C

Caitika. (S). See CAITYA.

caitta. [alt. caitasika] (P. cetasika; T. sems byung; C. xinsuo; J. shinjo; K. simso 心所). In Sanskrit, “mental concomitants” or “mental factors.” In the ABHIDHARMA, the term encompasses those mental factors that accompany, in various combinations, the mind (CITTA) and its six sensory consciousnesses (VIJÑĀNA), viz., visual (lit. eye), auditory (ear), olfactory (nose), gustatory (tongue), tactile (body), and mental. The VAIBHĀṢIKA school of SARVĀSTIVĀDA abhidharma lists forty-six caittas, the Pāli ABHIDHAMMA lists fifty-two (called CETASIKA), while the mature YOGĀCĀRA system of MAHĀYĀNA abhidharma gives a total of fifty-one specific mental concomitants, listed in six categories. The first, mental concomitants of universal application (SARVATRAGA), includes the five factors of sensory contact (SPARŚA), sensations (VEDANĀ), intention or volition (CETANĀ), perception (SAṂJÑĀ), and attention (MANASKĀRA). The second category, five concomitants that are of specific application (VINIYATA) in spiritual progress, includes mindfulness (SMṚTI), concentration (SAMĀDHI), and wisdom (PRAJÑĀ). The third category, salutary (KUŚALA) factors, includes nine positive mental states such as faith (ŚRADDHĀ), lack of greed (ALOBHA), lack of hatred (ADVEṢA), and vigor (VĪRYA). The fourth category, the primary afflictions (KLEŚA), includes six negative mental states such as sensuality (RĀGA), aversion (PRATIGHA), pride (MĀNA), and doubt (VICIKITSĀ). The fifth category, secondary afflictions (UPAKLEŚA), includes twenty lesser forms of negative mental states, such as envy (ĪRṢYĀ), harmfulness (VIHIṂSĀ), and carelessness (PRAMĀDA). The sixth and final category, mental concomitants of indeterminate (ANIYATA) quality, includes the four factors of remorse (KAUKṚTYA), torpor (MIDDHA), thought (VITARKA), and analysis (VICĀRA). See also CETASIKA.

caitya. (P. cetiya; T. mchod rten; C. zhiti; J. shidai; K. chije 支提). In Sanskrit, “cairn,” “tumulus,” “sanctuary,” or “shrine.” The term is used sometimes to refer to a Buddhist reliquary, or STŪPA, sometimes to a cave or sanctuary that enshrines a stūpa, and sometimes to local or non-Buddhist shrines. Where a distinction is made between caitya and stūpa, a stūpa contains a relic (ŚARĪRA) of the Buddha or an eminent saint, while a caitya does not and is erected solely as a commemorative shrine. Many early Indian cave monasteries, such as ELLORĀ, included a rectangular caitya hall as a central assembly room, with three naves and a stūpa in the apse as the object of worship. Early on, these caitya halls were superseded by rooms that instead enshrined a buddha image, the standard form subsequently found in Buddhist monasteries. The VAJRACCHEDIKĀPRAJÑĀPĀRAMITĀSŪTRA famously declares that any place where even a four-lined stanza from the sūtra is taught will become a caitya for divinities and humans.

Caitya. [alt. Caitika; Caityaśaila] (P. Cetiyavāda; T. Mchod rten pa; C. Zhiduoshanbu; J. Seitasanbu/Seitasenbu; K. Chedasanbu 制多山部). In Sanskrit, “The Caitya Worshippers”; one of the three main subgroups of the MAHĀSĀṂGHIKA school of mainstream Buddhism, along with the KAUKKUṬIKA and LOKOTTARAVĀDA [alt. Ekavyavahārika]. Inscriptional evidence places the school in the Andhra region of India in the early second century CE, suggesting their possible association with the groups that Pāli materials refer to collectively as the ANDHAKĀ. The Caitya school seems to have been named after its distinctive practice of worshipping shrines and sanctuaries (CAITYA). The founder of the school is presumed to have been a second MAHĀDEVA, who led a reconsideration of the five propositions about the qualities of an ARHAT offered by an earlier MAHĀDEVA, whom Buddhist sources from northern India consider to have fomented the initial schism of the mainstream Buddhist schools between the Mahāsāṃghika and the STHAVIRANIKĀYA.

Cakkavattisīhanādasutta. (C. Zhuanlun shengwang xiuxing jing; J. Tenrinjōō shugyōkyō; K. Chŏllyun sŏngwang suhaeng kyŏng 轉輪聖王修行經). In Pāli, “Discourse on the Lion’s Roar of the Wheel-Turning Emperor”; the twenty-sixth sutta of the DĪGHANIKĀYA (a separate DHARMAGUPTAKA recension appears as the sixth SŪTRA in the Chinese translation of the DĪRGHĀGAMA and a separate Sarvāstivāda recension as the seventieth sūtra in the Chinese translation of the MADHYAMĀGAMA); the scripture is known especially for being the only sutta in the Pāli canon that mentions the name of the Buddha’s successor, Metteya (MAITREYA). Before a gathering of monks at the town of Mātulā in MAGADHA, the Buddha tells the story of a universal or wheel-turning monarch (cakkavattin; S. CAKRAVARTIN) named Daḷhanemi, wherein he explains that righteousness and order are maintained in the world so long as kings observe their royal duties. Daḷhanemi’s successors, unfortunately, gradually abandoned their responsibilities, leading to immorality, strife, and the shortening of life spans from eighty thousand years to a mere ten; the sutta thus attributes the origins of evil in the world to the neglect of royal duty. Upon reaching this nadir, people finally recognize the error of their ways and begin anew to practice morality. The observance of morality leads to improved conditions, until eventually a universal monarch named Saṅkha appears, who will prepare the way for the advent of the future-Buddha Metteya (Maitreya).

cakra. (P. cakka; T. ’khor lo; C. lun; J. rin; K. yun 輪). In Sanskrit, “wheel,” “disc,” or “circle”; a frequent symbol used to represent various aspects of Buddhism, from the Buddha, to the DHARMA, to Buddhist notions of kingship. When the Buddha first taught his new religion, it is said that he “turned the wheel of dharma” (DHARMACAKRAPRAVARTANA) and the eight-spoked “wheel of dharma” (DHARMACAKRA) is subsequently used as a symbol for both the teachings as well as the person who rediscovered and enunciated those teachings. The ABHIDHARMAKOŚABHĀṢYA explains that the noble eightfold path (ĀRYĀṢṬĀṄGAMĀRGA) is like a wheel because it is similar in terms of the hub that is the support of the wheel, the spokes, and the containment rim. Right speech, action, and livelihood are like the hub, because they are the training in morality that provides support for concentration (DHYĀNA) and wisdom (PRAJÑĀ). Right view, thought, and effort are like spokes, because they are the training in wisdom. Right mindfulness and concentration are like the rim because the spokes of right view and so forth provide the objective support (ĀLAMBANA) in a one-pointed manner in dependence on them. The dharmacakra appears in some of the earliest Buddhist art, often as an iconographic symbol standing in for the Buddha himself. The sign of a thousand-spoked wheel on the palms of the hands and the soles of the feet is one of the thirty-two major marks of a great man (MAHĀPURUṢALAKṢAṆA), which is said to adorn the body of both a Buddha and a “wheel-turning emperor” (CAKRAVARTIN), his secular counterpart. A cakravartin’s power is said to derive from his wheel of divine attributes, which rolls across different realms of the earth, bringing them under his dominion. The realm of SAṂSĀRA is sometimes depicted iconographically in the form of a wheel, known as the “wheel of existence” (BHAVACAKRA), with a large circle divided into the six realms of existence (ṢAḌGATI), surrounded by an outer ring representing the twelve links of dependent origination (PRATĪTYASAMUTPĀDA). ¶ The term cakra is also important in Buddhist TANTRA, especially in ANUTTARAYOGATANTRA. According to various systems of tantric physiognomy, a central channel (AVADHŪTĪ) runs from either the tip of the genitals or the base of the spine to either the crown of the head or the point between the eyebrows, with a number of “wheels” (cakra) along its course. In one of the systems, these wheels are located at the point between the eyebrows, the crown of the head, the throat, the heart, the navel, the base of the spine, and the opening of the sexual organ. Running parallel to the central channel to the right and left are two channels, both smaller in diameter, the LALANĀ and the RASANĀ. It is said that the right and left channels wrap around the central channel, forming knots at the cakras. Much tantric practice is devoted to techniques for loosening these knots in order to allow the winds (PRĀṆA) or energies that course through the other channels to flow freely and enter into the central channel. The cakras themselves are essential elements in this practice and other tantric meditative practices, with seed syllables (BĪJA), spells (MANTRA), deities, and diagrams (MAṆḌALA) visualized at their center. The cakras themselves are often described as open lotus blossoms, with varying numbers of petals in different colors.

Cakrasaṃvara. (T. ’Khor lo bde mchog). See CAKRASAṂVARATANTRA

Cakrasaṃvaratantra. (T. ’Khor lo bde mchog gi rgyud). In Sanskrit, the “Binding of the Wheel Tantra” an important Buddhist tantra, often known simply as the Cakrasaṃvara (T. ’Khor lo bde mchog). The text is extant in Sanskrit and in a Tibetan translation in seven hundred stanzas, which is subdivided into fifty-one sections; it is also known by the name Śrīherukābhidhāna (a name appearing at the end of each section), and commonly known in Tibet as the Cakrasaṃvara Laghutantra (“short tantra” or “light tantra”) or Mūlatantra (“root tantra”) because, according to legend, there was once a longer text of one hundred thousand stanzas. The main deity of the tantra is HERUKA (also known as Cakrasaṃvara) and his consort is VAJRAVĀRĀHĪ. Historically, the tantra originated as part of a literature that focused on a class of female divinities called YOGINĪ or ḌĀKINĪ. It and its sister tantra, the HEVAJRATANTRA, probably appeared toward the end of the eighth century, and both show the influence of the Sarvabuddhasamayoga-ḍākinījālasaṃvaratantra (referred to by Amoghavajra after his return from India to China in 746 CE). All are classed as yoginītantras. The use of skulls, the presence of the KHATVĀṄGA staff, and the references to sites holy to Śaivite Kāpālikas (those who use skulls) point to a very close relationship between the Śaiva Kāpālika literature and the early yoginītantras, such that some scholars have suggested an actual appropriation of the Śaiva literature by Buddhists outside mainstream Buddhist practice. Other scholars suggest this class of tantric literature originates from a SIDDHA tradition, i.e., from individual charismatic yogins and yoginīs with magical powers unaffiliated with particular religions or sects. Among the four classes of tantras—KRIYĀTANTRA, CARYĀTANTRA, YOGATANTRA, and ANUTTARAYOGATANTRA—the Cakrasaṃvaratantra is included in the last category; between the father tantras (PITṚTANTRA) and mother tantra (MĀTṚTANTRA) categories of anuttarayogatantras, it is classified in the latter category. The siddhas Luipa and SARAHA are prominent in accounts of its origin and transmission, and the siddha NĀROPA is of particular importance in the text’s transmission in India and from there to Tibet. Like many root tantras, the text contains very little that might be termed doctrine or theology, focusing instead on ritual matters, especially the use of MANTRA for the achievement of various powers (SIDDHI), especially the mundane (LAUKIKA) powers, such as the ability to fly, become invisible, etc. The instructions are generally not presented in a systematic way, although it is unclear whether this is the result of the development of the text over time or the intention of the authors to keep practices secret from the uninitiated. Later commentators found references in the text to elements of both the stage of generation (UTPATTIKRAMA) and stage of completion (NIṢPANNAKRAMA). The Dākārṇavatantra is included within the larger category of tantras related to the Cakrasaṃvara cycle, as is the Abhidhanottara and the Saṃvarodayatantra. The tantra describes, in greater and less detail, a MAṆḌALA with goddesses in sacred places in India (see PĪṬHA) and the process of ABHIṢEKA. The practice of the MĀYĀDEHA (T. sgyu lus, “illusory body”) and CAṆḌĀLĪ (T. gtum mo, often translated as “psychic heat”) are closely associated with this tantra. It was translated twice into Tibetan and is important in all three new-translation (GSAR MA) Tibetan sects, i.e., the SA SKYA, BKA’ BRGYUD, and DGE LUGS. Iconographically, the Cakrasaṃvara maṇḍala, starting from the outside, has first eight cremation grounds (ŚMAŚĀNA), then a ring of fire, then VAJRAs, then lotus petals. Inside that is the palace with five concentric placement rings going in toward the center. In the center is the main deity Heruka with his consort Vajravārāhī trampling on BHAIRAVA and his consort Kālarātri (deities associated with Śaivism). There are a number of different representations. One has Heruka (or Cakrasaṃvara) dark blue in color with four faces and twelve arms, and Vārāhī with a single face and two hands, red and naked except for bone ornaments. In the next circles are twenty-four vīras (heroes) with their consorts (related with the twenty-four pīṭha), with the remaining deities in the maṇḍala placed in different directions in the outer circles.

cakravāḍa. [alt. cakravāla] (P. cakkavāḷa; T. ’khor yug ri; C. tiewei shan; J. tetchisen; K. ch’ŏrwi san 鐵圍山). In Sanskrit, “ring of mountains”; the proper name of the eight ranges of metallic mountains that are presumed in Buddhist cosmology to surround the world system of the sensuous realm (KĀMALOKA) and thus sometimes used by metonymy to designate the entire universe or “world system.” Eight concentric mountain ranges are said to surround the central axis of the world system, Mount SUMERU or Mount Meru. The seven innermost ranges are made of gold, and seven seas fill the valleys between these concentric ranges. In some representations, the mountain ranges are in the form a circle; in others, they are in the form of a square, consistent with the shape of Mount Sumeru. Located in a vast ocean that exists beyond these seven innermost concentric rings are laid out the four continents, including JAMBUDVĪPA (the Rose-Apple Continent) to the south, where human beings dwell; VIDEHA to the east; GODĀNĪYA to the west; and UTTARAKURU to the north. At the outer perimeter of the world system is a final range of iron mountains, which surrounds and contains the outermost sea. The universe was presumed to be occupied by an essentially infinite number of these cakravāḍa world systems, each similarly structured, and each world system was the domain of a specific buddha, where he achieved enlightenment and worked toward the liberation of all sentient beings. See also BUDDHAKṢETRA.

cakravāla. (S). See CAKRAVĀḌA.

cakravartin. (P. cakkavattin; T. ’khor lo sgyur ba’i rgyal po; C. zhuanlun wang; J. tenrin’ō; K. chŏllyun wang 轉輪王). In Sanskrit, lit. “wheel-turning emperor” or “universal monarch”; a monarch who rules over the entire universe (CAKRAVĀḌA), commonly considered in Buddhism to be an ideal monarch who rules his subjects in accordance with the DHARMA. Just as with a buddha, only one cakravartin king can appear in a world system at any one time. Also like a buddha, a cakravartin is endowed with all the thirty-two major marks of a great man (MAHĀPURUṢALAKṢAṆA). Hence, when the future buddha GAUTAMA was born with these marks, seers predicted that he had two possible destinies: to become a cakravartin if he remained in the world, or a buddha if he renounced it. A cakravartin’s power derives from a wheel or disc of divine attributes (CAKRA) that rolls across different realms of the earth, bringing them under his dominion. The ABHIDHARMAKOŚABHĀṢYA lists four classes of cakravartin, depending on the basic element from which his disc is forged: (1) a suvarṇacakravartin (referred to in some texts as a caturdvīpakacakravartin, or “cakravartin of four continents”), whose wheel is gold, who reigns over all the four continents of a world system (see CAKRAVĀḌA), and who conquers the world through the spontaneous surrender of all rival kings whose lands his wheel enters; (2) a rūpyacakravartin, whose wheel is silver, who reigns over three continents (all except UTTARAKURU), and who conquers territory by merely threatening to move against his rivals; (3) a tāmracakravartin, whose wheel is copper, who reigns over two continents (JAMBUDVĪPA and VIDEHA), and who conquers territory after initiating battle with his rivals; (4) an ayaścakravartin, whose wheel is iron, who reigns over one continent (Jambudvīpa only), and who conquers territory only after extended warfare with his rivals. Some texts refer to a balacakravartin or “armed cakravartin,” who corresponds to the fourth category. The cakravartins discussed in the sūtras typically refers to a suvarṇacakravartin, who conquers the world through the sheer power of his righteousness and charisma. He possesses the ten royal qualities (rājadharma) of charity, good conduct, nonattachment, straightforwardness, gentleness, austerity, nonanger, noninjury, patience, and tolerance. A cakravartin is also said to possess seven precious things (RATNA): a wheel (cakra), an elephant (HASTINĀGA), a horse (aśva), a wish-granting gem (MAṆI), a woman (strī), a financial steward or treasurer (GṚHAPATI), and a counselor (pariṇāyaka). Various kings over the course of Asian history have been declared, or have declared themselves to be, cakravartins. The most famous is the Mauryan emperor AŚOKA, whose extensive territorial conquests, coupled with his presumed support for the dharma and the SAṂGHA, rendered him the ideal paradigm of Buddhist kingship.

cakṣurāyatana. (P. cakkhāyatana; T. mig gi skye mched; C. yanchu; J. gensho; K. anch’ŏ 眼處). In Sanskrit, “visual sense base” or “base of cognition”; the visual sense base or eye sense organ (CAKṢURINDRIYA) as it occurs in the list of the twelve sense fields (ĀYATANA). These āyatanas are also called “bases of cognition,” because each pair of sense base and sense object produces its respective sensory consciousness. In this case, the contact (SPARŚA) between a visual sensory object (RŪPA) and the visual sense base (cakṣurindriya) produces a visual consciousness (CAKṢURVIJÑĀNA).

cakṣurindriya. (P. cakkhundriya; T. mig gi dbang po; C. yangen; J. genkon; K. an’gŭn 眼根). In Sanskrit, “visual sense base” or “eye sense organ”; the physical organ located in the eye that makes it possible to see forms (RŪPA). This sense base is not the eyeball itself, but a subtle type of materiality that is located within the eye and invisible to the naked eye. It is said to be shaped like the bud of a flax flower. If this sense organ is absent or damaged, vision is not possible. The visual sense base serves as the dominant condition (ADHIPATIPRATYAYA) for the production of visual consciousness (CAKṢURVIJÑĀNA). The visual sense base is counted among the six sense bases or sense organs (INDRIYA), the twelve bases of cognition (ĀYATANA), and eighteen sensory elements (DHĀTU).

cakṣurvijñāna. (P. cakkhuviññāṇa; T. mig gi rnam par shes pa; C. yanshi; J. genshiki; K. ansik 眼識). In Sanskrit, “visual consciousness” or “eye consciousness”; one of the five types of consciousness of physical objects (along with those of the ear, nose, tongue, and body) and one of the six sensory consciousnesses (adding the mental consciousness, or MANOVIJÑĀNA). The visual consciousness perceives forms (RŪPA), i.e., colors and shapes. Like the other consciousness of physical objects, visual consciousness is produced through the contact (SPARŚA) between a visual sensory object (RŪPA) and the visual sense base or eye sense organ (CAKṢURINDRIYA), and in dependence on three conditions (PRATYAYA): the object condition (ĀLAMBANAPRATYAYA), in this case, a form; a dominant condition (ADHIPATIPRATYAYA), here, the visual sense base (cakṣurindriya); and the immediately preceding condition (SAMANANTARAPRATYAYA), a prior moment of consciousness. The visual consciousness is counted as one of the six sensory consciousnesses (VIJÑĀNA) and eighteen sensory elements (DHĀTU).

cakṣus. (P. cakkhu; T. mig; C. yan; J. gen; K. an 眼). In Sanskrit, lit. “eye”; the base associated with the full range of types of vision (DARŚANA), from sensory perception that occurs via the visual base (ĀYATANA), through extrasensory perception that was a product of meditative development (YOGIPRATYAKṢA). Buddhist literature often refers to five types of “eyes” (pañcacakṣus), viz., the physical eye (māṃsacakṣus), which is the sense base (āyatana) associated with visual consciousness; the divine eye (DIVYACAKṢUS), the vision associated with the divinities (DEVA) in the heavens or the spiritual power (ABHIJÑĀ) of clairvoyance; the wisdom eye (prajñācakṣus), which is the insight (PRAJÑĀ) that derives from mainstream Buddhist practices; the dharma eye (dharmacakṣus) that is exclusive to the BODHISATTVAs; and the buddha eye (buddhacakṣus), which subsumes all other four. The cakṣus is said to be impossible to perceive with the naked eye and differs from the gross physical eyeball that is called the basis of the faculty.

Cāmadevīvaṃsa. In Pāli, “History of Queen Cāma”; a chronicle in mixed prose and verse written by Mahāthera Bodhiraṃsi at Lamphun (Haripuñjaya) in northern Thailand, sometime between 1460 and 1530 CE. The text recounts the accession of Queen Cāma to the throne of Haripuṅjaya in the seventh century CE and the introduction of THERAVĀDA Buddhism as the state religion under her patronage. The work begins with an account of the legendary visit by the Buddha to the site of Lamphun, where he prophesied the city’s future greatness, and goes on to describe its founding under the direction of various sages. The narrative concludes with accounts of the reigns of kings after Queen Cāma, culminating with Ādityarājā who flourished in the eleventh century.

cāmara. (S). See VĀLAVYAJANA.

caṇḍālī. (T. gtum mo; C. zhantuoli; J. sendari; K. chŏndari 旃陀利). In Sanskrit, “fierce woman.” In ordinary usage, this is a term for an outcaste or low-caste woman. However, in ANUTTARAYOGATANTRA, it refers to a meditation practice sometimes described in English as “inner heat” or “psychic heat.” It is one of the “six yogas of Nāropa” (NA RO CHOS DRUG) but it figures in many practices of the completion stage (NIṢPANNAKRAMA). In this practice, the meditator imagines a seed syllable (BĪJA) in the middle of the central channel (AVADHŪTĪ) at the navel CAKRA. As the meditator concentrates on the letter, it begins to glow with bright light and emits intense heat. That heat rises slowly up the central channel, first to the cakra at the heart, then to the cakra at the throat, and finally to the cakra at the crown of the head. When it reaches the crown of the head, the heat of the inner fire begins to melt the white drop (BINDU) located there, causing it to begin to melt. As it melts, it descends through the central channel, first to the cakra at the throat, then to the cakra at the heart, the cakra at the navel, and finally to the cakra at the end of the central channel. As the drop moves slowly down through each cakra, a different type of bliss is experienced. This practice is said to produce physical heat in the body; according to tradition, yogins in Tibet, most notably MI LA RAS PA, were able to survive the cold in mountain caves through this practice.

Candasāra Buddha. One of the most sacred of Burmese Buddha images. See ARAKAN BUDDHA.

Candragarbhaparipṛcchā. (T. Zla ba’i snying pos zhus pa’i mdo; C. Yuezang fen; J. Gatsuzōbun; K. Wŏlchang pun月藏分). In Sanskrit, “Dialogue with Candragarbha”; a MAHĀYĀNA sūtra that is important, especially in East Asia and Tibet, for its prediction of the demise of the dharma (MOFA; SADDHARMAVIPRALOPA); also known as the Candragarbhasūtra. There are three versions of the text, in Chinese, Khotanese, and Tibetan. In the Tibetan version, the BODHISATTVA Candragarbha asks the Buddha how and when his dharma will disappear. The Buddha replies that it will last for two thousand years, in four periods of five hundred years each. During the first period, his dharma will be taught and people will put it into practice and achieve liberation. In the second period, very few will be able to achieve liberation. In the third, the dharma will be taught but no one will put it into practice. In the fourth the guardian deities will stop protecting Buddhists from disease, famine, and warfare, and monks will begin to engage in commerce. In the Chinese version, the Buddha explains that his teaching will last for one thousand five hundred years, with five hundred years of “true dharma” and one thousand years of “semblance dharma” (XIANGFA).

Candragomin. (T. Btsun pa zla ba). Fifth-century CE Indian lay poet and grammarian, who made substantial contributions to Sanskrit grammar, founding what was known as the Cāndra school. A junior contemporary of the great Kālidāsa, Candragomin was one of the most accomplished poets in the history of Indian Buddhism. His play Lokānanda, which tells the story of the BODHISATTVA king Maṇicūḍa, is the oldest extant Buddhist play and was widely performed in the centuries after its composition. He was a devotee of TĀRĀ and composed several works in her praise. Tibetan works describe him as a proponent of VIJÑĀNAVĀDA who engaged in debate with CANDRAKĪRTI, but there is little philosophical content in his works that can be confidently ascribed to him. Among those works are the “Letter to a Disciple” (Śiṣyalekha), the “Confessional Praise” (Deśanāstava), and perhaps the “Twenty Verses on the Bodhisattva Precepts” (Bodhisattvasaṃvaraviṃśaka).

Candrakīrti. (T. Zla ba grags pa) (c. 600–650). An important MADHYAMAKA master and commentator on the works of NĀGĀRJUNA and ĀRYADEVA, associated especially with what would later be known as the PRĀSAṄGIKA branch of Madhyamaka. Very little is known about his life; according to Tibetan sources, he was from south India and a student of Kamalabuddhi. He may have been a monk of NĀLANDĀ. He wrote commentaries on Nāgārjuna’s YUKTIṢAṢṬIKĀ and ŚŪNYATĀSAPTATI as well as Āryadeva’s CATUḤŚATAKA. His two most famous and influential works, however, are his PRASANNAPADĀ (“Clear Words”), which is a commentary on Nāgārjuna’s MŪLAMADHYAMAKAKĀRIKĀ, and his MADHYAMAKĀVATĀRA (“Entrance to the Middle Way”). In the first chapter of the Prasannapadā, he defends the approach of BUDDHAPĀLITA against the criticism of BHĀVAVIVEKA in their own commentaries on the Mūlamadhyamakakārikā. Candrakīrti argues that it is inappropriate for the Madhyamaka to use what is called an autonomous syllogism (SVATANTRAPRAYOGA) in debating with an opponent and that the Madhyamaka should instead use a consequence (PRASAṄGA). It is largely based on Candrakīrti’s discussion that Tibetan scholars retrospectively identified two subschools of Madhyamaka, the SVĀTANTRIKA (in which they placed Bhāvaviveka) and the Prāsaṅgika (in which they placed Buddhapālita and Candrakīrti). Candrakīrti’s other important work is the Madhyamakāvatāra, written in verse with an autocommentary. It is intended as a general introduction to the Mūlamadhyamakakārikā, and provides what Candrakīrti regards as the soteriological context for Nāgārjuna’s work. It sets forth the BODHISATTVA path, under the rubric of the ten bodhisattva stages (BHŪMI; DAŚABHŪMI) and the ten perfections (PĀRAMITĀ). By far the longest and most influential chapter of the text is the sixth, dealing with the perfection of wisdom (PRAJÑĀPĀRAMITĀ), where Candrakīrti discusses the two truths (SATYADVAYA), offers a critique of CITTAMĀTRA, and sets forth the reasoning for proving the selflessness of phenomena (DHARMANAIRĀTMYA) and the selflessness of the person (PUDGALANAIRĀTMYA), using his famous sevenfold analysis of a chariot as an example. Candrakīrti seems to have had little influence in the first centuries after his death, perhaps accounting for the fact that his works were not translated into Chinese (until the 1940s). There appears to have been a revival of interest in his works in India, especially in Kashmir, in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, at the time of the later dissemination (PHYI DAR) of Buddhism to Tibet. Over the next few centuries, Candrakīrti’s works became increasingly important in Tibet, such that eventually the Madhyamakāvatāra became the locus classicus for the study of Madhyamaka in Tibet, studied and commented upon by scholars of all sects and serving as one of the “five texts” (GZHUNG LNGA) of the DGE LUGS curriculum. ¶ There appear to be later Indian authors who were called, or called themselves, Candrakīrti. These include the authors of the Triśaraṇasaptati and the Madhyamakāvatāraprajñā, neither of which appears to have been written by the author described above. Of particular importance is yet another Candrakīrti, or Candrakīrtipāda, the author of the Pradīpoddyotana, an influential commentary on the GUHYASAMĀJATANTRA. Scholars often refer to this author as Candrakīrti II or “the tantric Candrakīrti.”

caṅkrama. (P. caṅkama; T. ’chag pa; C. jingxing; J. kyōgyō/kinhin; K. kyŏnghaeng 經行). In Sanskrit, lit. “walking”; referring to both the physical act of walking itself and, by extension, composed, meditative walking, as well as the mendicant life of wandering as a vocation. Caṅkrama is the most active of the four postures (ĪRYĀPATHA), and is one of the specific objects of mindfulness of the body (see SMṚTYUPASTHĀNA). Caṅkrama also refers to walking in a calm, collected manner, while maintaining one’s object of meditation. Finally, caṅkrama refers to the wandering, “homeless” life (see PRAVRAJITA) of the Indian recluse, which was the model for the Buddhist SAṂGHA. In East Asia, in addition to walking meditation per se, the term is also used to describe short periods of walking that break up extended periods of seated meditation (ZUOCHAN). In Korean meditation halls, for example, a three-hour block of meditation practice will be divided into three fifty-minute blocks of seated meditation, punctuated by ten-minutes of walking meditation. The Japanese ZEN tradition reads these Sinographs as kinhin.

canon. A term used generically to designate Buddhist scriptural collections in a whole range of canonical Asian languages, including the Indic “three baskets” (TRIPIṬAKA), the East Asian “scriptures of the great repository” (DAZANGJING), and the Tibetan BKA’ ’GYUR and BSTAN ’GYUR. Beyond these canons, Buddhists in these various traditions also typically used their own local collections of texts, collections that often were quite distinct from those of the officially sanctioned canons. See also KORYŎ TAEJANGGYŎNG; TAISHŌ SHINSHŪ DAIZŌKYŌ; SŪTRA; ŚĀSTRA; BODHISATTVAPIṬAKA; APOCRYPHA.

Cantong qi. (J. Sandōkai; K. Ch’amdong kye 参同契). A famous verse attributed to the Chinese CHAN master SHITOU XIQIAN. Along with the BAOJING SANMEI, the Cantong qi is revered in the Chinese CAODONG ZONG and Japanese SŌTŌSHŪ traditions as the foundational scripture of the tradition. The Cantong qi is relatively short (forty-four five-character stanzas, for a total of 220 Sinographs), but Shitou’s verse is praised for its succinct and unequivocal expression of the teaching of nonduality. The Sinograph “can” in the title means to “consider,” “compare,” or “differentiate”; it thus carries the connotation of “difference” and is said to refer to the myriad phenomena. The Sinograph “tong” means “sameness” and is said to refer to the oneness of all phenomena. The Sinograph “qi” means “tally” and is said to refer to the tallying of oneself and all phenomena. The title might be alluding to an earlier verse bearing the same title, which is attributed to the renowned Daoist master Wei Boyang. The Cantong qi also seems to be the root source from which were derived core concepts in the “five ranks” (WUWEI) doctrine, an emblematic teaching of the mature Caodong school.

Caodong zong. (J. Sōtōshū; K. Chodong chong 曹洞宗). One of the so-called “five houses and seven schools” (WU JIA QI ZONG) of the mature Chinese CHAN tradition. The school traces its own pedigree back to the sixth patriarch (LIUZU) HUINENG via a lineage that derives from QINGYUAN XINGSI and SHITOU XIQIAN, but its history begins with the two Tang-dynasty Chan masters who lend their names to the school: DONGSHAN LIANGJIE and his disciple CAOSHAN BENJI. The name of this tradition, Caodong, is derived from the first characters of the two patriarchs’ names, viz., Caoshan’s “Cao” and Dongshan’s “Dong.” (The disciple’s name is said to appear first in the school’s name purely for euphonic reasons.) One of the emblematic teachings of the Caodong tradition is that of the “five ranks” (WUWEI), taught by Dongshan and further developed by Caoshan, which was a form of dialectical analysis that sought to present the full panoply of MAHĀYĀNA Buddhist insights in a compressed rubric. During the Song dynasty, the Caodong school also came to be associated with the contemplative practice of “silent illumination” (MOZHAO CHAN), a form of meditation that built upon the normative East Asian notion of the inherency of buddhahood (see TATHĀGATAGARBHA) to suggest that, since enlightenment was the mind’s natural state, nothing needed to be done in order to attain enlightenment other than letting go of all striving for that state. Authentic Chan practice therefore entailed only maintaining this original purity of the mind by simply sitting silently in meditation. The practice of silent illumination is traditionally attributed to HONGZHI ZHENGJUE (see MOZHAO MING) and ZHENGXIE QINGLIAO, who helped revive the moribund Caodong lineage during the late eleventh and early twelfth centuries and turned it into one of the two major forces in mature Song-dynasty Chan. The silent-illumination technique that they championed was harshly criticized by teachers in the rival LINJI ZONG, most notably Hongzhi’s contemporary DAHUI ZONGGAO. In Japan, the ZEN master DŌGEN KIGEN is credited with transmitting the Caodong lineage to the Japanese isles in the thirteenth century, where it is known as the SŌTŌSHŪ (the Japanese pronunciation of Caodong zong); it became one of the three major branches of the Japanese Zen school, along with RINZAISHŪ and ŌBAKUSHŪ. In Korea, just one of the early Nine Mountains schools of SŎN (see KUSAN SŎNMUN), the Sumisan school, is presumed to trace back to a teacher, Yunju Daoying (d. 902), who was also a disciple of Dongshan Liangjie; the Caodong school had no impact in the subsequent development of Korean Sŏn, where Imje (C. Linji zong) lineages and practices dominated from the thirteenth century onwards.

Caoqishan. (C) (曹溪山). See CAOXISHAN.

Caoshan Benji. (J. Sōzan Honjaku; K. Chosan Ponjŏk 曹山本寂) (840–901). Chinese CHAN master and reputed cofounder of the CAODONG line of Chan; also known as Danzhang. Caoshan was a native of Quanzhou in present-day Fujian province. After leaving home at age eighteen and fully ordaining at twenty-five, Caoshan visited the Chan master DONGSHAN LIANGJIE and became his disciple. Caoshan was later invited to Mt. Heyu in Fuzhou (present-day Jiangxi province), and there he established his unique style of Chan. He later renamed the mountain Mt. Cao (or Caoshan) after the sixth patriarch HUINENG’s own residence of CAOXISHAN. Caoshan’s line of Chan came to be known as Caodong, which is derived eponymously from the first Sinograph in both Caoshan and Dongshan’s names. One of the most emblematic teachings of the Caodong tradition is that of the “five ranks” (WUWEI), taught by Dongshan and further developed by Caoshan, a form of dialectical analysis that JUEFAN HUIHONG (1071–1128) considered to be the origin of “lettered Chan” (WENZI CHAN). Caoshan was later given the posthumous title Great Master Yunzheng. Although Caoshan had many disciples, his own lineage did not survive into the Song dynasty and the Caodong line was carried on by the lineage of Yunju Daoying (d. 902), a fellow student of Dongshan.

Caoxi baolin zhuan. (C) (曹溪寶林傳). See BAOLIN ZHUAN.

Caoxishan. [alt. Caoqishan] (J. Sōkeizan; K. Chogyesan 曹溪山). A sacred mountain in the south of China, located in Shaozhou, present-day Guangdong province, and closely associated with the CHAN ZONG. According to legend, an Indian brāhmaṇa who arrived at the mountain in 502 was so moved by the taste of its spring water that he suggested that a monastery be constructed there. The monastery was built and named Baolinsi, or Bejeweled Forest Monastery. The brāhmaṇa also predicted that a great teacher would one day preach the DHARMA at the monastery and awaken beings as numerous as the trees in the forest. This tale may be attributed to followers of the legendary sixth patriarch (LIUZU) of the Chan school, HUINENG, who purportedly arrived at Baolinsi in 677. Upon his arrival, Huineng is also said to have established separate quarters for meditative practice within the monastery’s compounds, which later came to be known as Huoguoyuan or NANHUASI. The mountain’s name of Caoxi is sometimes also used as a toponym of Huineng, its most famous inhabitant. Caoxishan (in its Korean pronunciation of Chogyesan) is also an important Buddhist mountain in Korea and is the site of the famous practice monastery of SONGGWANGSA. See also CHOGYE CHONG.

Caoyuan Daosheng. (J. Sōgen Dōshō; K. Chowŏn Tosaeng 曹源道生) (d. 1192). A Chinese CHAN master of the LINJI ZONG. Caoyuan was a native of Nanjian in present-day Fujian province. He later became a student of the eminent Chan master MI’AN XIANJIE and made a name for himself at the monastery of Ruguosi in Jiangxi province. Caoyuan subsequently resided at such monasteries as Guifengsi and Qianfusi, also in Jiangxi province. Those in his lineage are sometimes specifically referred to as the Caoyuan branch of the Linji lineage. Caoyuan’s teachings are found in his Caoyuan heshang yulu and Caoyuan Sheng chanshi yuyao.

Cao Zhi. (曺植) (192–232). Reputed founder of the distinctive Chinese style of Buddhist chanting. See FANBAI.

Cāpālacaitya. (P. Cāpālacetiya; T. Tsa pa la mchod rten; C. Zhepoluo ta; J. Shabara no tō; K. Ch’abara t’ap 遮婆羅塔) In Sanskrit, “Cāpāla shrine”; the site near the city of VAIŚĀLĪ where the Buddha GAUTAMA announced his intention to die and enter PARINIRVĀṆA. According to the Pāli MAHĀPARINIBBĀNASUTTANTA, on an excursion to the shrine with his attendant, ĀNANDA, the Buddha mentioned that, because he had fully mastered the four bases of psychic power (P. iddhipāda, S. ṚDDHIPĀDA), he had the ability to extend his life “for an eon or until the end of the eon” (P. kappa; S. KALPA). (The Pāli commentaries take “eon” here to mean “his full allotted lifespan,” not a cosmological period.) Although he raised this prospect a second and third time, Ānanda did not take the hint, and the Buddha finally “consciously and deliberately” renounced his remaining lifespan and proclaimed he would pass away in three months’ time. When the earth quaked at his decision, Ānanda finally realized what had happened and earnestly entreated the Buddha to extend his lifespan. However, the Buddha refused, enumerating the many occasions in the past when the Buddha had made the same statement and Ānanda had failed to make the request. Ānanda would later explain that he had been distracted by MĀRA. For his error, Ānanda was publicly censured by his colleagues at the time of the first Buddhist council following the Buddha’s death (see COUNCIL, FIRST). The Cāpāla shrine was probably some sort of pre-Buddhist tree shrine; it was almost certainly not a Buddhist reliquary or commemorative tumulus (CAITYA).

carita. (T. spyod pa; C. xing; J. gyō; K. haeng 行). In Sanskrit and Pāli, “conduct,” “behavior,” or “temperament”; an alternative form is Sanskrit caryā (P. cariyā). As “behavior,” carita is typically bifurcated into either good (sucarita) or bad (S. duścarita; P. duccarita) conduct. As “temperament,” carita is used to indicate six general character types, which are predominantly biased toward the negative temperaments of greedy (RĀGA), hateful (S. DVEṢA; P. dosa), and deluded (MOHA), or the more positive temperaments of faithful (S. ŚRADDHĀ; P. saddhā), intelligent (BUDDHI), and discursive (S. VITARKA; P. vitakka), a taxonomy found in the VISUDDHIMAGGA. The first three types of temperaments are negative and thus need to be corrected. (1) A greedy temperament is constantly searching out new sensory experiences and clings to things that are not beneficial. (2) A hateful temperament is disaffected, always finding imaginary faults in others; along with the intelligent temperament, he is less prone to clinging than the other character types. (3) A deluded temperament is agitated and restless, because he is unable to make up his mind about anything and follows along with others’ decisions. The latter three types of temperaments are positive and thus need to be enhanced. (4) A faithful temperament is like a greedy type who instead cultivates wholesome actions and clings to what is beneficial. (5) An intelligent temperament is like a hateful type who performs salutary actions and points out real faults; along with the hateful temperament, he is less prone to clinging than the other character types. (6) A discursive temperament is characterized by a restlessness of mind that constantly flits from topic to topic and vacillates due to his constant conjecturing; if these discursive energies can be harnessed, however, that knowledge may lead to wisdom. The Visuddhimagga also provides detailed guidelines for determining a person’s temperament by observing their posture, their preferences in food, and the sort of mental concomitants with which they are typically associated. This knowledge of temperaments is important as a tool of practice (BHĀVANĀ), because in the Visuddhimagga’s account of visualization (P. KASIṆA) exercises, the practitioner is taught to use an appropriate kasiṇa device or meditation topic (P. KAMMAṬṬHĀNA) either to mitigate the influence of the negative temperaments or enhance the influence of the positive ones. Thus, a practitioner with a greedy temperament is advised to emphasize the cemetery contemplations on foulness (S. AŚUBHABHĀVANĀ; P. asubhabhāvanā) and mindfulness of the body (S. KĀYĀNUPAŚYANĀ; P. kāyānupassanā; see also SMṚTYUPASTHĀNA); the hateful temperament, the four divine abidings (BRAHMAVIHĀRA) and the four color kasiṇas (of blue, yellow, red, white); the deluded temperament, mindfulness of breathing (S. ĀNĀPĀNASMṚTI; P. ānāpānasati); the discursive temperament, also mindfulness of breathing; the faithful temperament, the first six recollections (S. ANUSMṚTI; P. anussati), viz., of the Buddha, the DHARMA, the SAṂGHA, morality, generosity, and the divinities; and the intelligent temperament, the recollections of death and peace, the analysis of the four elements, and the loathsomeness of food. Suitable to all six temperaments are the other six kasiṇas (viz., of earth, water, fire, air, light, and empty space) and the immaterial absorptions (S. ĀRŪPYĀVACARADHYĀNA; P. arūpāvacarajhāna). ¶ In the MAHĀYĀNA, caryā, carita, and related terms (e.g., Sanskrit compounds such as duścara) refer specifically to the difficult course of action that a BODHISATTVA pursues in order to reach the goal of enlightenment. These actions include the unending search or pilgrimage for a teacher, the sacrifices required to meet with an authentic teacher who can teach Mahāyāna doctrines (see SADĀPRARUDITA, SUDHANA), and the difficult practices of charity, such as giving away all possessions, including family members and even one’s body (see DEHADĀNA; SHESHEN). The JĀTAKAMĀLĀ of Śura, the BODHICARYĀVATĀRA of ŚĀNTIDEVA, and to a certain extent the BUDDHACARITA of AŚVAGHOṢA set forth a model of the authentic bodhisattva’s behavior for aspirants to emulate. In Buddhist TANTRA, caryā refers to a code of ritual purity, and to an esoteric practice called “yoga with signs” (SANIMITTAYOGA) followed by CARYĀTANTRA practitioners.

Cariyāpiṭaka. In Pāli, “The Basket of Conduct”; fifteenth book of the KHUDDAKANIKĀYA of the Pāli SUTTAPIṬAKA. According to traditional accounts, the text was preached by Gotama (S. GAUTAMA) Buddha immediately after the BUDDHAVAṂSA at the request of Sāriputta (S. ŚĀRIPUTRA). Centuries later, the missionary MAHINDA is said to have converted thousands of Sri Lankans to Buddhism when he recited it in ANURĀDHAPURA. Divided into three chapters (vagga), the book contains thirty-five stories in verse of previous lives of the Buddha. These stories recount and extol the ten perfections (P. pāramī, S. PĀRAMITĀ) that Gotama developed while striving for enlightenment through many lives as a bodhisatta (S. BODHISATTVA). The stories in this collection are called cariyā (“conduct,” or “act”), whence the name of the text, and in content they parallel corresponding prose narratives found in the JĀTAKA. The Pāli tradition recognizes ten perfections as requisite for attaining buddhahood: generosity (DĀNA), morality (sīla, S. ŚĪLA), renunciation (nekkhamma, S. NAIṢKRAMYA), wisdom (paññā, S. PRAJÑĀ), energy (viriya, S. VĪRYA), patience (khanti, S. KṢĀNTI), truthfulness (sacca, S. SATYA), resolution (adhiṭṭhāna, S. ADHIṢṬHĀNA), loving-kindness (mettā, S. MAITRĪ) and equanimity (upekkhā, S. UPEKṢĀ). Of these ten, only seven are enumerated in this text. The first vagga is comprised of ten stories concerning the perfection of generosity. The second vagga has ten stories concerning morality. The third vagga contains fifteen stories, five of which are devoted to renunciation, six to truthfulness, two to loving-kindness, and one each to the perfections of resolution and equanimity. A commentary to the text, attributed to DHARMAPĀLA, is included in the PARAMATTHADĪPANĪ.

Carus, Paul. (1852–1919). An early supporter of Buddhism in America and the proponent of the “religion of science”: a faith that claimed to be purified of all superstition and irrationality and that, in harmony with science, would bring about solutions to the world’s problems. Carus was born in Ilsenberg in Harz, Germany. He immigrated to America in 1884, settling in LaSalle, Illinois, where he assumed the editorship of the Open Court Publishing Company. He attended the World Parliament of Religions in Chicago in 1893 and became friends with several of the Buddhist delegates, including DHARMAPĀLA and SHAKU SŌEN, who were among the first to promote his writing. Later, Shaku Sōen’s student, DAISETZ TEITARO SUZUKI, would spend eleven years working with and for Carus in LaSalle. In 1894, Carus published The Gospel of Buddha according to Old Records, an anthology of passages from Buddhist texts drawn from contemporary translations in English, French, and German, making particular use of translations from the Pāli by THOMAS W. RHYS DAVIDS, as well as translations of the life of the Buddha from Chinese and Tibetan sources. Second only to Edwin Arnold’s Light of Asia in intellectual influence at the time, The Gospel was arranged like the Bible, with numbered chapters and verses and a table at the end that listed parallel passages from the New Testament. The Gospel was intended to highlight the many agreements between Buddhism and Christianity, thereby bringing out “that nobler Christianity which aspires to the cosmic religion of universal truth.” Carus was free in his manipulation of his sources, writing in the preface that he had rearranged, retranslated, and added emendations and elaborations in order to make them more accessible to a Western audience; for this reason, the translated sources are not always easy to trace back to the original literature. He also makes it clear in the preface that his ultimate goal is to lead his readers to the Religion of Science. He believed that both Buddhism and Christianity, when understood correctly, would point the way to the Religion of Science. Although remembered today for his Gospel, Carus wrote some seventy books and more than a thousand articles. His books include studies of Goethe, Schiller, Kant, and Chinese thought.

caryā. (S). See CARITA.

Caryāgītikoṣa. (T. Spyod pa’i glu’i mdzod). In Sanskrit, “Anthology of Songs on Practice”; a collection of fifty songs, dating from the eighth through the twelfth centuries, that represent some of the oldest examples of specifically tantric literature written in an Indian vernacular language (see APABHRAṂŚA). The manuscript was discovered in Nepal in 1907 and published in 1916, and contained four sections. The first section in the collection, Caryācaryābhiniścaya, was written in the Bengali vernacular, while the three other sections were written in Eastern Apabhraṃśa, a late Middle Indic dialect from the Bengal region. The original manuscript of the Caryāgītikoṣa contained sixty-nine folios, which included the fifty songs, with exegeses in Sanskrit. By the time of the text’s rediscovery, however, five folios were lost, leaving sixty-four folios containing the text of forty-six full songs and the first six lines of another ten-lined song. The names of twenty-three different authors are ascribed to the songs themselves; the authorship of the Sanskrit commentary to the Bengali songs is attributed to Munidatta. The songs were handed down orally before they were committed to writing, and even today they are sung in the Buddhist communities of Nepal, Tibet, and other neighboring areas of the Himālayas. Most of the songs deal with gaining release from the bondage of the illusory world and enjoying the great bliss of enlightenment, by employing worldly similes drawn from marriage and such daily activities as fermenting wine and rowing a boat.

caryātantra. (T. spyod rgyud). In Sanskrit, “performance tantra”; in a traditional fourfold division of tantric practices and texts, it is the second of the four, ranked above KRIYĀTANTRA and below YOGATANTRA and ANUTTARAYOGATANTRA. According to the Indian commentator BUDDHAGUHYA, this class of tantras derives its name from the fact that it set forth an equal “performance” of both external rituals and internal yoga. This also explains the placement of this class of tantras between krīya and yoga. The most important tantra in the performance class is the MAHĀVAIROCANĀBHISAṂBODHI. There are three buddha families (BUDDHAKULA) in caryātantra: TATHĀGATAKULA, PADMAKULA, and VAJRAKULA. According to Tibetan exegetes, caryātantra for the most part does not set forth practices for meditating upon oneself as a buddha but rather prescribes methods for gaining feats (SIDDHI).

catuḥpratisaraṇa. See PRATISARAṆA.

catuḥsaṃgrahavastu. See SAṂGRAHAVASTU.

catuḥsamudācāra. See CATURKARMAN.

Catuḥśataka. (T. Bzhi brgya pa; C. Guang Bai lun ben; J. Kōhyakuronpon; K. Kwang Paengnon pon 廣百論本). In Sanskrit, “Four Hundred [Stanzas]”; the magnum opus of ĀRYADEVA, a third century CE Indian monk of the MADHYAMAKA school of MAHĀYĀNA philosophy and the chief disciple of NĀGĀRJUNA, the founder of that tradition. The four-hundred verses are divided into sixteen chapters of twenty-five stanzas each, which cover many of the seminal teachings of Madhyamaka philosophy. The first four of the sixteen chapters are dedicated to arguments against erroneous conceptions of permanence, satisfaction, purity, and a substantial self. In chapter 5, Āryadeva discusses the career of a BODHISATTVA, emphasizing the necessity for compassion (KARUṆĀ) in all of the bodhisattva’s actions. Chapter 6 is a treatment of the three afflictions (KLEŚA) of greed or sensuality (LOBHA or RĀGA), hatred or aversion (DVEṢA), and delusion (MOHA). Chapter 7 explains the need to reject sensual pleasures. In chapter 8, Āryadeva discusses the proper conduct and attitude of a student of the TATHĀGATA’s teaching. Chapters 9 through 15 contain a series of arguments refuting the erroneous views of other Buddhist and non-Buddhist schools. These refutations center on Āryadeva’s understanding of emptiness (ŚŪNYATĀ) as the fundamental characteristic of reality. For example, in chapter 9, Āryadeva argues against the conception that anything, including liberation, is permanent and independent of causes. In chapter 11, Āryadeva argues against the SARVĀSTIVĀDA claim that dharmas exist in reality in the past, present, and future. Chapter 16, the final chapter, is a discussion of emptiness and its centrality to the Madhyamaka school and its doctrine. There is a lengthy and influential commentary on the text by CANDRAKĪRTI, entitled Catuḥśatakaṭīkā; its full title is Bodhisattvayogacaryācatuḥśatakaṭīkā. The Catuḥśataka was translated into Chinese by XUANZANG and his translation team at DACI’ENSI, in either 647 or 650–651 CE. The work is counted as one of the “three treatises” of the Chinese SAN LUN ZONG, where it is treated as Āryadeva’s own expansion of his *ŚATAŚĀSTRA (C. BAI LUN; “One Hundred Treatise”); hence, the Chinese instead translates the title as “Expanded Text on the One Hundred [Verse] Treatise.” Some have speculated, to the contrary, that the Śataśāstra is an abbreviated version of the Catuḥśataka. The two works consider many of the same topics, including the nature of NIRVĀṆA and the meaning of emptiness in a similar fashion and both refute Sāṃkhya and Vaiśeṣika positions, but the order of their treatment of these topics and their specific contents differ; the Śataśāstra also contains material not found in the Catuḥśataka. It is, therefore, safer to presume that these are two independent texts, not that one is a summary or expansion of the other. It is possible that the Śataśāstra represents Kumārajīva’s interpretation of the Catuḥśataka, but this is difficult to determine without further clarity on the Indian text that Kumārajīva translated.

catuḥsatyadharmacakra. (T. bden bzhi’i chos ’khor; C. sidi falun; J. shitai hōrin; K. saje pŏmnyun 四諦法輪). In Sanskrit, lit. “the dharma wheel of the four truths”; the wheel of the dharma (DHARMACAKRA) delivered in ṚṢIPATANA. In this first turning of the wheel of dharma, the Buddha set in motion a wheel with twelve aspects, by setting forth the four noble truths three separate times. He addressed the original group of five disciples (PAÑCAVARGIKA), telling them that they should not fall into extremes of asceticism or indulgence, and laid out for them the eightfold noble path (AṢṬĀṄGIKAMĀRGA). He set forth the four truths the first time by saying that the five aggregates (SKANDHA) qualified by birth, aging, sickness, and death are the noble truth of suffering, craving is the noble truth of their origination, the elimination of that craving is the noble truth of their cessation, and that the eightfold noble path is the noble truth of the path leading to their cessation. He set forth the four truths a second time when, in the same extended discourse, he said, “I knew well that the truth of suffering was what I had to comprehend; I knew well that the truth of the origin was what I had to eliminate; I knew well that the truth of cessation was what I had to realize; and I knew well that the truth of the path was what I had to cultivate.” He then set forth the four truths a third and final time when he said, “I comprehended the truth of suffering, I eliminated the true origin of suffering, I realized the true cessation of suffering, and I cultivated the true path.” There are twelve aspects to this triple wheel because for each of the three stages there is (1) a vision that sees reality directly with the wisdom eye that is free from contaminants, (2) a knowledge that is free from doubt, (3) an understanding of the way things are, and (4) an intellectual comprehension of an idea never heard of before. ¶ The SAṂDHINIRMOCANASŪTRA calls the triple turning of the catuḥsatyadharmacakra with its twelve aspects the “first turning of the wheel.” According to its commentaries, it is a demonstration that all dharmas, the skandhas, sense-fields (ĀYATANA), elements (DHĀTU), and so forth, exist. This teaching is provisional (NEYĀRTHA) because it must be interpreted in order to understand what the Buddha really means. A second “middle” dispensation, called “the dharma wheel of signlessness” (ALAKṢAṆADHARMACAKRA), is the teaching of the Mahāyāna doctrine, as set forth in the PRAJÑĀPĀRAMITĀ SŪTRAs, that all dharmas, even buddhahood and NIRVĀṆA, are without any intrinsic nature (NIḤSVABHĀVA). The first turning of the wheel is directed toward the ŚRĀVAKAs and PRATYEKABUDDHAs, who tremble at this doctrine of emptiness (ŚŪNYATĀ). The second turning is also not a final, definitive (NĪTĀRTHA) teaching. The ultimate teaching is the final turning of the wheel of dharma, called “the dharma wheel that makes a fine delineation” (*SUVIBHAKTADHARMACAKRA), i.e., the Saṃdhinirmocanasūtra itself. Here the Buddha, through his amanuensis Paramārthasamudgata, sets forth in clear and plain language what he means: that dharmas are endowed with three natures (TRISVABHĀVA) and each of those is, in a distinctive way, free from intrinsic nature (niḥsvabhāva). The doctrine of the first, middle, and final wheels of dharma is not intended to be a historical presentation of the development of Buddhist doctrine, but the first turning does loosely equate to the early teachings of the Buddha, the second to early Mahāyāna, and the third to the emergence of the later YOGĀCĀRA school of Mahāyāna philosophy. In Tibet, there is no argument over this first turning of the wheel of dharma: it is always understood to refer to the basic teachings of the Buddha for those of a HĪNAYĀNA persuasion. There is, however, substantial argument over the status of the second and third turnings of the wheel.

*catuḥśrāvakanikāya. (T. nyan thos rtsa ba’i sde pa bzhi). In Sanskrit, “four main ŚRĀVAKA schools”; according to BHĀVAVIVEKA’s PRAJÑĀPRADĪPA, the SARVĀSTIVĀDA, STHAVIRANIKĀYA, MAHĀSĀṂGHIKA, and SAṂMITĪYA schools. The Prajñāpradīpa identifies a total of eighteen śrāvaka schools by again dividing these main schools into seven, five, three, and three, respectively. See also MAINSTREAM BUDDHIST SCHOOLS; SAMAYABHEDOPARACANACAKRA.

Catuḥstava. (T. Bstod pa bzhi). In Sanskrit, “Four Songs of Praise”; a set of four devotional hymns attributed to the Indian monk NĀGĀRJUNA, the founder of the MADHYAMAKA school of MAHĀYĀNA philosophy. More than four such hymns have survived, so it is uncertain which were the original four. The four hymns now included in this set are entitled LOKĀTĪTASTAVA (“Hymn to He Who Transcends the World”), NIRAUPAMYASTAVA (“Hymn to He Who Is Unequaled”), ACINTYASTAVA (“Hymn to the Inconceivable”), and PARAMĀRTHASTAVA (“Hymn to the Ultimate”). These verses are addressed to the Buddha himself, in honor of his virtues and various aspects of his enlightenment. The author praises the Buddha for his supreme insight, his compassion, and his efforts to awaken all beings. The hymns also contain many important aspects of the philosophy of the Madhyamaka school. For example, verses five through ten of the Lokātītastava are used to explain the interdependence, and therefore inessential nature, of each of the five aggregates (SKANDHA).

*caturāpattidvāra. (T. ltung ba’i sgo bzhi / sdom pa nyams pa’i rgyu bzhi; C. si fanzui men; J. shibonzaimon; K. sa pŏmjoe mun 四犯罪門). In Sanskrit, “the four doors through which transgression comes.” According to the BODHISATTVABHŪMI, the best way to guard against transgression (āpatti) is to block these four doors. The first door is not knowing boundaries relative to which transgression does, or does not, occur; to counteract it, one should know the moral code (S. PRĀTIMOKṢA) well. The second is knowing the code, but not respecting virtuous persons; to counteract it, one should conquer pride and have respect. The third is having respect but being heedless (PRAMĀDA); to counteract it, one must be guided by one’s conscience (APRAMĀDA). The fourth door is when one has knowledge, respect, and a conscience but where KLEŚA (affliction) predominates; to counteract it, one must apply an antidote (S. PRATIPAKṢA) and focus on reducing the powers of the kleśas.

caturapramāṇa. In Sanskrit, “four boundless states.” See APRAMĀṆA; BRAHMAVIHĀRA.

*Caturaśītisiddhapravṛtti. (T. Grub thob brgyad bcu rtsa bzhi’i lo rgyus). In Sanskrit, “The Lives of the Eighty-four Siddhas”; a tantric doxography ascribed to the early twelfth-century Indian author ABHAYADATTAŚRĪ. The original Sanskrit version has been lost, but the text is preserved in Tibetan translation. The work records brief vitae for the great SIDDHAs (or mahāsiddhas) of Indian tantric Buddhism, who are commonly enumerated in a list of eighty-four. While the list varies, according to Abhayadattaśrī’s work, the eighty-four siddhas include Lūyipa, Līlapa, VIRŪPA, Ḍombipa, Śavaripa, SARAHA, Kankaripa, Mīnapa, Goraksa, Caurāṅgi, Vīnapa, Śāntipa, Tantipa, Camaripa, Khaḍgapa, NĀGĀRJUNA, Kāṇḥapa, Karṇaripa, Thaganapa, NĀROPA, Śalipa, TILOPA, Catrapa, Bhadrapa, Dhukhandi, Ajokipa, Kalapa, Dhombipa, Kaṅkana, Kambala, Ṭeṅgipa, Bhandhepa, Tandhepa, Kukkuripa, Kucipa, Dharmapa, Mahipa, Acinta, Babhahi, Nalina, Bhusuku, INDRABHŪTI, Mekopa, Koṭali, Kaṃparipa, Jālandhari, RĀHULA, Dharmapa, Dhokaripa, Medhina, Paṅkaja, Ghaṇḍhapa, Yogipa, Caluki, Gorura, Lucika, Niguṇa, Jayānanda, Pacari, Campaka, Bhikṣana, Telopa, Kumaripa, Caparipa, Maṇibhadrā, Mekhalā, Kanakhalā, Kalakala, Kantali, Dhahuli, Udheli, Kapalapa, Kirava, Sakara, Sarvabhakṣa, Nāgabodhi, Dārika, Putali, Panaha, Kokali, Anaṅga, Lakṣmīnkarā, Samudra, and Vyali. See MAHĀSIDDHA.

caturkarman. (T. las bzhi). In Sanskrit, “four activities”; the four types of activities set forth in the Buddhist tantras. It is a general rubric for the classification of rituals, based on the means or the goal of the ritual. The four types are activities of pacification (ŚĀNTICĀRA), activities of increase (PAUṢṬIKA), activities of control (VAŚĪKARAṆA), and wrathful activities (ABHICĀRA).

caturlakṣaṇa. (T. mtshan nyid bzhi; C. sixiang; J. shisō; K. sasang 四相). In Sanskrit, “four marks of existence”; also known as the four “conditioned marks” (SAṂSKṚTALAKṢAṆA. These four characteristics governing all conditioned objects are “origination” or birth (JĀTI), “maturation” or continuance (STHITI), “senescence” or decay (JARĀ), and “desinence” or extinction, viz., death (ANITYA). In the SARVĀSTIVĀDA school, these four were treated as “forces dissociated from thought” (CITTAVIPRAYUKTASAṂSKĀRA), which exerted real power over compounded objects, escorting an object along from one force to another, until the force “desinence” extinguishes it; this explanation was necessary in order to explain how factors that the school presumed continued to exist in all three time periods of past, present, and future nevertheless still appeared to undergo change. Some Sarvāstivāda ABHIDHARMA texts, however, accept only three characteristics, omitting continuance. See also DHARMAMUDRĀ; LAKṢAṆA.

caturmahāpadeśa. In Sanskrit, “four resorts to authority.” See MAHĀPADEŚA.

caturmahārāja. (S). See LOKAPĀLA.

cāturmahārājakāyika. (P. cātummahārājikā; T. rgyal chen rigs bzhi; C. sitianwang tian; J. shitennōten; K. sach’ŏnwang ch’ŏn 四天王天). In Sanskrit, “heaven of the assemblage of the four great kings”; the lowest of all the heavens in Buddhist cosmology and the lowest of the six heavens located in the sensuous realm (KĀMADHĀTU). The heaven is located on the upper slopes of MOUNT SUMERU and is presided over by four kings, one in each of the cardinal directions. The four kings are DHṚTARĀṢṬRA in the east; VIRŪḌHAKA in the south; VIRŪPĀKṢA in the west; and VAIŚRAVAṆA in the north. These four are known collectively as the LOKAPĀLAs, or protectors of the world. There are many divinities (DEVA) inhabiting this heaven: GANDHARVAs in the east, KUMBHĀṆḌAs in the south, NĀGAs in the west, and YAKṢAs in the north. As vassals of ŚAKRO DEVĀNĀM INDRAḤ (lit. “Śakra, the lord of the gods”; see INDRA; ŚAKRA), the four heavenly kings serve as protectors of the dharma (DHARMAPĀLA) and of sentient beings who are devoted to the dharma. They are said to have protected the Buddha from the time that he entered his mother’s womb and also to have presented him with his alms bowl after his enlightenment. They survey their respective quadrants of the world and report on the deeds of humans to the divinities of the TRĀYASTRIṂŚA heaven.

caturmudrā. (T. phyag rgya bzhi; C. siyin; J. shiin; K. sain 四印). In Sanskrit, lit. “four seals” or “four assertions”; the Tibetan translation lta ba bkar btags kyi phyag rgya bzhi literally means “the four seals that mark a view as the word [of the Buddha],” i.e., that mark a philosophical system or certify a doctrine as being Buddhist. The four seals are: all compounded factors (SAṂSKṚTADHARMA) are impermanent (ANITYATĀ), all contaminated things are suffering (DUḤKHA), all things are devoid of any perduring self (ANĀTMAN), and NIRVĀṆA is peace (śānta). In the MAHĀYĀNASŪTRĀLAṂKĀRA, the four seals are connected with the three “gates to deliverance” (VIMOKṢAMUKHA), which mark the transition from the compounded (SAṂSKṚTA) realm of SAṂSĀRA to the uncompounded (ASAṂSKṚTA) realm of NIRVĀṆA. “All compounded factors are impermanent” and “all contaminated things are suffering” are the cause of the SAMĀDHI of wishlessness (APRAṆIHITA). “All phenomena are selfless” is the cause of the samādhi of emptiness (ŚŪNYATĀ). “Nirvāṇa is peace” is the cause of the samādhi of signlessness (ĀNIMITTA).

caturnimitta. (P. catunimitta; T. mtshan ma bzhi; C. sixiang; J. shisō; K. sasang 四相). In Sanskrit, the “four signs,” “sights,” or “portents,” which were the catalysts that led the future buddha SIDDHĀRTHA GAUTAMA to renounce the world (see PRAVRAJITA) and pursue liberation from the cycle of birth and death (SAṂSĀRA): specifically, an old man, a diseased man, a dead man, and a religious mendicant (ŚRAMAṆA). According to the many traditional biographies of the Buddha, eight brāhmaṇa seers predicted at the time of his birth that, were Gautama to see all four of these portents, he would be led inexorably toward renunciation of his royal heritage. His father, ŚUDDHODANA, who wanted Siddhārtha to succeed him, sought to shield the prince from these sights. While distracting his son with all the sensual pleasures available in his palaces, the prince, at the age of twenty-nine, eventually became curious about the world beyond the palace and convinced his father to allow him to go out in his chariot, accompanied by the charioteer CHANDAKA. On four successive chariot rides, the prince saw an old man, a sick man, a corpse being taken to the charnel ground, and a mendicant. Gautama eventually determined to go forth (pravrajita) into homelessness after witnessing the four portents. The first three sights demonstrated to Gautama the vanity of life and the reality of suffering (DUḤKHA), and the sight of a religious mendicant provided him with the prospect of freedom of mind and a model to follow in finding a way leading to liberation. Some versions of the Buddha’s biography refer only to the first three of these signs. In some versions, it is said that the four sights were not actually an old man, sick man, corpse, and mendicant, but apparitions of these created by the gods in order to spur the bodhisattva to renounce the world. In the LALITAVISTARA, it is the prince himself who creates the old man, the sick man, the corpse, and the mendicant, and then asks his charioteer who they are, pretending not to know the answer. Biographies of previous buddhas, such as VIPAŚYIN, typically mention the role similar encounters played in their own renunciations.

caturthābhiṣeka. (T. dbang bzhi pa; C. disi guanding; J. daishi kanjō; K. chesa kwanjŏng 第四灌頂). In Sanskrit, “fourth empowerment”; the fourth of the four empowerments or initiations employed in ANUTTARAYOGATANTRA, the other three being the vase empowerment (KALAŚĀBHIṢEKA), the secret empowerment (GUHYĀBHIṢEKA), and the knowledge of the consort empowerment (PRAJÑĀJÑĀNĀBHIṢEKA). After having engaged in sexual union with a consort in the third empowerment, in this fourth and final empowerment, the practitioner seeks to attain the state of innate bliss (sahajānanda) with the mind of clear light (PRABHĀSVARACITTA), in a vision like the natural color of the autumn sky at dawn, free from moonlight, sunlight, and darkness. The initiation is also called the “word empowerment” (Śabdābhiṣeka) because the teacher will identify this state for the disciple.

caturyoni. (S). See YONI.

caturyuga. In Sanskrit, “four eons.” See YUGA.

catuṣkoṭi. (T. mu bzhi; C. siju fenbie; J. shiku funbetsu; K. sagu punbyŏl 四句分別). In Sanskrit, “four antinomies” or “four alternatives”; a dialectical form of argumentation used in Buddhist philosophy to categorize sets of specific propositions, i.e., (1) A, (2) B, (3) both A and B, (4) neither A nor B; or (1) A, (2) not A, (3) both A and not A, 4) neither A nor not A. For instance, something may be said to (1) exist, (2) not exist, (3) both exist and not exist, and (4) neither exist nor not exist. Or, 1) everything is one, (2) everything is many, (3) everything is both one and many, 4) everything is neither one nor many. In the sūtra literature, the catuṣkoṭi is employed to categorize the speculative philosophical propositions of non-Buddhists (TĪRTHIKA) in a list of fourteen “indeterminate” or “unanswered” (AVYĀKṚTA) questions to which the Buddha refused to respond. These questions involve various metaphysical assertions that were used in traditional India to evaluate a thinker’s philosophical pedigree. In the case of ontology, for example: (1) Is the world eternal? (2) Is the world not eternal? (3) Is the world both eternal and not eternal? (4) Is the world neither eternal nor not eternal? Or, in the case of soteriology, for a TATHĀGATA, or an enlightened person: (1) Does the tathāgata exist after death? (2) Does the tathāgata not exist after death? (3) Does the tathāgata both exist and not exist after death? (4) Does the tathāgata neither exist nor not exist after death? Because of the conceptual flaws inherent in any prospective answer to these sets of questions, the Buddha refused to answer them and his silence is sometimes interpreted to mean that his teachings transcend conceptual thought (PRAPAÑCA). This transcendent quality of Buddhist philosophy is displayed in the MADHYAMAKA school, which seeks to ascertain the conceptual flaws inherent in any definitive philosophical proposition and show instead that all propositions—even those made by Buddhists—are “empty” (sūnya). NĀGĀRJUNA, the founder of the Madhyamaka school, analyzes many philosophical positions in terms of a catuṣkoṭi to demonstrate their emptiness. In analyzing causality, for example, Nāgārjuna in the opening lines of his MŪLAMADHYAMAKAKĀRIKĀ analyzes the possible philosophical positions on the connection between cause (HETU) and effect (PHALA) as a catuṣkoṭi: (1) cause and effect are identical, as the Sāṃkhya school claims; (2) cause and effect are different, as the Buddhists propose; (3) cause and effect are both identical and different, and thus the effect is both continuous with as well as emergent from the cause, as the JAINA school claims; (4) cause and effect are neither identical nor different, and thus things occur by chance, as the materialists and skeptics advocate. Nāgārjuna instead reveals the absurd consequences inherent in all of these positions to show that the only defensible position is that cause and effect are “empty”; thus, all compounded things are ultimately unproduced (ANUTPĀDA) and empty of intrinsic existence (NIḤSVABHĀVA). Classifications of teachings using the catuṣkoṭi are widely found in Buddhist literature of all traditions.

catuṣkuśalamūla. (T. dge rtsa bzhi; C. si shangen; J. shizenkon; K. sa sŏn’gŭn 四善根). In Sanskrit, “four spiritual faculties”; an alternate name for the four “aids to penetrations” (NIRVEDHABHĀGĪYA), the full name of which is the nirvedhabhāgīya-kuśalamūla.

catvāro yonayaḥ. See YONI.

catvāry āryasatyāni. (P. cattāri ariyasaccāni; T. ’phags pa’i bden pa bzhi; C. si shengdi; J. shishōdai; K. sa sŏngje 四聖諦). In Sanskrit, “four noble truths.” See FOUR NOBLE TRUTHS.

causality. See PRATĪTYASAMUTPĀDA; HETUPRATYAYA.

cause. See HETU.

causes and conditions. See HETUPRATYAYA.

celestial bodhisattva. An English term coined to describe BODHISATTVAs appearing in the MAHĀYĀNA pantheons, who are objects of specific types of devotions or cultic practices. These include AVALOKITEŚVARA, MAÑJUŚRĪ, VAJRAPĀṆI, KṢITIGARBHA, and SAMANTABHADRA, among many others. See also AṢṬAMAHOPAPUTRA.

celibacy. See BRAHMACARYA; PĀRĀJIKA.

central channel. See AVADHŪTĪ.

cessation. See NIRODHA.

cetanā. (T. sems pa; C. si; J. shi; K. sa 思). In Sanskrit and Pāli, “intention,” “volition,” or “stimulus”; one of the omnipresent mental factors (MAHĀBHŪMIKA; SARVATRAGA) that accompanies each moment of consciousness; intention directs the mind toward either salutary (KUŚALA), unsalutary (AKUŚALA), or neutral (AVYĀKṚTA) objects. Intention is of crucial importance in the theory of action (KARMAN), where the intent defines the eventual quality of the action: “Action is volition, for after having intended something, one accomplishes action through body, speech, and mind.” Hence, cetanā functions as both the stimulus and driving force behind all action, framing the ways in which beings choose to interact with the world at large and coordinating the functioning of the various mental concomitants (CAITTA) that are necessary in order to respond accordingly. In this sense, in a simile drawn from the AṬṬHASĀLINĪ, cetanā functions like a general, who commands and coordinates the activities of all the soldiers on the battlefield. The emphasis on cetanā in the larger sense of intention is sometimes identified as a Buddhist innovation in KARMAN theory, where the intention motivating a deed plays a significant role in the positive or negative karmic weight of the deed itself.

cetasika. In Pāli, “mental concomitant” or “mental factor”; the Pāli equivalent of the Sanskrit term caitasika (see CAITTA). Mental concomitants are factors associated with the arising of consciousness (CITTA or viññāṇa; S. VIJÑĀNA). According to the Pāli ABHIDHAMMA, there are fifty-two mental concomitants, of which twenty-five are either karmically salutary or neutral, fourteen are karmically unsalutary, and thirteen are simply neutral. Out of the fifty-two types of cetasikas, seven are invariably associated with all moments of consciousness—viz., consciousness cannot arise without these seven all being present: (1) sensory contact or sense impression (phassa; S. SPARŚA), (2) sensation or feeling (VEDANĀ), (3) perception or conception (saññā; S. SAṂJÑĀ), (4) volition (CETANĀ), (5) concentration (SAMĀDHI), (6) vitality (JĪVITA), and (7) attention, viz., the advertence of the mind toward an object (manasikāra; S. MANASKĀRA). See also CAITTA; List of Lists.

Cetiyagiri. In Pāli, “Shrine Mountain”; name given to the mountain of MISSAKAPABBATA (see MIHINTALE) in Sri Lanka, because of the many shrines and reliquaries (P. cetiya; S. CAITYA) located there; also called Cetiyapabbata. The Sinhalese king DEVĀNAṂPIYATISSA built a monastery for the elder MAHINDA atop the mountain. Relics acquired from AŚOKA and from Sakka (S. ŚAKRA), king of the gods, were temporarily kept at that site; a sapling from the southern branch of the BODHI TREE brought to Sri Lanka from India by the elder nun, SAṄGHAMITTĀ, was also planted there. Mahinda dwelt for several years at Cetiyagiri and passed away there; his remains were cremated at the site and a reliquary (P. thūpa; S. STŪPA) erected over them. In the first century BCE, King Kaṇirajānutissa once had sixty monks from Cetiyagiri executed for treason. Over time, Cetiyagiri became an important monastic center, and the Chinese pilgrim FAXIAN records that when he visited the site in the early fifth century, there were more than two thousand monks in residence.

Cetokhilasutta. (C. Xinhui jing; J. Shinnekyō; K. Simye kyŏng 心穢經). In Pāli, “Discourse on Mental Obstructions”; the sixteenth sutta of the MAJJHIMANIKĀYA (a separate Sarvāstivāda recension appears as the 206th sūtra in the Chinese translation of the MADHYAMĀGAMA; a recension of unidentified affiliation also occurs in the Chinese translation of the EKOTTARĀGAMA), preached by the Buddha to a gathering of monks in the JETAVANA grove in the town of Sāvatthi (ŚRĀVASTĪ). The Buddha describes five mental obstructions and five fetters that constitute impediments to overcoming suffering. The five obstructions include (1) doubt about the teacher, the Buddha; (2) doubt about the dhamma (DHARMA); (3) doubt about the SAṂGHA; (4) doubt about the value of morality (sīla; S. ŚĪLA), meditative concentration (SAMĀDHI), and wisdom (paññā; S. PRAJÑĀ); 5) ill will and animosity toward one’s fellow monks. The five fetters include (1) attachment to sensual desires, (2) attachment to a sense of self, (3) attachment to material possessions, (4) excessive sleeping and eating, and (5) adopting the life of renunciation merely for the limited goal of a blissful existence in the heavens.

cetoparyāyābhijñāna. (S). See PARACITTAJÑĀNA.

cetovimukti. (P. cetovimutti; T. sems rnam par grol ba; C. xin jietuo; J. shingedatsu; K. sim haet’al 心解). In Sanskrit, “liberation of mind”; a meditative concept associated with the mastery of any of the four meditative absorptions (P. JHĀNA; S. DHYĀNA). Cetovimukti results in the temporary suppression of the contaminants (P. āsava; S. ĀSRAVA) through the force of concentration (SAMĀDHI). It is also associated with the acquisition of the “superknowledges” (P. abhiññā; S. ABHIJÑĀ). Cetovimukti alone is insufficient to bring about the attainment of enlightenment (BODHI) or the cessation of rebirth and must therefore be complemented by the “liberation through wisdom” (P. paññāvimutti; S. prajñāvimukti; see PRAJÑĀVIMUKTA).

Chach’o. (K) (自超). See MUHAK CHACH’O.

’Chad ka ba Ye shes rdo rje. (Chekawa Yeshe Dorje) (1102–1176). A scholar of the BKA’ GDAMS sect of Tibetan Buddhism, most famous for his influential work on the practice of “mind training” (BLO SBYONG) called BLO SBYONG DON BDUN MA (“The Seven Points of Mind Training”). He is also known as Dge bshes Mchad kha ba (Geshe Chekawa).

Chaiya. One of the oldest cities in Thailand, located south of Bangkok, and famous for its Buddhist archaeological remains. The city was a center of the kingdom of ŚRĪVIJAYA, a MAHĀYĀNA Buddhist empire that dominated the island of Sumatra, the Malay peninsula, and parts of Thailand and Java from the seventh through the thirteenth centuries. Mahāyāna monasteries still exist at the city, which were constructed during this period, such as Wat Hua Wieng and Wat Keu. Chaiya monasteries display a unique architectural style: the tops of the structures have five towers, with a large tower on the center and four smaller towers on the corners. Strong Indian Gupta influences are seen in a sculpture of the Buddha under the hooded protection of the NĀGA king and in depictions of Mahāyāna deities, in particular, AVALOKITEŚVARA. The city thrived until the thirteenth century, when Śrīvijaya fell to invasion from neighboring kingdoms.

Chajang. (慈藏) (d.u.; fl. c. 590–658/alt. 608–686). Korean VINAYA master (yulsa) of the Silla dynasty. Born into the royal “true bone” (chin’gol) class of the Silla aristocracy, Chajang lost his parents at an early age and was ordained at the monastery of Wŏnnyŏngsa. Chajang traveled to China in 636 and during his sojourn on the mainland made a pilgrimage to WUTAISHAN, where he had a vision of the BODHISATTVA MAÑJUŚRĪ. Returning to Silla Korea in 643, he is said to have brought back a set of the Buddhist canon and packed the boat on which he returned with Buddhist banners, streamers, and other ritual items. He is also claimed to have returned with treasures he had received directly from Mañjuśrī, including ŚĀKYAMUNI Buddha’s own gold-studded monk’s robe (K. kasa; KAṢĀYA) wrapped in purple silk gauze, as well as the Buddha’s skull bone and finger joint. Back in Silla, Chajang began looking for the place where Mañjuśrī had told him the relics should be enshrined. After a long search, he finally found the spot in 646, where he constructed a “Diamond Precept Platform” (Kŭmgang kyedan) and enshrined one portion of the Buddha’s relics. This platform was the origin of the important Korean monastery of T’ONGDOSA, which became the center of vinaya practice in Korea. Chajang is also said to have established SINHŬNGSA, WŎLCHŎNGSA, and HWANGNYONGSA and supervised the construction of the famous nine-story wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa, which was completed in 645. He was also appointed the state overseer of the SAṂGHA (taegukt’ong), the top ecclesiastical office in the Silla Buddhist institution. Chajang was in charge of regulations concerning the conduct of monks and nuns all over the country, as well as overseeing at a state level the repair and maintenance of temples, the correct attention to the details of Buddhist ceremonial ritual, and the proper display of Buddhist religious images. His concern to improve the discipline and decorum of Korean monks led to his emphasis on vinaya study and practice, and he did much to encourage the study and dissemination of the vinaya in Korea, including writing commentaries to the SARVĀSTIVĀDA and DHARMAGUPTAKA vinayas. Chajang also instituted the UPOṢADHA rite of having monks recite the PRĀTIMOKṢA once every fortnight on full- and new-moon days. For his efforts, Chajang was revered by later generations as a teacher of the Dharmaguptaka vinaya (known in East Asia as the “Four-Part Vinaya”; see SIFEN LÜ) and the founder of the Korean analogue to the Chinese NANSHAN LÜ ZONG of DAOXUAN. In 650, at Chajang’s suggestion, the Silla court adopted the Tang Chinese calendrical system, an important step in the Sinicization of the Korean monarchy. Various works attributed to Chajang include the Amit’a kyŏng ŭigi (“Notes on the AMITĀBHASŪTRA”), Sabun yul kalma sagi (“Personal Notes on the Karman Section of the Four-Part Vinaya”), and Kwanhaeng pŏp (“Contemplative Practice Techniques”); none of his writings are extant.

chakpŏp. (作法). In Korean, lit. “to create DHARMA”; a generic term for Korean Buddhist rituals, and especially ritual dances, such as the butterfly dance (NABICH’UM), cymbal dance (PARACH’UM), and the dharma drum dance (PŎPKOCH’UM). Outdoor performances, called toryanggye chakbŏp, might include the butterfly dance (nabich’um) performed together with an accompaniment of ritual chanting (PŎMP’AE) and a traditional band.

’cham. A Tibetan term for precisely choreographed ritual dances usually performed by a group of monks in a monastery courtyard and generally coinciding with a major monastic festival or important religious event. In many cases, the dancers are dressed in elaborate costumes, including painted masks, with the performance involving varied routines during the course of several days. Some dances, such as the zhwa nag (black hat) dance, symbolize the subjugation of forces inimical to Buddhism. Others may represent episodes from the life of Buddhist personalities, including PADMASAMBHAVA and MI LA RAS PA, or aspects of their spiritual attainment. Monks generally begin to train while quite young, although the most experienced performers practice ’cham as a form of active meditation. The dances are most often public events, performed before crowds of lay Buddhists from surrounding villages. Most performances are therefore a combination of religious ritual and social gathering and nearly every large dance festival will include several jester figures to keep the public entertained during slow periods in the program. See also LHA MO.

Chan. (J. Zen; K. Sŏn; V. Thiền 禪). In Chinese, the “Meditation,” or Chan school (CHAN ZONG); one of the major indigenous schools of East Asian Buddhism. The Sinograph “chan” is the first syllable in the transcription channa, the Chinese transcription of the Sanskrit term DHYĀNA (P. JHĀNA); thus chan, like the cognate term chanding (chan is a transcription and ding a translation, of dhyāna), is often translated in English simply as “meditation.” For centuries, the title CHANSHI (meditation master) was used in such sources as the “Biography of Eminent Monks” (GAOSENG ZHUAN) to refer to a small group of elite monks who specialized in the art of meditation. Some of these specialists adopted the term chan as the formal name of their community (Chan zong), perhaps sometime during the sixth or seventh centuries. These early “Chan” communities gathered around a number of charismatic teachers who were later considered to be “patriarchs” (ZUSHI) of their tradition. The legendary Indian monk BODHIDHARMA was honored as the first patriarch; it was retrospectively claimed that he first brought the Chan teachings to China. Later Chan lineage histories (see CHUANDENG LU) reconstructed elaborate genealogies of such patriarchs that extended back to MAHĀKĀŚYAPA, the first Indian patriarch, and ultimately to the Buddha himself; often, these genealogies would even go back to all of the seven buddhas of antiquity (SAPTABUDDHA). Six indigenous patriarchs (Bodhidharma, HUIKE, SENGCAN, DAOXIN, HONGREN, and HUINENG) are credited by the established tradition with the development and growth of Chan in China, but early records of the Chan school, such as the LENGQIE SHIZI JI and LIDAI FABAO JI, reveal the polemical battles fought between the disparate communities to establish their own teachers as the orthodox patriarchs of the tradition. A particularly controversial dispute over the sixth patriarchy broke out between the Chan master SHENXIU, the leading disciple of the fifth patriarch Hongren, and HEZE SHENHUI, the purported disciple of the legendary Chinese monk Huineng. This dispute is often referred to as the “sudden and gradual debate,” and the differing factions came to be retrospectively designated as the gradualist Northern school (BEI ZONG; the followers of Shenxiu) and the subitist Southern school (NAN ZONG; the followers of Huineng). The famous LIUZU TANJING (“Platform Sūtra of the Sixth Patriarch”), composed by the followers of this putative Southern school, is an important source for the history of this debate. Following the sixth patriarch, the Chan lineage split into a number of collateral lines, which eventually evolved into the so-called “five houses and seven schools” (WU JIA QI ZONG) of the mature Chan tradition: the five “houses” of GUIYANG (alt. Weiyang), LINJI, CAODONG, YUNMEN, and FAYAN, and the subsequent bifurcation of Linji into the two lineages of HUANGLONG and YANGQI, giving a total of seven schools. ¶ The teachings of the Chan school were introduced to Korea perhaps as early as the end of the seventh century CE and the tradition, there known as SŎN, flourished with the rise of the Nine Mountains school of Sŏn (KUSAN SŎNMUN) in the ninth century. By the twelfth century, the teachings and practices of Korean Buddhism were dominated by Sŏn; and today, the largest Buddhist denomination in Korea, the CHOGYE CHONG, remains firmly rooted in the Sŏn tradition. The Chan teachings were introduced to Japan in the late twelfth century by MYŌAN EISAI (1141–1215); the Japanese tradition, known as ZEN, eventually developed three major sects, RINZAISHŪ, SŌTŌSHŪ, and ŌBAKUSHŪ. The Chan teachings are traditionally assumed to have been transmitted to Vietnam by VINĪTARUCI (d. 594), a South Indian brāhmaṇa who is claimed (rather dubiously) to have studied in China with the third Chan patriarch SENGCAN before heading south to Guangzhou and Vietnam. In 580, he is said to have arrived in Vietnam and settled at Pháp Vân monastery, where he subsequently transmitted his teachings to Pháp Hiền (d. 626), who carried on the Chan tradition, which in Vietnamese is known as THIỀN. In addition to the Vinītaruci lineage, there are two other putative lineages of Vietnamese Thiền, both named after their supposed founders: VÔ NGÔN THÔNG (reputedly a student of BAIZHANG HUAIHAI), and THẢO ĐƯỜNG (reputedly connected to the YUNMEN ZONG lineage in China). Chan had a presence in Tibet during the early dissemination (SNGA DAR) of Buddhism, and the Chan monk MOHEYAN was an influential figure at the Tibetan court in the late eighth century, leading to the famous BSAM YAS DEBATE.

chanda. (T. ’dun pa; C. yu; J. yoku; K. yok 欲). In Sanskrit and Pāli, “zeal” or “desire to act”; one of the ten mental factors or mental concomitants (CAITTA) of wide extent (MAHĀBHŪMIKA) that the VAIBHĀṢIKA school of SARVĀSTIVĀDA ABHIDHARMA says accompany all consciousness activity; alternatively, it is listed as one of the five VINIYATA or pratiniyama mental factors of specific application according to the YOGĀCĀRA school, and one of the six pakiṇṇaka (miscellaneous) CETASIKAs of the Pāli abhidhamma. Chanda plays an important role in motivating all wholesome (and unwholesome) activity, and is particularly important in the cultivation of ŚAMATHA (serenity or calm abiding). According to the MADHYĀNTAVIBHĀGA, there are eight forces that counteract five hindrances (NĪVARAṆA) to reaching Śamatha. Chanda is called the ground of all eight forces because, based on ŚRADDHĀ (faith or confidence), it leads to a resolute effort (vyāyāma) to apply SMṚTI (mindfulness), SAṂPRAJANYA (circumspection), and UPEKṢĀ (equanimity) to reach the final goal.

Chandaka. (P. Channa; T. ’Dun pa; C. Cheni; J. Shanoku; K. Ch’anik 車匿). The charioteer and groom of SIDDHĀRTHA GAUTAMA, who accompanied the BODHISATTVA prince on two momentous occasions. First, Chandaka drove the prince’s chariot when he ventured outside the palace, where he was confronted with the four portents (CATURNIMITTA), encountering on separate occasions an old man, a sick man, a corpse, and a mendicant. Having been confronted with these realities, the prince resolved to go forth in search of liberation from birth and death. According to the story, during his youth, the prince had never seen an old person, a sick person, or a corpse before and so asked Chandaka what each was. Chandaka’s explanation that old age, sickness, and death were the ultimate fate of all humans led the prince to decide to renounce his royal inheritance and go out in search of a state beyond aging, sickness, and death. Second, Chandaka accompanied the prince on his ride into renunciation as a mendicant (see PRAVRAJITA). When Gautama left his father’s palace in KAPILAVASTU to lead the homeless life, Chandaka departed with him, together with Gautama’s noble steed, KAṆṬHAKA. Once outside the city, after cutting off his topknot, the prince removed his jewelry and handed it over to Chandaka, exchanged clothes with him, and then ordered his groom to return to the palace with his horse and inform his father that he would not return to the city until his quest for enlightenment was fulfilled. Kaṇṭhaka was so grief-stricken at his master’s departure that he died on the spot, and Chandaka, crushed at both losses, asked for permission to join the prince in mendicancy but was refused. (Some accounts state instead that Chandaka feared for his life if he returned alone with all the prince’s possessions, and so left the worldly life that very night.) Chandaka was eventually ordained by the Buddha. Because he was so swollen with pride at his close relationship with his former charge Gautama, it is said that he was arrogant in accepting discipline from his colleagues and was ostracized from the order more than once, in one case for siding with nuns in a dispute with monks, in another for repeatedly reviling ŚĀRIPUTRA and MAHĀMAUDGALYĀYANA. In the account of the Buddha’s final days in the MAHĀPARINIBBĀNASUTTANTA, the Buddha’s last disciplinary act before he died was to pass the penalty of brahmadaṇḍa (lit. the “holy rod”) on Chandaka, which required that he be ostracized by his fellow monks. When the Buddha’s attendant ĀNANDA went to Chandaka to announce the penalty, it is said that Chandaka finally was contrite and became an ARHAT on the spot.

Changansa. (長安寺). In Korean, “Monastery of Extended Peace”; was one of the major monasteries on the Korean sacred mountain of KŬMGANGSAN (Diamond Mountains), now in North Korea. There are two different accounts of the monastery’s foundation: it was built either by an unidentified figure during the rule of the Silla king Pŏphŭng (r. 514–540) or by the Koguryŏ monk Hyeryang (d.u) in 551, which he was proselytizing in the Silla dynasty. The monastery was frequently rebuilt with state support. Especially elaborate was the reconstruction project sponsored in 1323 by the empress Ki (d.u.), a Koryŏ native and consort of Emperor Shundi (r. 1333–1368) of the Mongol Yuan dynasty, on behalf of the emperor and her son, the prince. The Chosŏn-dynasty Sŏn monk SŎSAN HYUJŎNG (1520–1604) and his disciple SAMYONG YUCHŎNG (1544–1610) are both said to have practiced at Changansa. During the Korean War (1950–1953), most of the monastery burned to the ground and the campus has yet to be restored.

changjwa purwa. (S. naiṣyadika; P. nesajjika; T. cog bu pa; C. changzuo buwo; J. jōza/chōza fuga 長坐不臥). In Korean, “constantly sitting without lying down.” This practice is the last of a list of twelve or thirteen voluntarily ascetic practices (see DHUTAṄGA) sanctioned by the Buddha, and is used as a countermeasure (PRATIPAKṢA) against sloth and torpor (P. thīnamiddha; S. STYĀNA-MIDDHA). In Korean Sŏn (C. CHAN) monasteries, this is typically the only one of the list of the ascetic practices that is still in general practice. Although the practice of never lying down is recommended during intensive periods of practice during the summer and winter meditative retreats (kyŏlche; see JIEZHI), in some cases, the practice is carried out for months or years at a time. Unlike ascetics in the Chinese and Tibetan traditions, however, Korean monks never use physical supports to prop up the body. During periods of “ferocious effort” (YONGMAENG CHŎNGJIN), typically the one-week period during the winter meditation retreat preceding the enlightenment day of the Buddha (the eighth day of the twelfth lunar month), the monks and nuns in the meditation hall often undertake changjwa purwa for the entire seven days.

Changlu Zongze. (J. Chōro Sōsaku; K. Changno Chongsaek 長蘆宗賾) (d.u.; fl. c. late eleventh to early twelfth centuries). Chinese CHAN monk of the YUNMEN ZONG. Little is known about his life, but Changlu is said to have been a native of Yongnian in Luozhou, in present-day Henan province. Changlu also seems to have had a close relation to the disciples of Tianyi Yihuai (993–1064), himself a disciple of the Yunmen Chan master XUEDOU CHONGXUAN. Changlu eventually became a student of Tianyi’s disciples Fayun Faxiu (1027–1090) and Changlu Yingfu (d.u.), and later inherited the latter’s lineage. Changlu Zongze is most famous for his compilation of the influential text on Chan monastic regulations or “rules of purity” (QINGGUI), the CHANYUAN QINGGUI, during his tenure at the Chan monastery Hongji chanyuan in 1103. When a revised edition of the Chanyuan qinggui was published in 1202, the meditation manual ZUOCHAN YI, probably composed by Changlu or his colleagues, was included. Changlu is also remembered as a PURE LAND adept renowned for his rigorous practice of NIANFO, the recitation of the name of the buddha AMITĀBHA. He later moved to Changlu in present-day Jiangxi province, whence he acquired his toponym. Changlu was later given the title Chan master Cijue (Compassionate Enlightenment).

Changuan cejin. (J. Zenkan sakushin; K. Sŏn’gwan ch’aekchin 禪關策進). In Chinese, “Spurring Advancement through the Chan Barrier”; composed by the CHAN master YUNQI ZHUHONG in 1600. The text has long been used in Chan monasteries as a primer in meditation. From various Chan lineage histories (CHUANDENG LU) and recorded sayings (YULU), Yunqi compiled over a hundred anecdotes and legends about Chan masters that cogently demonstrated the value of diligence and intense practice. The Changuan cejin consists of two general collections. The first collection itself is further divided into two sections, entitled “Zhuzu fayu jieyao” (“Essential Selections of Dharma Talks by Various Masters”) and “Zhuzu kugong jielüe” (“Brief Selections of the Painful Effort of Various Masters”). The first section consists largely of public lectures delivered by famous Chan masters, with Yunqi’s own evaluation and notes appended at the end of each lecture. Similarly, the second section consists largely of stories of courageous efforts in practice made by various monks of the past, again with Yunqi’s evaluations appended at the end of each story. The second collection, entitled “Zhujing yinzheng jielüe” (“Brief Selections of Verified Passages from Various Scriptures”), also consists of short passages quoted from various scriptures, with Yunqi’s evaluation appended at the end of each passage.

changzhu. (J. jōjū; K. sangju 常住). In Chinese, lit. “constantly abiding”; this term refers, first, to the doctrine of the eternality of the Buddha’s “three bodies” (TRIKĀYA), especially as elaborated in the ŚRĪMĀLĀDEVĪSIṂHANĀDASŪTRA and the MAHĀPARINIRVĀṆASŪTRA. According to this doctrine, it is not just the “dharma body” (DHARMAKĀYA) of the Buddha that is eternal; rather, these sūtras explain that even his “enjoyment body” (SAṂBHOGAKĀYA) and “emanation body” (NIRMĀṆAKĀYA) also perdure and are imperishable. Second, in the East Asian traditions, changzhu refers to the communal, shared property and equipment within the monastic compound. Such communal property was not permitted to be appropriated for private, personal use, but was intended to be the common possession of the entire monastic community and was therefore subjected to the collective oversight of the SAṂGHA. The monastic office in charge of overseeing, allocating, maintaining the common monastic property was, by extension, also called the changzhu.

Chanlin baoxun. (J. Zenrin hōkun; K. Sŏllim pohun 禪林寶訓). In Chinese, “Treasured Instructions of the Chan Grove”; edited by the CHAN monk Jingshan (d.u.) and published in 1378. Jingshan expanded upon an earlier collection of one hundred or so anecdotes that the eminent Chan master DAHUI ZONGGAO and Longxiang Shigui (d. 1149) had culled from the recorded sayings (YULU) and biographies of various Chan masters. Jingshan’s edition contains more than three hundred anecdotes, which he divided into two rolls. The Chanlin baoxun was a popular text and numerous commentaries and annotations, such as Dajian Jiaoding’s (d.u.) Chanlin baoxun yinyi, Xingsheng’s (d.u.) Chanlin baoxun niansong, and Pinji Zhixiang’s (d.u.) Chanlin baoxun bishuo, were appended to the end of some editions of the text.

Chanlin sengbao zhuan. (J. Zenrin sōbōden; K. Sŏllim sŭngbo chŏn 禪林僧寶傳). In Chinese, “Chronicles of the SAṂGHA Jewel in the Forests of CHAN”; compiled in the twelfth century by the “lettered Chan” (WENZI CHAN) monk JUEFAN HUIHONG (1071–1128). Huihong intended for this chronicle to serve as a supplement to his own “Biographies of Eminent Monks” (GAOSENG ZHUAN), which is no longer extant. Huihong collected the biographies of over a hundred eminent Chan masters who were active in the lettered Chan movement between the late Tang and early Song dynasties, appending his own comments to each biography. Huihong’s collection is said to have been pared down to eighty-one biographies by the Chan master DAHUI ZONGGAO. Later, Dahui’s disciple Jinglao (d.u.) of Tanfeng added a biography of WUZU FAYAN, the teacher of Dahui’s own master YUANWU KEQIN, and two other masters to the conclusion of Huihong’s text, giving a total of eighty-four biographies in the extant collection. A postscript by XUTANG ZHIYU appears at the end of the compilation. Unlike Chan “lamplight histories” (CHUANDENG LU), which are typically arranged according to principal and collateral lineages, the monks treated in this compilation are listed according to their significance in the origin and development of the “lettered Chan” movement; Huihong’s treatment undermines the neat charts of master–disciple connections deriving from the lamplight histories, which have become so well known in the literature. In Japan, a copy of the Chanlin sengbao zhuan was published as early as 1295 and again in 1644.

Chanmen guishi. (J. Zenmon kishiki; K. Sŏnmun kyusik 禪門規式). In Chinese, “Pure Regulations of the Gate of Chan”; a synopsis of the eminent CHAN master BAIZHANG HUAIHAI’s legendary text on monastic regulations (BAIZHANG QINGGUI). This text appears in the official Chan lineage history JINGDE CHUANDENG LU, written in 1004, as an appendix to its biography of Baizhang. The Chanmen guishi speaks of such unique Chan practices as establishing the dharma hall in lieu of the Buddha Hall, the emphasis on the abbot’s quarters (FANGZHANG) and the SAṂGHA hall (SENGTANG), and the ritual of entering the abbot’s room (rushi). As Baizhang’s original text is now lost (if, in fact, it ever existed), the Chanmen guishi serves as an important source for the study of Baizhang’s putative innovations in monastic regulations.

Chanmen miyao jue. (C) (禪門秘要訣/決). See ZHENGDAO GE.

Chan miyaofa jing. (J. Zenpiyōhōkyō; K. Sŏn piyobŏp kyŏng 禪秘要法經). In Chinese, “Scripture on the Essential Techniques of Meditation”; translated by KUMĀRAJĪVA. The scripture details the practice of meditation, visualization, and controlling the breath. Among the different meditative practices discussed in the text, the meditations on foulness (AŚUBHABHĀVANĀ) serves as the foundational practice.

Chan Preface. See CHANYUAN ZHUQUANJI DUXU.

chanshi. (J. zenji; K. sŏnsa 禪師). In Chinese, lit. “DHYĀNA master,” “meditation master,” and, later, “CHAN master.” Various “biographies of eminent monks” (GAOSENG ZHUAN) collections mention specialists of meditation known as chanshi, many of whom appear in a section typically entitled “practitioners of meditation” (xichan). Teachers of the TIANTAI, PURE LAND, and SANJIE JIAO are often referred to as chanshi. After the rise of the CHAN school in China, the term typically referred more specifically to the eminent teachers of this specific tradition. Often the formal title of chanshi (Chan master) was bestowed upon exceptional teachers by the monarchs of China, Korea, and Japan.

Chanxian. (C) (禪賢). See ZHIKONG CHANXIAN.

Chanyao. (J. Zen’yō; K. Sŏnyo 禪要). In Chinese, “Essentials of Chan.” See GAOFENG HESHANG CHANYAO.

Chanyuan qinggui. (J. Zen’on shingi; K. Sŏnwŏn ch’ŏnggyu 禪苑清規). In Chinese, “Pure Rules of the Chan Garden”; compiled by the CHAN master CHANGLU ZONGZE, in ten rolls. According to its preface, which is dated 1103, the Chanyuan qinggui was modeled on BAIZHANG HUAIHAI’s legendary “rules of purity” (QINGGUI) and sought to provide a standardized set of monastic rules and an outline of institutional administration that could be used across all Chan monasteries. As the oldest extant example of the qinggui genre, the Chanyuan qinggui is an invaluable source for the study of early Chan monasticism. It was the first truly Chinese set of monastic regulations that came to rival in importance and influence the imported VINAYA materials of Indian Buddhism and it eventually came to be used not only in Chan monasteries but also in “public monasteries” (SHIFANG CHA) across the Chinese mainland. The Chanyuan qinggui provides meticulous descriptions of monastic precepts, life in the SAṂGHA hall (SENGTANG), rites and rituals, manners of giving and receiving instruction, and the various institutional offices at a Chan monastery. A great deal of information is also provided on the abbot and his duties, such as the tea ceremony. Semi-independent texts such the ZUOCHAN YI, a primer of meditation, the Guijing wen, a summary of the duties of the monastic elite, and the Baizhang guisheng song, Zongze’s commentary on Baizhang’s purported monastic code, are also appended at the end of the Chanyuan qinggui. The Japanese pilgrims MYŌAN EISAI, DŌGEN KIGEN, and ENNI BEN’EN came across the Chanyuan qinggui during their visits to various monastic centers in China and, upon their return to Japan, they used the text as the basis for the establishment of the Zen monastic institution. Copies of a Chinese edition by a certain Yu Xiang, dated 1202, are now housed at the Tōyō and Kanazawa Bunkō libraries. The Chanyuan qinggui was also imported into Korea, which printed its own edition of the text in 1254; the text was used to reorganize Korean monastic institutions as well.

Chanyuan zhuquanji duxu. (J. Zengen shosenshū tojo; K. Sŏnwŏn chejŏnjip tosŏ 禪源諸詮集都序). In Chinese, lit., “Prolegomenon to the ‘Collected Writings on the Source of Chan’”; composed by the CHAN and HUAYAN exegete GUIFENG ZONGMI sometime between 828 and 835; typically known by its abbreviated title of “Chan Prolegomenon” (C. Duxu; J. Tojo; K. Tosŏ) and often referred to in English as the “Chan Preface.” The text is a comprehensive overview of the Chan collection (Chanyuan zhuquanji), which is said to have been one hundred rolls (juan) in length, but is now entirely lost. Pei Xiu’s (787?–860) own preface to Zongmi’s “Prolegomenon” describes this collection as a massive anthology of essential prose and verse selections drawn from all the various Chan schools, which was so extensive that Pei says it deserves to be designated as a separate “Chan basket” (Chanzang; see PIṬAKA), complementing the other “three baskets” (TRIPIṬAKA) of the traditional Buddhist canon. In order to provide a comprehensive overview of this massive collection of Chan material, Zongmi seeks to assess in his “Prolegomenon” the teachings of eight representative schools of Tang-dynasty Chan: JINGZHONG ZONG, Northern school (BEI ZONG), BAOTANG ZONG, Nanshan Nianfo men Chan zong, the Shitou school of SHITOU XIQIAN (which would eventually evolve into the CAODONG and YUNMEN schools), NIUTOU ZONG, the Heze school of HEZEI SHENHUI, and the HONGZHOU ZONG (or “Jiangxi” as it is called in the text) of MAZU DAOYI. In an effort to bridge both the ever-growing gap between the contending Chan lineages and also their estranged relations with the doctrinal schools (C. jiao, see K. KYO) that derive from the written scriptures of Buddhism, Zongmi provides in his “Prolegomenon” an overarching hermeneutical framework (see JIAOXIANG PANSHI) through which to evaluate the teachings of both the Chan and doctrinal schools. This framework is built around a series of polarities, such as the three core teachings of the scriptures and the three axiomatic perspectives of Chan, the words of the Chan masters and the mind of the Buddha, sudden awakening and gradual practice, and original enlightenment (BENJUE) and nonenlightenment. In order to demonstrate the continuities between Chan and jiao, Zongmi proceeds to demonstrate how various doctrinal traditions align with the three core teachings of the scriptures and how the eight representative Chan schools correlate with the three axiomatic perspectives of Chan. He then correlates the three doctrinal teachings with the three Chan perspectives, thus demonstrating the fundamental correspondence between the Chan and the scriptures. The last polarity he examines, that between original enlightenment and nonenlightenment, also enables Zongmi to outline an etiology of both delusion and awakening, which provides the justification for a soteriological schema that requires an initial sudden awakening followed by continued gradual cultivation (DUNWU JIANXIU). Zongmi’s luster faded in China during the Song dynasty, but his vision of the Chan tradition as outlined in his “Prolegomenon” was extremely influential in YONGMING YANSHOU’s ZONGJING LU; indeed, it is now believed that the Zongjing lu subsumes a substantial part of Zongmi’s lost “Chan Canon” (viz., his Chanyuan zhuquanji). Zongmi and his “Prolegomenon” found a particularly enthusiastic proponent in Korean Sŏn in the person of POJO CHINUL, who placed Zongmi’s preferred soteriological schema of sudden awakening followed by gradual cultivation at the core of Korean Sŏn practice. Zongmi’s works continued to be widely read in Korea after Chinul’s time and, since the seventeenth century, Korean Buddhist seminaries (kangwŏn) included the “Prolegomenon” (K. Tosŏ) in the SAJIP (“Fourfold Collection”), the four key texts of the Korean monastic curriculum.

Chanyue Guanxiu. (J. Zengetsu Kankyū; K. Sŏnwŏl Kwanhyu 禪月貫休) (832–912). A Chinese CHAN monk famous as a poet and painter. His CHANYUE JI (“Collection of the Moon of Meditation”) is one of the two most important collections of Chan poetry, along with the HANSHAN SHI. His rendering of the sixteen ARHAT protectors of Buddhism (ṢOḌAŚASTHAVIRA) became the standard Chinese presentation. His vivid portrayal of the arhats offers an extreme, stylized rendition of how the Chinese envisioned “Indians” (fan) or “Westerners” (hu), and gives each of his subjects a distinctive bearing and deportment and unique phrenological features and physical characteristics; these features are subsequently repeated routinely in the Chinese artistic tradition.

Chanyue ji. (J. Zengetsu shū; K. Sŏnwŏl chip 禪月集). In Chinese, “Collection of the Moon of Meditation”; a popular anthology of poetry by the poet and painter monk CHANYUE GUANXIU (832–912), otherwise known by his sobriquet of Chanyue dashi (Great Master Meditation Moon), whence the collection acquired its name. The Chanyue ji is said to have originally consisted of twenty-five or twenty-six rolls, of which only eleven are extant. A copy was made in 923 and again in 1240. Along with the HANSHAN SHI, the Chanyue ji is often considered one of the most lucid collections of CHAN poetry and is thus favored by many monks within the Chan tradition.

Chan zong. (J. Zenshū; K. Sŏn chong 禪宗). The Chan, or Meditation, school. See CHAN.

Chan zong Yongjia ji. (J. Zenshū Yōkashū; K. Sŏnjong Yŏngga chip 禪宗永嘉集). In Chinese, “Collection of Yonjia of the Chan School,” attributed to the CHAN master YONGJIA XUANJUE; also known as the Yongjia ji, Yongjia chanzong ji, and Yongjia chanji. This text was an influential collection of poems that delineated the fundamental principles of meditation and the proper means of practice. The collection consists of ten major sections: (1) “intent and formalities in appreciating the way,” (2) “haughtiness in keeping moral precepts (ŚĪLA),” (3) “the pure cultivation of the three modes of action,” (4) “song of ŚAMATHA,” (5) “song of VIPAŚYANĀ,” (6) “song of UPEKṢĀ,” (7) “gradual cultivation of the three vehicles,” (8) “principle and phenomena are nondual,” (9) “letters of encouragement to a friend,” and (10) “vows.” There is a famous commentary on this text by the Song-dynasty monk Xingding (d.u.) entitled the (Chan zong) Yongjia ji zhu. In 1464, a vernacular Korean translation of Xingding’s text, with translation and commentary attributed to King Sejo (1455–1468) of the Chosŏn dynasty, was published in Korea by the official Bureau of Scriptural Publication; this was one of the earliest texts composed in the new vernacular writing system of Han’gŭl.

Chaoyuan. (J. Chōgen; K. Ch’owŏn 超元). See DAOZHE CHAOYUAN.

Chapada. A Mon disciple of Uttarajīva Thera who introduced reformed Sinhalese Buddhism into the Pagan empire of Burma during the reign of King Narapatisithu (r. 1173–1210 CE). According to the KALYĀṆĪ INSCRIPTIONS (1479), where his story is first told, Chapada traveled to Sri Lanka as a twenty-year-old novice in the company of his preceptor, Uttarajīva, shortly after the THERAVĀDA tradition of the island kingdom had been reformed by Parākramabāhu I in accordance with the orthodox standards of the MAHĀVIHĀRA. Chapada was given the UPASAṂPADĀ higher ordination by both Uttarajīva and other patriarchs of the Sinhalese saṅgha (S. SAṂGHA), thus becoming the first monk from Burma to be ordained into the Mahāvihāra tradition. The joint ceremony is described as having symbolized the essential unity of the Burmese-Mon and Sinhalese monastic lineages. Despite this initial ecumenism, when Chapada returned to Burma after ten years of study on the island, he and his cohorts refused to join with the existing saṅgha of Pagan, and instead organized themselves into a separate monastic fraternity at the capital. The fraternity thus established became known as the Sīhaḷa saṅgha, while the older “unreformed” congregation of monks of Pagan came to be known as the Ariya Arahanta saṅgha. The Sīhaḷa saṅgha founded by Chapada continued to fragment so that by the end of the Pagan empire (late thirteenth century), there were at least ten separate monastic fraternities in Burma. The “Kalyāṇī Inscriptions” decry this disunity as a factor that ultimately weakened the vitality of the religion.

Chengguan. (J. Chōkan; K. Chinggwan 澄觀) (738–839). Putative fourth patriarch of the Chinese HUAYAN tradition; also known as Daxiu, Huayan pusa, Huayan shuzhu, and Qingliang GUOSHI. Chengguan is said to have entered the monastery in 746 under the guidance of a monk named Tizhen (d.u.). Although little is known of Chengguan’s early training, he is supposed to have studied a broad range of scriptures and commentaries including the PRAJÑĀPĀRAMITĀ SŪTRAs, MAHĀPARINIRVĀṆASŪTRA, DASHENG QIXIN LUN, YOGĀCĀRABHŪMIŚĀSTRA, and others. In 757, he received the full monastic precepts from a certain Tanyi (d.u.) of the NANSHAN LÜ ZONG and studied for several years under Tanyi’s prominent disciple JINGXI ZHANRAN. Chengguan is also said to have studied CHAN during this period under various masters. After his training under Fashen (718–778), second-generation disciple of the Huayan master FAZANG, Chengguan left for WUTAISHAN, the earthly abode of the BODHISATTVA MAÑJUŚRĪ, in 776. Chengguan was a prolific exegete, whose writings amount to over four hundred rolls in total. Chengguan is best known for his massive commentary on ŚIKṢĀNANDA’s new translation of the AVATAṂSAKASŪTRA, entitled the [Dafangguang fo] HUAYAN JING SHU, in sixty rolls. This work rivaled and may even have surpassed in influence the most popular commentary on the Avataṃsakasūtra of his day, viz., Fazang’s HUAYAN JING TANXUAN JI. Chengguan also wrote a comprehensive autocommentary to his commentary, entitled the HUAYAN JING SUISHU YANYI CHAO, in a total of ninety rolls. In these works, Chengguan expands upon the Huayan master DUSHUN’s work on the notion of the realm of reality (DHARMADHĀTU), the HUAYAN FAJIE GUANMEN. Chengguan approached the dharmadhātu from four interrelated perspectives, viz., the dharmadhātu of phenomena (SHI FAJIE), dharmadhātu of principle (LI FAJIE), the dharmadhātu of the mutual nonobstruction between principle and phenomena (LISHI WU’AI FAJIE), and the dharmadhātu of the mutual nonobstruction between phenomenon and phenomena (SHISHI WU’AI FAJIE). As the premier Huayan exegete of his generation, Chengguan also was summoned to the Tang capital of Chang’an in 796 to collaborate with the northwest Indian monk PRAJÑA in preparing a new translation of the GAṆḌAVYŪHA, the forty-roll final chapter of the Avataṃsakasūtra. Among Chengguan’s many disciples, the CHAN and Huayan exegete GUIFENG ZONGMI is most famous.

Chengshi lun. (S. *Tattvasiddhi; J. Jōjitsuron; K. Sŏngsil non 成實論). In Chinese, “Treatise on Establishing Reality”; a summary written c. 253 CE by the third century CE author HARIVARMAN of the lost ABHIDHARMA of the BAHUŚRUTĪYA school, a branch of the MAHĀSĀṂGHIKA. (The Sanskrit reconstruction *Tattvasiddhi is now generally preferred over the outmoded *Satyasiddhiśāstra). The Tattvasiddhi is extant only in KUMĀRAJĪVA’s Chinese translation, made in 411–412, in sixteen rolls (juan) and 202 chapters (pin). The treatise is especially valuable for its detailed refutations of the positions held by other early MAINSTREAM BUDDHIST SCHOOLS; the introduction, for example, surveys ten different grounds of controversy separating the different early schools. The treatise is structured in the form of an exposition of the traditional theory of the FOUR NOBLE TRUTHS, but does not include listings for different factors (DHARMA) that typify many works in the abhidharma genre. The positions advocated in the text are closest to those of the STHAVIRANIKĀYA and SAUTRĀNTIKA schools, although, unlike the Sthaviranikāya, the treatise accepts the reality of “unmanifest materiality” (AVIJÑAPTIRŪPA) and, unlike Sautrāntika, rejects the notion of an “intermediate state” (ANTARĀBHAVA) between existences. Harivarman opposes the SARVĀSTIVĀDA position that dharmas exist in past, present, and future, the Mahāsāṃghika view that thought is inherently pure, and the VĀTSĪPUTRĪYA premise that the “person” (PUDGALA) exists. The Chengshi lun thus hones to a “middle way” between the extremes of “everything exists” and “everything does not exist,” both of which it views as expediencies that do not represent ultimate reality. The text advocates, instead, the “voidness of everything” (sarvaśūnya) and is therefore sometimes viewed within the East Asian traditions as representing a transitional stage between the mainstream Buddhist schools and Mahāyāna philosophical doctrine. The text was so widely studied in East Asia, especially during the fifth and sixth centuries, that reference is made to a *Tattvasiddhi school of exegesis (C. Chengshi zong; J. Jōjitsushū; K. Sŏngsilchong); indeed, the Jōjitsu school is considered one of the six major schools of Japanese Buddhist scholasticism during the Nara period.

Chengshi zong. (J. Jōjitsushū; K. Sŏngsil chong 成實宗). In Chinese, “*Tattvasiddhi school” of scholastic exegesis. See CHENGSHI LUN.

Cheng weishi lun. (S. *Vijñaptimātratāsiddhi; J. Jōyui-shikiron; K. Sŏng yusik non 成唯識論). In Chinese, “Demonstration of Consciousness-Only”; a magnum opus of Sino-Indian YOGĀCĀRA Buddhism and the foundational text of the Chinese WEISHI, or FAXIANG, school. The text is often cited by its reconstructed Sanskrit title *VIJÑAPTIMĀTRATĀSIDDHI, and its authorship attributed to DHARMAPĀLA (530–561), but the text as we have it in Chinese translation has no precise analogue in Sanskrit and was never used within the Indian or Tibetan traditions. Its Chinese translator XUANZANG (600/602–664), one of the most important figures in the history of Chinese Buddhist scholasticism, traveled to India in the seventh century, where he specialized in Yogācāra doctrine at NĀLANDĀ monastic university under one of Dharmapāla’s disciples, ŚĪLABHADRA (529–645). At Nālandā, Xuanzang studied VASUBANDHU’s TRIṂŚIKĀ (Triṃśikāvijñaptimātratā[siddhi]kārikā), the famous “Thirty Verses on Consciousness-Only,” along with ten prose commentaries on the verses by the prominent Yogācāra scholiasts Dharmapāla, STHIRAMATI, Nanda, Citrabhānu, Guṇamati, Jinamitra, Jñānamitra, Jñānacandra, Bandhuśrī, Śuddhacandra, and Jinaputra. After his return to China in 645, Xuanzang set to work translating this massive amount of new material into Chinese. Rather than translate in their entirety all ten commentaries, however, on the advice of his translation team Xuanzang chose to focus on Dharmapāla’s exegesis, which he considered orthodox, rather than muddy the waters in China with the divergent interpretations of the other teachers. As a foil for Dharmapāla’s interpretation, Xuanzang uses the commentaries by Sthiramati, Nanda, and occasionally Citrabhānu, but he typically concludes any discussion with Dharmapāla’s definitive view. This decision to rely heavily on Dharmapāla’s interpretation probably comes from the fact that Xuanzang’s own Indian teacher, Śīlabhadra, was himself a pupil of Dharmapāla. ¶ The Cheng weishi lun is principally concerned with the origination and removal of ignorance (AVIDYĀ), by clarifying the processes by which erroneous perception arises and enlightened understanding is produced. Unlike the writings of STHIRAMATI, which understood the bifurcation of consciousness into subject and object to be wholly imaginary, the Cheng weishi lun proposed instead that consciousness in fact always appears in both subjective and objective aspects, viz., a “seeing part” (darśanabhāga) and a “seen part” (nimittabhāga). The apparent dichotomy between inner self and external images is a supposition of mentality (MANAS), which in turn leads to the various afflictions (KLEŚA), as the mind clings to those images it likes and rejects those it dislikes; thus, suffering (DUḤKHA) is created and the cycle of rebirth (SAṂSĀRA) sustained. Both the perceiving self and the perceived images are therefore both simply projections of the mind and thus mere-representation (VIJÑAPTIMĀTRA) or, as Xuanzang translated the term, consciousness-only (WEISHI). This clarification of the perceptual process produces an enlightened understanding that catalyzes a transmutation of the basis (ĀŚRAYAPARĀVṚTTI), so that the root consciousness (MŪLAVIJÑĀNA), or ĀLAYAVIJÑĀNA, no longer serves as the storehouse of either wholesome or unwholesome seeds (BĪJA), thus bringing an end to the subject–object bifurcation. In the course of its discussion, the Cheng weishi lun offers an extensive treatment of the Yogācāra theory of the eight consciousnesses (VIJÑĀNA) and especially the storehouse consciousness (ālayavijñāna) that stores the seeds, or potentialities, of these representational images. The text also offers an overview of the three-nature (TRISVABHĀVA) theory of vijñaptimātra as imaginary (PARIKALPITA), dependent (PARATANTRA), and perfected (PARINIṢPANNA). Finally, the Cheng weishi lun provides such exhaustive detail on the hundred dharmas (BAIFA) taxonomical system of the Yogācāra that it has been used within the tradition as a primer of Yogācāra dharma theory.

Cheng weishi lun shu ji. (J. Jōyuishikiron jukki; K. Sŏng yusik non sulgi 成唯識論述). In Chinese, “Explanatory Notes on the CHENG WEISHI LUN” (*Vijñaptimātratāsiddhi); by the Chinese YOGĀCĀRA monk KUIJI and probably compiled sometime between 659 and 682. In his preface, Kuiji praises VASUBANDHU and his TRIṂŚIKĀ, DHARMAPĀLA’s *Vijñaptimātratāsiddhi (C. Cheng weishi lun) and XUANZANG for translating DHARMAPĀLA’s text. Then, as do most commentaries of that period, Kuiji expounds upon the title of Dharmapāla’s text. In his subsequent introduction, Kuiji largely divides his commentary into five sections. In the first section, he ascertains the period in the Buddha’s life to which the teachings belong (see JIAOXIANG PANSHI; PANJIAO) and discusses its audience, the BODHISATTVAs. In the second section, Kuiji discusses the tenets of the Cheng weishi lun, which he subsumes under the notion of “mind-only” (CITTAMĀTRA). In third section, Kuiji demonstrates that the Cheng weishi lun belongs to the “one vehicle” (EKAYĀNA) and the BODHISATTVAPIṬAKA. In the fourth section, short biographies and dates of the ten masters of the YOGĀCĀRA are provided. Kuiji then provides a detailed analysis of the Cheng weishi lun itself in the last section. Several commentaries on Kuiji’s text have been written throughout the ages in East Asia. The Cheng weishi lun shu ji also exerted a considerable amount of influence on Silla-period Korean Buddhism and among the Nara schools of early Japanese Buddhism (see NARA BUDDHISM, SIX SCHOOLS OF).

Chian. (K) (志安). See HWANSŎNG CHIAN.

Chijang. (C. Dizang 地藏) (628–726). A Korean monk of the Silla dynasty, also known as KIM KYOGAK, who was closely associated with the cult of KṢITIGARBHA (K. Chijang) on the Chinese sacred mountain of JIUHUASHAN. According to his biography in the SONG GAOSENG ZHUAN (“Biographies of Eminent Monks Compiled During the Song Dynasty”); Kim was a scion of the Silla royal family, who ordained as a Buddhist monk at around the age of twenty-three and then traveled to Tang China on pilgrimage. Eventually arriving at Jiuhuashan in southeastern China, Chijang ended up residing there for some seventy-five years. Chijang is said to have spent his time in meditation, surviving by eating only rice that he cooked together with “white soil” (perhaps lime or gypsum). Deeply moved by his asceticism, the laity decided to build a large monastery for him. Around 780 CE, Zhang Gongyan brought the new name plaque for Chijang’s monastery, designating it Huachengsi, and many laypeople made the arduous journey from Silla Korea to visit. In the summer of 803 CE, at the age of ninety-nine, Chijang bid farewell to his congregation, sat down in full lotus position, and passed away. His corpse was placed in seated position inside a coffin but even after three years it had not decayed and his face still looked as if he were alive. People eventually came to believe that he was the manifestation of his namesake, the BODHISATTVA KṢITIGARBHA (K. Chijang). A shrine hall, named Dizang dian (K. Chijang chŏn), was built on the site where he died, which could only be reached by pulling oneself by rope up eighty-one precarious stone steps.

Chikchisa. (直指寺). In Korean, “Direct Pointing Monastery”; the eighth district monastery (PONSA) of the contemporary CHOGYE CHONG of Korean Buddhism, located on Mount Hwangak in North Kyŏngsang province. The monastery purports to have been founded in 418 CE by the Koguryŏ monk Ado (fl. c. 418). There are three different stories about how the monastery got its name. The first version states that the name originated when Ado pointed directly at Mount Hwangak and said, “At that place, a large monastery will be established.” The second story says that a monk called Nŭngyŏ (fl. c. 936) laid out the monastery campus using only his hands and without using any other measuring devices; hence, the monastery was given the name “Direct Measuring” (chikchi). A third story connects the name to the famous line concerning the soteriological approach of the SŎN or CHAN school: “direct pointing to the human mind” (K. chikchi insim; C. ZHIZHI RENXIN). With the support of the Koryŏ king Taejo (r. 918–943), Nŭngyo restored the monastery in 936; major renovations followed in the tenth century and again during the Chosŏn dynasty. In 1595, during the Japanese Hideyoshi invasions, all its buildings except the Ch’ŏnbul Chŏn (Thousand Buddhas Hall), Ch’ŏnwang Mun (Heavenly Kings Gate), and Chaha Mun (Purple-Glow Gate) were burned to the ground. The monastery was rebuilt in a massive construction project that began in 1602 and lasted for seventy years. The monastery enshrines many treasures, including a seated figure of the healing buddha BHAIṢAJYAGURU and a hanging picture of a Buddha triad (Samjonbul T’AENGHWA). Two three-story stone pagodas are located in front of the main shrine hall (TAEUNG CHŎN) and other three-story pagodas are located in front of the Piro chŏn (VAIROCANA Hall).

Chikchi simch’e yojŏl. (K) (直指心體要節). See PULCHO CHIKCHI SIMCH’E YOJŎL.

’Chi med lha khang. (Chime Lhakang). A small temple founded in 1499 near Punakha in central Bhutan, dedicated to the mad YOGIN ’BRUG PA KUN LEGS, who is believed to have stayed there.

Chims [alt. Mchims] ’Jam pa’i dbyangs.(d. 1267). A Tibetan scholar who is renowned as the author of the Chos mngon pa mdzod kyi tshig le’ur byas pa’i ’grel pa mngon pa’i rgyan, better known by its abbreviation Chims mdzod, an extensive commentary on Vasubandhu’s ABHIDHARMAKOŚABHĀṢYA. His commentary was widely used for detailed study of ABHIDHARMA in large DGE LUGS monasteries in Tibet.