two survive, including an influential exegesis by GUIFENG ZONGMI. The Tibetan translation of the scripture, made in the Chinese outpost of DUNHUANG sometime in the early ninth century by ’GOS CHOS GRUB (C. Facheng; c. 755–849), is rendered directly from the Chinese recension and is extant in only three manuscript editions of the Tibetan canon (BKA’ ’GYUR). See also YULANBEN.

yulu. (J. goroku; K. ŏrok 語録). In Chinese, “discourse records” or “recorded sayings,” also known as yuben (lit. “edition of discourses”) or guanglu (“extensive records”); compilations of the sayings of CHAN, SŎN, and ZEN masters. This genre of Chan literature typically involved collections of the formal sermons (SHANGTANG), exchanges (WENDA), and utterances of Chan masters, which were edited together by their disciples soon after their deaths. The yulu genre sought to capture the vernacular flavor of the master’s speech, thus giving it a personal and intimate quality, as if the master himself were in some sense still accessible. Often the recorded sayings of a master would also include his biography, poetry, death verse (YIJI), inscriptions, letters (SHUZHUANG), and other writings, in addition to the transcription of his lectures and sayings. For this reason, Chan discourse records are the Buddhist equivalent of the literary collections (wenji) of secular literati. The term first appears in the SONG GAOSENG ZHUAN, and the genre is often associated particularly with the Chan master MAZU DAOYI (709–788) and his HONGZHOU line of Chan. Among the more famous recorded sayings are the Mazu yulu (a.k.a. Mazu Daoyi chanshi guanglu), LINJI YIXUAN’s LINJI LU, and HUANGBO XIYUN’s CHUANXIN FAYAO. Recorded sayings written in Japanese vernacular are also often called a hōgo (dharma discourse).

Yum bu bla sgang. (Yumbu Lagang). A palace and adjacent tower purported to be Tibet’s oldest building, established according to legend by the first Tibetan king Gnya’ khri btsan po (Nyatri Tsenpo) in central Tibet’s Yar klungs (Yarlung) Valley. It may have served as the residence for the earliest Tibetan rulers and was likely renovated by the twenty-eighth king, Lha Tho tho ri gnyan btsan (Lha Tothori Nyentsen, b. 433) during the mid-fifth century. Legends state that this king received the first Buddhist scriptures while residing at the Yum bu bla sgang as they miraculously descended from the sky, heralding the eventual religious conversion of the country. According to one early Tibetan historian, however, the texts were actually transported by the Indian cleric Buddharakṣita; the king, unable to read the Indic script, declared their miraculous descent in order to keep secret their foreign origins. The texts were therefore called the gnyan po gsang ba, “the sacred secret,” and indeed remained a secret until the advent of king SRONG BTSAN SGAM PO in the seventh century.

Yum chen mo. In Tibetan, lit., “great mother”; a Tibetan epithet for a goddess who is the deified embodiment of the PRAJÑĀPĀRAMITĀ, or perfection of wisdom. The term is also used to refer to the ŚATASĀHASRIKĀPRAJÑĀPĀRAMITĀ (“Perfection of Wisdom in One Hundred Thousand Lines”), or to any other prajñāpāramitā sūtra. Finally, Yum chen mo is also an honorific term used to refer to the mother of the DALAI LAMA.

Yun’an Puyan. ( J. Unnan Fugan; K. Unam Poam 運庵普巖) (1156–1226). Chinese CHAN master in the LINJI ZONG; a native of Siming in present-day Sichuan province. After studying under Shigu Xiyi (d.u.) and Wuyong Jingquan (1137–1207) following his ordination, Yun’an traveled to the monastery of Zhengzhao Chanyuan on Mt. Yang in 1184 and continued his training under the Chan master Songyuan Chongyue (1132–1202), who early in his vocation had been a student of DAHUI ZONGGAO. When Songyuan was moved to Guangxiao Chansi in Jiangsu province and again to Shiji Chanyuan in Anhui province, Yun’an followed and continued to serve the master for eighteen years. Yun’an eventually became Songyuan’s successor. In 1202, after Songyuan’s death, Yun’an was invited to reside in a new hermitage established by the master’s brother in Yun’an’s hometown in Siming. This hermitage was named Yun’an, whence he acquired his toponym. In 1206, Yun’an moved to Dasheng Puzhao Chansi in Jiangsu province, where he trained many eminent disciples, such as XUTANG ZHIYU. His disciples edited his sayings together in the Yun’an Puyan chanshi yulu.

Yungang. ( J. Unkō; K. Un’gang 雲崗). A complex of some fifty-three carved Buddhist caves located at the southern foot of Mt. Wuzhou some ten miles west of the city of Datong, in the Chinese province of Shaanxi. The Yungang grottoes extend roughly half a mile from east to west and were carved over a fifty-year period between the fifth and sixth centuries CE under the patronage of the Northern Wei dynasty (386–534) court. The caves themselves contain roughly fifty thousand Buddhist sculptures, which are noted for their rich variety. The grottoes at Yungang are divided into eastern, western, and central zones. Most of the best-preserved grottoes are found in the western zone, although Grotto No. 1 in the eastern section still contains numerous sculptures in relief. Grotto No. 5, located inside the entrance to the site, contains a giant buddha statue. Grottoes 16–20 are especially renowned for their five colossal buddha images. The iconographical features of the sculptures preserved at the Yungang caves are similar to those found in the contemporaneous cave complex at DUNHUANG; unlike Dunhuang, however, the Yungang caves contain no paintings. Since their completion, the Yungang grottoes have fallen victim to both war and natural disasters. After the People’s Republic of China was founded in 1949, the Chinese government took an interest in the site, officially placing it under state protection in 1961. In December 2001, the Yungang grottoes were listed as a UNESCO World Heritage site.

Yunjusi. (雲居寺). In Chinese, “Cloud Dwelling Monastery”; monastery that is the home of the FANGSHAN SHIJING (stone scriptures). The monk Jingwan (?–639) allegedly founded this monastery in 631, but a stone inscription dated to 669 is the earliest written record of its existence. The monastery was also known as Xiyusi (Western Valley or Western Region Monastery), and in the seventh-century Mingbaoji (“Records of Miraculous Retribution”) it is called Zhichuansi (Fount of Wisdom Monastery). On the nearby hill of Shijingshan (Stone Scriptures Hill) just to the east of Yunjusi, nine cave libraries stored the Fangshan lithic canon: its total of 14,278 lithic blocks of 1,122 Buddhist scriptures represent textual lineages that derive from recensions that circulated during the Tang and Khitan Liao dynasties. The carving of the lithic scriptures started during the Sui dynasty under the monk Jingwan with the support of Empress Xiao (r. 604–617), and continued through the late Ming dynasty. The monastery itself is famous for its pagodas, which were closely associated with the engraving of the lithographs. Seven stone pagodas date from the Tang, of which the single-story one at the top of Stone Scriptures Hill, with an inscription dated to 898, is noted for both its architecture and carved decorations. Two of the five pagodas from the Liao are especially significant. Built in 1117, the octagonal Southern Pagoda has eleven stories and pointed eaves and includes a depository of Buddhist scriptures beneath it. The Northern Pagoda is uniquely shaped: the bottom half is octagonal with bracketed eaves and carved niches, while the upper half is cone-shaped and decorated with nine circular bands. Its surface is decorated with more than thirty groups of brick reliefs depicting scenes of dancing and singing, the most interesting example of which is a goddess strumming a three-stringed instrument, one of the rare extant examples for the study of Liao musical culture. The Northern Pagoda is surrounded by smaller stone pagodas dating from the Tang dynasty, several of which resemble the Xiaoyanta (Small Wild Goose Pagoda; see DACI’ENSI) in the ancient Chinese capital of Chang’an (modern Xi’an).

Yunmen Wenyan. ( J. Unmon Bun’en; K. Unmun Munŏn 雲門文偃) (864–949). Chinese CHAN monk and founder of the YUNMEN ZONG, one of the so-called five houses and seven schools (WU JIA QI ZONG) of the classical Chinese Chan tradition. Yunmen was a native of Jiaxing in present-day Zhejiang province. He was ordained at the age of sixteen by the VINAYA master Zhideng (d.u.) of the monastery Kongwangsi and two years later received the full monastic precepts at the precept platform in Piling (present-day Jiangsu province). After his full ordination, Yunmen returned to Kongwangsi and studied the DHARMAGUPTAKA vinaya (SIFEN LÜ) under Zhideng. Later, Yunmen visited Muzhou Daoming (d.u.), a prominent disciple of the eminent Chan master HUANGBO XIYUN, and continued his studies of Chan under XUEFENG YICUN. Yunmen eventually became Xuefeng’s disciple and inherited his lineage. Taking his leave of Xuefeng, Yunmen continued to visit other Chan masters throughout the country, and in 911 he visited the funerary STŪPA of the sixth patriarch (LIUZU) HUINENG on CAOXISHAN. Yunmen then visited Lingshu Rumin (d. 918), a famed disciple of the Chan master Fuzhou Da’an (793–883), at his monastery of Lingshu Chanyuan in Shaozhou (present-day Guangdong province) and continued to study under Lingshu until his death in 918. Yunmen was then asked by the ruler of the newly established Nan Han state (917–971), Liu Yan (r. 917–942), to succeed Lingshu’s place at Lingshu Chanyuan. In 923, he established a monastery on Mt. Yunmen in the region, whence he acquired his toponym. He continued to reside on Mt. Yunmen for thirty years and frequently visited the palace of the Nan Han state to preach. In 938, Liu Cheng (943–958), monarch of the Nan Han, bestowed on him the title Great Master Kuangzhen (Genuine Truth). According to his wishes, no funerary stūpa was prepared for Yunmen and his body was left in his abbot’s quarters (FANGZHANG). Yunmen was especially famous for his so-called one-word barriers (YIZI GUAN), in which he used a single utterance to respond to a student’s question. For example, once a monk asked him, “When you kill your parents, you repent before the Buddha. But when you kill the buddhas and patriarchs, to whom do you repent?” Yunmen answered, “Lu” (“exposed”). Eighteen of Yunmen’s most famous Chan cases (GONG’AN) are collected in the BIYAN LU (“Blue Cliff Record”); his extended teachings are recorded in the Yunmen Kuangzhen chanshi guanglu.

Yunmen zong. ( J. Unmonshū; K. Unmun chong 雲門宗). In Chinese, “Cloud Gate school”; one of the so-called five houses and seven schools (WU JIA QI ZONG) of the mature Chinese CHAN tradition. It is named after the mountain, located in Shaozhou (present-day Guangdong province), where its founder YUNMEN WENYAN (864–949) taught. Yunmen Wenyan was famous for his “one-word barriers” or “one-word checkpoints” (YIZI GUAN), in which he responded to his students’ questions by using only a single word. The school became one of the dominant Chan traditions in the Five Dynasties (Wudai) and early Song dynasty, producing such prominent masters as DONGSHAN SHOUCHU (910–990), Dongshan Xiaocong (d. 1030), XUEDOU ZHONGXIAN (980–1052), and Tianyi Yihuai (992–1064). Yunmen masters played a major role in the development of classical Chan literature. Xuedou Zhongxian’s earlier collection of one hundred old cases (guce, viz., GONG’AN), known as the Xuedou songgu, served as the basis for the famous BIYAN LU (“Blue Cliff Record”), which added the extensive commentaries and annotations of the Linji master YUANWU KEQIN (1063–1135) to Zhongxian’s original compilation. Several Yunmen masters were closely associated with the Song-dynasty intelligentsia. Dajue Huailian (1009–1090), for example, was as personal friend of the Song literocrat (shidafu) and poet Su Shi (1036–1101). Fori Qichong (1007–1072) asserted the fundamental harmony of Confucianism and Buddhism, explaining Confucian philosophical concepts using Buddhist terminology. CHANGLU ZONGZE (fl. c. late eleventh to early twelfth century) institutionalized the practice of reciting the name of the Buddha (NIANFO) into the routine of Chan monastic life and wrote an influential text on Chan monastic regulations or “rules of purity” (QINGGUI), the CHANYUAN QINGGUI (“Pure Rules for the Chan Grove”). The Yunmen school survived for about two centuries before it was eventually absorbed into the LINJI ZONG.

Yunqi fahui. (雲棲法彙). In Chinese, “Anthology of the Teachings of Yunqi.” See YUNQI ZHUHONG.

Yunqi Zhuhong. (J. Unsei Shukō; K. Unsŏ Chugoeng 雲棲祩宏) (1535–1615). Chinese CHAN master of the LINJI ZONG and one of the so-called four great monks of the Ming dynasty, along with HANSHAN DEQING (1546–1623), DAGUAN ZHENKE (1543–1603), and OUYI ZHIXU (1599–1655); also known as Fohui and Lianchi. Yunqi was a native of Renhe, Hangzhou prefecture (present-day Zhejiang province). In 1566, Yunqi abandoned his family and his life as a Confucian literatus and was ordained by Xingtianli (d.u.) of West Mountain. Yunqi wandered throughout the country in search of prominent teachers and attained his first awakening at Dongchang in present-day Shandong province. In 1571, he arrived at Mt. Yunqi in Hangzhou, whence he acquired his toponym. There, he was able to restore Yunqi monastery with the help of local followers. His reputation grew after he successfully brought rain and drove tigers from the area. Yunqi remained on the mountain and composed over thirty major works. With the help of his Confucian background, Yunqi was able to draw a large public to his Chan teachings, and he also promoted the practice known as NIANFO Chan in what was at the time the largest lay society in China. His influential works, such as the CHANGUAN CEJIN, Zizhi lu (“Record of Self-Knowledge”), Sengxun riji, and Zimen chongxing lu, were edited together as the Yunqi fahui (“Anthology of the Teachings of Yunqi Zhuhong”).

yunshui. ( J. unsui; K. unsu 雲水). In Chinese, lit. “clouds and water”; a term abbreviated from the phrase “moving clouds and flowing water” (C. xingyun liushui; J. kōun ryūsui; K. haengun yusu), which is used to refer to an itinerant Buddhist practitioner who, like clouds or water, is always on the move and never settles down. The term is especially associated with the CHAN (K. SŎN; J. ZEN) school, where it refers to a Chan monk in training. The term implies that a novice monk is expected to travel to various monasteries and learn from different teachers as part of his training, rather than remaining attached to one specific monastery or teaching. In contemporary Japanese Zen usage, unsui refers to neophyte priests who undergo training as novices and live in a sōdō (SAṂGHA hall, see SENGTANG) at a Zen training center. A “cloud robe” (J. unnō), by extension, refers to a monk’s robe that is worn and ragged from following an itinerant lifestyle. During the Edo period (1600–1868), the term unsui became popularized to mean liberated, blissful travel, as exemplified in the novel, Tōkaidōchū hizakurige (“Traveling the Eastern Highway on a Chestnut Pony”) by Jippensha Ikku (1765–1831). Unsui is also contrasted with the term “dragons and elephants” (C. longxiang; J. ryūzō; K. yongsang; see S. HASTINĀGA), which is commonly found in Chan texts to refer to an advanced adept of Chan.

yuntang. (雲堂). In Chinese, “cloud hall”; a monastic residential hall. See SENGTANG.

Yuquansi. (玉泉寺). In Chinese, “Jade Spring Monastery”; important meditative center located on Mt. Yuquan in Jingzhou prefecture (present-day Hubei province). During the Daye reign period (605–617) of the Sui dynasty, a name plaque for the monastery was prepared by the King of Jin, and the eminent monk TIANTAI ZHIYI lectured there on his FAHUA XUANYI and MOHE ZHIGUAN. Yuquansi soon became a prominent center for meditators in China. The monastery became even more famous when the CHAN master SHENXIU of the Northern school (BEI ZONG) took up residence at the site sometime in the last quarter of the seventh century. The famed Chan master NANYUE HUAIRANG is also said to have ordained at Yuquansi.

Yu sim allak to. (C. Youxin anledao; J. Yūshin anrakudō 遊心安樂道). In Korean, “Wandering the Path to Mental Peace and Bliss”; traditionally attributed to the Korean monk WŎNHYO, its authorship remains a matter of debate. No early references to this text are found in Korean canonical catalogues, and the earliest extant version was found in the library of the Raigōin in Kyōto, Japan. The prevailing scholarly view is that the text was composed in tenth-century Japan, perhaps by an adherent of the TENDAISHŪ, with the first half of the work taken virtually verbatim from Wŏnhyo’s Muryangsugyŏng chongyo (“Doctrinal Essentials of the SUKHĀVATĪVYŪHASŪTRA”). The Yu sim allak to was influential in Japan, especially during the Kamakura period, when it was quoted in such texts as the Kōmyō shingon dosha kanjinki by MYŌE KŌBEN, An’yōshū by Minamoto Takakuni (1004–1077), Ketsujō ōjōshū by Chinkai (1087–1165), and the SENCHAKU HONGAN NENBUTSUSHŪ by HŌNEN. The Yu sim allak to consists of seven sections: (1) the central tenet (i.e., the benefits of rebirth), (2) the whereabouts of the land of peace and happiness (ANLEGUO, viz., SUKHĀVATĪ), (3) clarification of doubts and concerns, (4) the various causes and conditions of rebirth in the PURE LAND, (5) the nine grades (JIUPIN) of rebirth, (6) the ease and difficulty of rebirth in the different buddha-fields (BUDDHAKṢETRA), (7) and the rebirth of women, those with dull faculties, and sinners. The last section also contains a MANTRA from the Amoghapāśakalparājāsūtra and an empowerment (ADHIṢṬHĀNA) ritual.

Yu-Sŏk chirŭi non. (儒釋質疑論). In Korean, “Treatise on Queries and Doubts concerning Yu (C. Ru, viz., Confucius) and Sŏk (C. Shi, ŚĀKYAMUNI)”; a Buddhist “defense of the faith” against Neo-Confucian criticisms, written during the early Chosŏn period. Although the authorship of this text remains a mystery, the style and content of the treatise resemble the HYŎNJŎNG NON by KIHWA (1376–1433), and it is clear that its Buddhist author was well versed in both Confucian and Daoist thought. The Yu-Sŏk chirŭi non is written in catechetic style and consists of nineteen questions and answers, which largely address misleading views that Confucian scholars hold regarding Buddhism. Following a syncretic approach that seeks to reconcile the teaching of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism, this work generally argues that these three teachings each have their own distinctive roles to play in people’s lives and need not be in conflict. Buddhism, Confucianism, and Daoism are explained as corresponding, respectively, to (1) nature (K. sŏng, C. XING), mind (K. sim, C. XIN), and pneuma (K. ki, C. qi); (2) truth (K. chin, C. zhen), its traces (K. chŏk, C. ji), and the connection between them; and so on. The treatise claims that these three teachings are ultimately in accord with one another because of their identical basis in the mind. The text also treats such traditional aspects of Chinese thought as yin-yang cosmology and the five phases (K. ohaeng, C. wuxing) (viz., the five traditional Chinese elements), as well as astrological and cosmological issues.

yūzūnenbutsu. (融通念佛). In Japanese, lit. “consummate-interfusion recitation of the Buddha’s name”; a method of chanting Amida (S. AMITĀBHA) Buddha’s name (J. nenbutsu; C. NIANFO), devised by the founder of the YŪZŪNENBUTSU school, RYŌNIN (1072–1132). The principle of yūzūnenbutsu is derived from Kegonshū (C. HUAYAN ZONG) and TENDAISHŪ (C. TIANTAI ZONG) philosophy, especially the Kegon teachings of “comsummate interfusion” ( J. yūzū, C. YUANRONG) and the unobstructed interpenetration of all phenomena ( J. jiji muge; see C. SHISHI WU’AI FAJIE) and the Tendai teaching of the mutual inclusion of the ten dharma-realms ( J. jikkai goku; C. shijie huju). The principle of yūzūnenbutsu builds upon this sense that each and every phenomenon is perfectly interfused with all other phenomena to propose that the merit coming from one person’s chanting of Amitābha’s name is transferred to all other persons and vice versa. When more people chant the Buddha’s name, more merit is thus transferred to all people, and the merit derived from these cooperative efforts reaches not only the dharma-realm (DHARMADHĀTU) in which it is created but also all other dharma-realms as well. Therefore, all things in all realms of existence receive benefit from any one individual’s practice of chanting the Buddha’s name. The practice of yūzūnenbutsu thus has two major characteristics: (1) the individual’s burden to practice is relieved because salvation is due not just to one’s own merit but to everyone’s merit; (2) the notion of “other power” (TARIKI) in this form of pure land means both the power of one’s fellow beings and the power deriving from Amitābha Buddha’s vow of compassion.

Yūzūnenbutsushū. (融通念佛宗). In Japanese, “School of Consummate-Interfusion Recitation of the Buddha’s Name”; one of the first Japanese PURE LAND schools. The school was founded by the TENDAISHŪ monk RYŌNIN (1072–1132), who claimed to have a direct revelation from the buddha Amida (S. AMITĀBHA) regarding the principle of YŪZŪNENBUTSU, in which every individual benefits from both his own and other’s chanting of the Buddha’s name ( J. nenbutsu; C. NIANFO) through a mutual transfer of merit. Ryōnin traveled around Japan to teach the practice and spread the school, keeping a register of new adherents as he traveled. Indeed, carrying this register of adherents became a privilege of the leader of the school. Ryōnin also made Dainenbutsuji (Great Recitation of the Buddha’s Name Temple), in the Ōsaka area, the center for his campaign in 1127. ¶ The Yūzūnenbutsu school declined after six generations. When the sixth patriarch of the school Ryōchin (d. 1182) died without a successor, the register of adherents was entrusted to the Iwashimizu Hachiman shrine, in the hopes that the HACHIMAN KAMI cum BODHISATTVA resident there would select the next patriarch of the school. About 140 years later, the Yūzūnenbutsu school was revitalized through the efforts of Hōmyō (1279–1349), who claimed to have received a revelation from Hachiman. After becoming Ryōnin’s seventh successor in 1321, Hōmyō restored Dainenbutsuji and several other branch temples that had long been neglected. He also received imperial patronage from the monarch Godaigo (r. 1318–1339), who added his name and the names of many government officials to the school’s register of adherents. After Hōmyō’s death, the school declined again as other pure land schools gained popularity, until 1689, when Daitsū (1649–1716) became the forty-sixth patriarch of the school. Daitsū rejuvenated the school, ardently propagating the school’s teachings and the practice of chanting the Buddha’s name. Daitsū systematized the school’s teachings: he established an academic institute and wrote two treatises, the Yūzū enmonshō (“Essay on the Complete Teachings of Perfect Interpenetration [Yūzū]”) and the Yūzūnenbutsu shingeshō (“Essay on Faith and Understanding in the Yūzūnenbutsu”). In the former text, Daitsū lists five classifications of the Buddhist teachings in ascending order (the teaching of humans and divinities, HĪNAYĀNA, gradual, sudden, and consummate teachings) and classified Yūzūnenbutsu teachings in the fifth category of the “consummate teachings” (see YUANJIAO); he also discusses the school’s daily practice of chanting Amida Buddha’s name ten times while facing west. The Yūzūnenbutsu school remains active today at its head temple of Dainenbutsuji, although it is relatively small in size compared to the major Japanese pure land schools of JŌDOSHŪ and JŌDO SHINSHŪ. The AVATAṂSAKASŪTRA and the SADDHARMAPUṆḌARĪKASŪTRA are the principal scriptures of the school, with the three major pure land sūtras (JINGTU SANBUJING) of secondary importance.