Annotations for Isaiah

1:1 The vision. Most prophecies begin with a self-identification that can contain elements such as the type of literature, the identity of the prophet and the time period. These are indications that they contain actual messages to a real audience addressing real-life issues they were facing. “Vision” is a form of divine revelation that did not necessarily involve the physical eyes, since here it involves primarily words rather than images (cf. 2:1). Both prophets of Yahweh and pagan prophets experienced them. In Mesopotamia, even laypeople, both men and women, received visions or dreams from their gods. Judah and Jerusalem. After the split of the nation of Israel into two parts following the reign of Solomon: The northern nation was known as “Israel” or “Ephraim” (after its main tribe), with its capital in Samaria. The southern nation was “Judah” (after the main tribe occupying the area), with its capital in Jerusalem, which was also the site of the national religious shrine, the temple of Yahweh. Isaiah son of Amoz. In the ancient Near East a father’s name commonly distinguished people with the same first name (cf. “Johnson”—son of John). This at times extended several generations, especially if an earlier ancestor had some claim to fame. Sometimes an earlier ancestor rather than the biological parent was used as an identifier. In this case, we have no specific information. during the reigns of Uzziah . . . Hezekiah. In 6:1 the commissioning of Isaiah is placed in the year Uzziah died, about 739 BC. Here it is indicated that Isaiah’s prophetic ministry continued into the time of Hezekiah, at least until after the siege of Jerusalem by Sennacherib in 701 BC. This was a tumultuous half century that witnessed the rise and dominance of the Neo-Assyrian Empire, which was eventually responsible for the northern kingdom invasion, the fall of Samaria and the massive destruction in Judah. kings of Judah. Many OT prophecies give their date in relation to either an important event or the kings who ruled during a particular period. Similarly, in Mesopotamia documents are dated by using names of important officials, one of whose name was associated with each year. The OT is often more general, simply providing the reigns, though at times a specific year identification is given (see “The Challenging Chronology of the Kings of Israel and Judah”).

1:2 Hear me, you heavens! Listen, earth! Ancient Near Eastern covenants include witnesses to testify regarding covenant breach or obedience and to bring about the required punishment or blessing. They also heard the indictment in a lawsuit brought against a covenant breaker. These witnesses among Israel’s neighbors included deities and elements of nature, such as heaven and earth (e.g., here; Dt 4:26; 30:19; 31:28) and things like mountains, rivers, sea and clouds.

Isaiah starts out his prophecy strong, issuing a summons to participate in a lawsuit against his people. This literary form, called a rib, is more specifically a suit against covenant breakers, with Israel and Judah often named as defendants (e.g., 3:13). The various personae in the suit show that it is heavily weighted against the defendant: Israel. The plaintiff is Yahweh, since it is his covenant that the defendant broke. The prosecuting attorney is the prophet, who de jure represents Yahweh. There is no defense attorney, and witnesses (“the heavens” and the “earth”) are called either to testify to the wrongdoing or to observe the outcome of the trial. The judge, jury (“jury” in our way of thinking only, as there was nothing similar to a modern-day jury in the ancient world) and the one who carries out the punishment is Yahweh.

1:3 The ox knows its master, the donkey its owner’s manger. Knowledgeable animals are commonly used in proverbial sayings. In their natural, untutored state, they know how to live and flourish in their environment. Egyptian wisdom acknowledges a dog as one recognizing its food source. This contrasts with human beings, according to Isaiah, who seemingly lack this basic survival instinct, turning against the very Creator and the order of his created universe. A Hurro-Hittite wisdom text has a deer irrationally turning against the source of its provisions, but the writer explicitly acknowledges that he is writing metaphorically of human beings: “It is not a deer, but a human.” Israel. Deriving from the new name God conferred on Jacob (Ge 32:28), “Israel” came to designate the people of all 12 tribes descended from him. When the nation divided after the reign of Solomon, the northern kingdom used that name, while the southern kingdom was known as Judah. But the term could still refer to Judah, as it does here. It is therefore necessary to be careful in determining who “Israel” refers to, with context being the most important factor.

1:4 sinful nation. National sin is known of not only Israel but also her neighbors. The eighth-century BC Mesopotamian epic “Erra and Ishum” speaks of national destruction following a societal shift away from justice and righteousness in which families fail to care about one another’s welfare. Divine abandonment of God’s people follows their abandoning his established order. Famous city destructions in the ancient world are generally seen as a result of divine abandonment, which was usually either blamed on the violations the king had committed or accepted simply as being decreed by fate. turned their backs. An insulting sign of lack of interest and abandonment, in marked contrast to turning one’s face toward someone in attention or obedience. Queen Hatshepsut showed dedication to her god by stating that she did not turn her back on her god. Merneptah in the Merneptah Stele claimed that he was able to conquer Libya because the protective god Seth “turned his back upon their chief.”

1:6 not cleansed or bandaged or soothed with olive oil. These procedures aided healing for injuries. Oil was an important element for wound treatment. While treatment of maladies is less frequently mentioned than their diagnosis, an Old Babylonian letter requests two measures of oil to treat and bandage a dog bite. An Akkadian text prescribes a treatment of bathing and anointing with oil. In Mesopotamia most oil was derived from the sesame seed, whereas in Israel it was derived from olives.

1:7 fields . . . stripped . . . laid waste. The devastation of the land was a natural consequence of invasion. Invading armies often lacked an adequate supply line and therefore expected to live off the land they were invading. What they didn’t use for their own purposes, they destroyed. Not only were the crops burned, but the trampling of the land often crippled the agricultural prospects for several seasons afterward. Sometimes a land that was being attacked would even burn its own crops so that the enemy would not have the use of the food the people had worked so hard to grow. The elements included in this threat of divine destruction are typical. A well-known section of the Mesopotamian myth “Erra and Ishum” (from eighth-century BC Babylon) describes Erra’s destructive intentions as including: devastating cities and making them a wilderness; destroying mountains, cattle and produce; wiping out the population; putting a fool on the throne; bringing a plague of wild beasts; and leveling the royal palace.

1:8 Daughter Zion. Zion was the original fortified mountain city that David conquered and claimed for his own. Jerusalem grew around this fortress. Common ancient Near Eastern practice was that smaller, unfortified cities or “suburbs” grew in proximity to a fortified location. If the surrounding areas, commonly called “daughters” of the fortress in the Bible, were attacked, inhabitants took refuge behind the walls of the fortress. Here Jerusalem is described as a daughter of Zion. like a shelter . . . like a hut. Field workers at times found protection from the elements in temporary shelters (10:29) in their fields, using them in order to remain close by during times of intense agricultural activity, but also to provide protection for the ripening crops (4:6). When they were no longer needed because the harvest season was finished, they were abandoned to fall apart. Jerusalem and Zion, the center of Israel’s civil and religious life and a symbol of its national existence, will, in its punishment, become like a temporary lean-to, crumbling because it fills no further function, a non-guardian of a nonexistent crop. like a city under siege. Cities were generally fortified to protect against foreign incursion. Attackers had to find a way either to get in or to get the people out. The latter was accomplished by laying siege, surrounding the city (29:3), and not allowing anyone to enter or leave. Ashurbanipal (seventh century BC) describes his siege of Tyre as strangling their food supply. During the Amarna period (fourteenth century BC), the Canaanite ruler of Megiddo complained to the pharaoh about attacks by the king of Shechem. They were not able to leave the city to harvest their crops. This ultimately led either to capitulation or to disease, starvation and death by thirst. The Hittites and Egyptians used the same tactics.

1:9 like Sodom . . . like Gomorrah. Sodom and Gomorrah were prototypical bad cities in the OT because of their wickedness and subsequent destruction by an angry God (Ge 18:16–19:29). Jerusalem, God’s covenant city, because of her equivalent evil (Isa 1:10), will be wiped out like them, exemplifying a covenant breaker’s destruction (Dt 29:23).

1:11 sacrifices . . . offerings. Creation traditions in Egypt and Mesopotamia portrayed humanity as servants or cattle of the gods. Specifically, they were to provide food for the gods, relieving them of having to look after themselves. The means for doing so was sacrifice, at times identified as “food for the gods.” Official Yahwism denied this function to Israel’s sacrificial system, rarely describing the altar as God’s “table,” since he did not eat. A “table” was common in Mesopotamian ritual practice, as when King Rimush is said to have established daily offerings for the “table of Shamash.” Israelites frequently forgot that God was not actually fed through sacrifice and sought to manipulate him through such offerings. It is this misuse of ritual that Isaiah and Amos condemn (e.g., Am 4:4–5).

1:12 trampling of my courts. The court was an open space enclosed by walls, surrounding or within a building; thus it had limited access. It was part of the palace and of the temple. In the case of religious sites, entry was restricted to those bringing offerings since this was a holy place. At times, the courts could be populated with worshipers. Illicit entry even into the outer court of the sanctuary defiled it, resulting in a severe punishment.

1:13 incense. See 17:8. Part of Israel’s sacrificial ritual was burning incense, made from various aromatic herbs, spices and resins (Ex 30:34–38; see note on Nu 16:7; cf. notes on Pr 27:9; SS 3:6). Among other ritual uses, it was burned on a special altar just in front of the entrance to the Most Holy Place in the tabernacle and temple. Apart from its function to provide a smoke screen for the presence of Yahweh, it muted the stench caused by slaughtering the sacrificial animals. New Moons, Sabbaths and convocations. Israel and other nations used a lunar calendar of about 28 days rather than our solar calendar. The turn of the new moon, marking a new month, was thus ritually important not only for Israel, but also for her neighbors. The Akkadian Atrahasis epic speaks of special activities revolving around the seven-day cycle. Ugarit records special rituals on that day, and Emar in north Syria had an annual New Moon festival lasting several days. In Israel, work was to cease and there were special offerings on these occasions (see notes on Nu 28:11; 1Sa 20:5; 2Ki 4:23).

1:15 spread out your hands in prayer. The same action accompanies some prayers and incantations in Akkadian literature, and one kind of prayer is called a “raising of the hands” (nish qate). King Keret does this in the Ugaritic Keret epic. He brings sacrificial material to a high place and raises his hands heavenward. The action symbolizes supplication to a deity viewed as being “on high.” Symbolic actions are used in many areas of life—religious (like here), relational (such as shaking hands today), and legal. The fact that these symbolize an inner or interpersonal reality is significant. I hide my eyes . . . I am not listening. The motif of the frustrated supplicant is well known in ancient literature. As an example, in the “Prayer to Every God” found in Ashurbanipal’s library at Nineveh, the supplicant goes through a sequence of asking forgiveness from every deity for every offense he can imagine. He then laments that despite his contrition, no deity is willing to take him by the hand or stand by his side—no one hears him. From the standpoint of deity, a work like the “Lament Over the Destruction of Ur” reports that Anu and Enlil had determined not to heed the petitions for deliverance, but were determined to carry out their plans for destruction.

1:16 Wash and make yourselves clean. In addition to physical cleanliness, washing has symbolic meaning on the ritual level, since it is part of many sacrificial ceremonies. One Ugaritic purification rite describes the officiant washing his hands before offering a sacrifice. The Babylonian king Marduk-Baladan describes himself in a brick stamp as “king with clean hands,” apparently indicating that he was suitable to rule. This is appropriate since Shamash, the god who enthrones and guides kings, “approves of clean hands.” In an Akkadian cultic conflict text, after a fierce battle a king bathed himself in water, possibly with the dual purpose of physical and ritual cleansing.

1:17 Doing justice would be a basic requirement that any god would have for any people. In fact, the instruction given here could not be more formulaic. These are considered the responsibilities that any civilized society would have. Establishing justice and defending the vulnerable are the hallmarks of a successful king (see note on Ps 72; see also the articles “Enthronement in the Ancient Near East,” and “Coronation Hymns in the Ancient Near East”). The only difference between Israel and the rest of the ancient world in this area would concern how these responsibilities related to spiritual obligations. In the ancient Near East, the gods had the responsibility of maintaining justice. Part of that came to them for pragmatic reasons: oppressed people would be inclined to bother the gods with their continuous (annoying?) requests for relief. Furthermore, if injustice and violence ran rampant in society, people would not be free to make their gifts to the temple. More foundationally, it was believed that justice was built into the fabric of the cosmos, the laws of which were under the guardianship of the gods. The difference in the Israelite worldview was that in their belief, justice was built into the very character of God, and it was an attribute, not just a stewardship. Mesopotamians had the spiritual obligation to please the gods. This was accomplished primarily by rituals, but also by not “rocking the boat” of civilization.

1:18 scarlet . . . white . . . red as crimson. Even the cheapest dyes were likely not used regularly by the common folk for their everyday clothing, since these dyes were associated with luxury. White material, in contrast to that which is dyed, is in its pure, “clean” state, and the adjective also describes wool in Akkadian texts. In the Neo-Assyrian Marduk’s Ordeal, the dead wear multicolored wool dyed that way by his red blood. In the Bible, the whiteness of snow is sometimes compared with a dreaded skin disease, so the color does not always indicate the positive notion, as it does here. There is a stark contrast between red and white in Mesopotamia as well. A ritual meant to avert evil refers to a red goat that will never become white. Both cases concern separation from evil. At the same time, red is never a symbol of evil in either the Bible or the ancient Near East.

1:21–23 faithful city . . . prostitute . . . murderers . . . rebels . . . thieves. If a king is supposed to maintain social order (see note on v. 17), social disintegration is a frightening prospect (59:3–8). In this case the turmoil has completely reversed the desired order. The Egyptian Prophecies of Neferti (early twentieth century BC) describe similar horrors.

1:22 silver . . . dross. Fine metals such as silver must be separated from base metals such as lead sulfide, in which they are usually suspended when found in their natural state. The process, called cupellation, heats the lead to 900–1000°F (482–539°C) in a small crucible (a cupel) made from bone ash. Most of the lead and other base metals oxidize because of the heat and are absorbed into the cupel, leaving purer silver or gold. Often this did not result in the purity necessary to work the metal, so further refinement was necessary. The metal was reheated, with impurities rising to the surface, where they could be skimmed off and discarded. The useless discard of the smelting process is the “dross.” Another possible interpretation is that there was a mishap in the smelting process, and the pure and base metals did not separate sufficiently, so one was left with a useless slag, which is the dross. Only the purified metal (v. 25) could be worked to produce such things as fine jewelry. In this verse Isaiah offers a metaphor addressing the need for Israel to be purified. choice wine is diluted with water. The exact nature of this intoxicating drink is unclear, though the Hebrew term usually relates to an Akkadian word for a kind of beer. Beer was made from grain, mainly barley and wheat, or even dates—a staple in Mesopotamia and Egypt, where grapes for wine were harder to come by. Beer was also made in Israel, as evidenced by a brewery at Tel Goren, near En Gedi. Its intoxicating power was proverbial, with an Egyptian lover expressing his “high” from his lover’s kisses rather than from beer.

1:23 bribes. This may be overplaying the term, which could be a gratuity proffered in order that a case might be moved up in priority so it could be heard in an overcrowded court docket—not that the verdict might be swayed through payment. gifts. The specific term can be an innocuous greeting gift, somewhat like modern hostess gifts. fatherless . . . widow’s case. A major aspect of Israelite legal tradition involves making provision for groups classified as weak or poor: widows, orphans and the resident foreigner (Ex 22:22; Dt 10:18–19; 24:17–21). Concern for the needy is evident in Mesopotamian legal collections as early as the mid-third millennium BC, and generally addresses protection of rights and guarantee of justice in the courts. Based on very early statements in the prologues of the Ur-Nammu Code and the Code of Hammurapi, it is clear that kings considered it part of their role as wise rulers to protect the rights of the poor, the widow and the orphan (see notes on Ps 72; Isa 1:17; see also the articles “Enthronement in the Ancient Near East,” “Coronation Hymns in the Ancient Near East”). Similarly, in the Egyptian tale of the “Eloquent Peasant,” the plaintiff begins by identifying his judge as the father of the orphan, the husband of the widow. This reflects a universal concern that the vulnerable classes be provided for throughout the ancient Near East.

1:28 broken. Breaking people as a punishment or in defeat is a common literary metaphor (8:15; 28:13). The Egyptians frequently wrote the names of their enemies on pieces of pottery or on clay figurines that they then smashed, which symbolized the metaphoric “breaking” of their enemies and invoked a curse upon them. Like the names that were broken, people prayed that the gods would work through sympathetic magic to break those named.

1:29 sacred oaks . . . gardens. Green trees and watered gardens were rare and special places among those living in (semi-)arid conditions like those found in the ancient Near East. Ashurnasirpal II boasted of collecting and planting many exotic trees and plants in his garden in Calah/Nimrud, while Nebuchadnezzar II of Babylon was proud of his terraced (“hanging”) palace gardens, which were among the seven wonders of the ancient world. These were places not only of relaxation but also of worship, since gardens, sacred trees and groves were important in Canaanite and Mesopotamian popular religion. Part of the royal funerary rites seems to take place in the royal garden, and trees in particular seem to be imbued with life, not only for pagan neighbors of Israel, but even at creation. Israel herself is seduced by this cult of life and fertility and condemned for succumbing (57:5).

Trees even become objects of worship either in their own right or as symbols of a deity. Seals and scarabs found in Israel show people kneeling and also raising their hands in worship before trees. One Egyptian scene depicts a life-giving divine tree with a female breast suckling a human; in another it offers a kneeling worshiper a tray of food.

Trees were also associated with the goddess Asherah, whose cultic tree symbol is associated with Yahweh in an enigmatic inscription from Kuntillet Ajrud, an Iron Age II site in Sinai: “Yahweh of Samaria and his asherah” (see note on 44:24); there is an accompanying picture of two ibexes nibbling from a tree. This clearly illuminates syncretism among the Israelites, whose worship in gardens (65:3; 66:17) and groves God will turn to nothing by withholding water from them both (v. 30).

2:2 mountain of the LORD’s temple . . . highest of the mountains . . . exalted. Jerusalem is situated high in the hill country of eastern Israel and physically looks down on the surrounding terrain. Visitors had to go up to visit it and within it had to climb even more to get to the temple, which overlooked the rest of the city. Israel’s neighbors also associated sanctuaries and divine worship with mountains. In Ugaritic texts, Mount Zaphon is the place of Baal’s mountain palace, and El, the chief Canaanite god, also resided on a mountain. The Sumerian king Gudea recorded his temple building activities in the late third millennium BC and spoke of making the temple with its head high in the mountains—indeed, it is said to grow high like a mountain range. The city of Babylon is also to be raised to the sky. See note on Ps 48:1–2. all nations will stream to it. Texts as early as 2000 BC speak of the universal appeal that will characterize a new temple. Temples are where prophecies are given to decide legal disputes and where one can inquire of the deity regarding courses of action that should be taken. It is not unusual for foreign people, even kings, to travel great distances to consult a deity. Gudea also envisions visitors from afar. If a god displays wisdom and power, all who hear will receive benefit.

2:3–4 let us go up . . . He will teach us . . . He will judge . . . and will settle disputes. In a prophecy concerning Ashurbanipal when he was yet crown prince, it was proclaimed that all the nations would come up to him and that he would rule over them and judge between them. In terms similar to those in Isaiah, guidance for life and decision making come from the great king, who is modeled after the Ashur, the ideal king.

2:4 beat their swords into plowshares. Beating here has the connotation of breaking into pieces. When swords are broken, the resultant pieces of metal can be used to strengthen and sharpen the wooden tips of plow blades, called shares. They were used to loosen the soil, scratching out a furrow in which to plant. spears into pruning hooks. Spears could have straight or curved blades. When broken they could yield smaller, handheld tools resembling a sickle. These could be sharpened and used as small, curved knives to trim grape vines (18:5). Since God will resolve international disputes, weapons can be put to more peaceful and productive use.

2:6 superstitions . . . divination. People desire to hear from the divine, especially as regards the future, and so seek revelation in a number of different ways. In Israel, God regularly revealed himself through his prophets in the form of visions, dreams, etc. He also responded to queries through other, less common means such as casting lots (e.g., Jos 18–19; 1Sa 14:41–42; Ac 1:26). The latter, using physical, mechanical means to question a god, is common among Israel’s neighbors, and is called “divination.” It comes in numerous forms and is strongly condemned as unsuitable for Israel, whose God is not to be so manipulated (e.g., Dt 18:9–14). See notes on Ge 30:27; Dt 18:10; 1Sa 28:7; see also the articles “Balaam,” “Magic,” “Consulting a ‘Spirit,’ ” “Practice of Magic,” “Extispicy.”

Three forms of divination are mentioned in Eze 21:21: When a Babylonian king needs to decide which direction to take, it is said that “he will cast lots with arrows, he will consult his idols, he will examine the liver.” A divination technique called rhabdomancy uses arrows or sticks that are thrown to the ground, and an interpretation is made depending on how they fall (see Hos 4:12). Idol consultation used a type of household god (Hebrew teraphim; Ge 31:19, 34, 35; Zec 10:2), which was somehow expected to speak. Very common in Mesopotamia is hepatoscopy or extispicy, the examination of animal entrails, in particular the liver. They would be carefully inspected by trained priests, who would check for abnormalities. These would indicate some communication from the god regarding the future course of events. In order to stop Israel from misusing animal livers in such a way, part of the liver taken from animal sacrifices was to be completely burned (e.g., Ex 29:13).

Other types of divination were also used. In necromancy one consulted with the dead, such as when Saul consulted Samuel through a medium at Endor (1Sa 28:8–19; see notes on 1Sa 28:7; 2Ki 21:6; see also the article “Consulting a ‘Spirit’ ”). Mesopotamia was also the source for the practice of astrology, consultation of the heavenly bodies (see Isa 47:13; Jer 10:2; Mt 2:9). In hydromancy, people interpreted the patterns of oil placed on water in a cup or bowl (e.g., Ge 44:5, 15), much like reading tea leaves today. In a practice not referred to in the Bible, Mesopotamian and Canaanite priests also inferred meaning from abnormal animal and human births.

Though Scripture condemns these practices, this is not because they do not work. There is supernatural power in the occult, but it is not open to followers of the true God. Israel depends on God’s self-revelation rather than manipulating nature to find out secrets (see note on 7:11).

On an individual level, a reason to know the future was to be able take action against any evil that might be coming. Incantations and magic charms were used for protection against these. For Israel, the power to protect and heal did not lie in magic or in human strength, but in God, who welcomed prayer and was ready to protect and save (e.g., Jos 10:6; 1Sa 10:19).

2:7 horses . . . chariots. Assyrian chariots were large, carrying four men, and pulled by four horses. The chariotry corps and cavalry represented the cutting edge of military technology. Vast economic resources were required to import the horses, build the chariots, and train the horsemen and charioteers (for an indication of the expense, see 1Ki 10:29). Assyrian military supremacy was dependent on the horses and even the kings worried about the supply of horses and gathering the necessary fodder to care for the horses. Careful census figures were kept of the types of horses available and horses were often collected in tribute or captured in raids. Reliefs show great care taken with the horses, and the army on campaign traveled with principal mounts as well as remounts for the cavalry. See notes on Dt 11:4; Jos 11:6; Jdg 1:19; see also the article “All the King’s Horses.”

2:8 idols . . . what their fingers have made. See the article “Making an Idol.”

2:10 the fearful presence of the LORD . . . splendor. Israel’s God, Yahweh, is without physical body and form and so is not visible. He has, however, a divine aura or radiance, his “glory,” which is apparent to the human eye (see the article “Glory”). Medieval paintings used a halo to depict this (a circle of light above or behind the head to signify sacred persons, or, alternatively, the full-body glow [called a mandorla or aureole], symbolizing divine status). Egyptian art used the sun disk over the head of several of their deities to indicate their divine status. Akkadian texts refer to the (pulhu) melammu, the (fear-causing) radiance that characterized not only deities but also other awe-inspiring beings such as demons and kings. Several accounts of royal battles refer to this terror transferred to the king (and his army), overwhelming the enemy and leading to their defeat. Adadnirari III, e.g., describes his campaign against the Hittites in the early eighth century BC in terms of their submission to his fearful splendor.

2:13 cedars of Lebanon. See notes on 2Sa 5:11; 1Ki 5:6; 6:15. Bashan. See note on Nu 21:33.

2:15 fortified wall. City fortifications were necessary in the ancient Near East in order to protect inhabitants against marauders. It was a matter of pride for a city to be fortified. Built of stamped earth, brick or stone, the walls of this period were solid and could be massive, with towers placed periodically along them. In some cases, there were both inner and outer protective walls (26:1). At Lachish, the outer wall was almost 10 feet (3 meters) thick, and the inner wall was almost 20 feet (6 meters) thick. At Khorsabad, the fortress of Sargon II, the city wall was 46 feet (14 meters) thick and almost 40 feet (12 meters) high; at Nineveh among Sennacherib’s building projects was a wall that could have been as much as 75 feet (23 meters) tall, though the exact height is difficult to determine, since no walls are found completely intact and height was usually measured by brick courses.

2:16 trading ship. Lit. “ships of Tarshish,” merchant ships that carried heavy cargo (see notes on 23:1; 60:9; 1Ki 10:22; 2Ch 8:18). They were probably single-mast vessels with a single row of oars. Shipping was not among Israel’s major trades, since she had few good ports, though it had some role even early in her history (cf. Jdg 5:17). Solomon established a Red Sea port at Ezion Geber in cooperation with Hiram of Tyre (see note on 1Ki 9:26). Shipping played a more major role in Ugarit, farther up the Mediterranean coast in the area of Tyre, where there is a contract for ships rented to another king. Warships were larger and could have several decks and oar banks. Both add to the prestige and wealth of their owner nations, but their pride will be brought down by God.

2:18 idols will totally disappear. A disappearing personal god strikes its worshiper with despair, since help is no longer available. Antagonistic gods need to be repulsed, however, which is done by means of incantations and amulets. A seventh-century BC amulet from Syria seeks to repel a warrior-god named Sasm with the anticipated result that he will pass away and never come back.

2:19 caves in the rocks . . . holes. The powerful strongholds (v. 15) will be ineffective, and people will take up living in unnatural conditions. shake the earth. The awe-inspiring coming of God (v. 10) causes not only people but also nature to quake in terror. His coming, called a theophany, is often accompanied by earth-shaking phenomena. Assyrian kings associate the same convulsion with their coming.

2:20 moles and bats. Ineffective idols will be discarded to be with unclean rodents. The Sumerian poetess Enheduanna, in a third-millennium BC text, exalts the goddess Inanna, before whom none of the other gods are able to stand. Rather, they flutter like bats as they flee. Lifeless idols will flee to crannies before the all-powerful God, just as the other gods do before Inanna.

2:21 shake the earth. See note on v. 19.

3:1 take . . . all supplies of food and . . . water. See note on 1:8.

3:2–3 The list of leadership resources here is fairly extensive, covering the military, clan leadership, religious personnel (both legitimate and illegitimate) and political advisors. All of these, considered to supply leadership support for the people, whether officially or in a clandestine manner, will be removed and replaced by unexpected leaders (v. 4).

3:2 diviner. An illegitimate source of divine revelation used by Israel’s pagan neighbors but forbidden for her (see notes on 2:6; Ge 30:27; Dt 18:10; see also the articles “Balaam,” “Magic,” “Practice of Magic”).

3:3 enchanter. Or “whisperer.” They were also unacceptable in Israel, but were still found among the people charming snakes (Ecc 10:11).

3:6 cloak. Or robe, the outer garment used to cover oneself. This could indicate that people were so destitute that the last one having all of his clothes left would be chosen leader. This is also a soldier’s garment (9:5); it could have been fringed and embroidered, as were robes of various social classes and nationalities as shown on the Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser III. This, then, could be a call for leadership from anyone who had some evidence of being able to offer it, even if only through their official-looking garments.

3:13 The LORD takes his place . . . rises to judge. Numerous pictures of ancient Near Eastern deities show them seated while receiving worship. When standing, the deities are more aggressive, often with weapons as instruments of judgment.

3:15 crushing my people and grinding the faces. Ashurnasirpal II describes Tukulti-Ninurta II using similar terms. A Middle Babylonian boundary stone includes a curse that anyone who moves the boundary stone might have their descendants crushed. The metaphor of military defeat is also depicted literally, with the king actually walking on his defeated enemies.

3:16 haughty . . . outstretched necks . . . ornaments jingling on their ankles. Pictorial representation of common folk is rare in the period of the Bible, since the upper classes receive more attention. Commoners probably wore little personal adornment. Others used greater finery, including solid bronze rings placed on the ankle. The outstretched neck could be simply a prideful posture, or it could have been caused by wearing numerous necklaces, physically forcing the outstretched posture.

3:17 bald. Baldness, especially among women, was not customary, and most wore well-coifed hair. Shaving all or part of the head of someone was a sign of disrespect (7:20) or mourning (15:2). A special haircut also seemed to be the mark of a slave, as noted in the Code of Hammurapi. The formally prim and proper upper-class women will be either humiliated or enslaved.

3:18–23 These verses give the most extensive list of personal adornment in the Bible. Some terms are rare and not at all clearly understood. “Finery” (v. 18) is the general term, encompassing the list that follows, referring first to jewelry (vv. 18–21) and then to clothing (vv. 22–23).

3:18 bangles. The ankle bracelets mentioned in v. 16. headbands. Ornaments resembling or representing the sun, showing Egyptian influence. They are common in Israelite seals. crescent necklaces. Like the moon, possibly showing influence from the moon-god of Harran or from the Canaanites at Ugarit.

3:19 earrings. Lit. “drops,” indicating their pendant shape; worn by men and women.

3:20 headdresses. Or turbans; were worn by Israel and her neighbors. perfume bottles. It is hard to imagine these serving as an item of clothing, so they are possibly a type of amulet, paralleling the “charms” mentioned next (cf. the same root, “whispering,” in v. 3 [“enchanter”]). These items have been found in excavations.

3:21 signet rings. Or seal rings; used by some officials as a symbol of authority and worn on the finger. They left an impression when pressed into a clay writing tablet (see note on 1Ki 21:8). Other rings were worn in the nose.

3:24 well-dressed hair. Hair not only distinguished individuals, as it does to today, but ethnic groups could be discerned by their differing hairstyles. Elaborate hairstyles were worn by gods and leaders in Mesopotamia and Egypt. Nice hair was prized, as shown by a text describing someone as “provided with beautiful hair.” Included among other gifts in a letter from Amarna were “29 silver ladles, with boxwood and ebony handles, which are for curling hair.” baldness. See note on v. 17.

3:26 sit on the ground. Extreme emotion is debilitating, affecting the ability to stand. Utnapishtim experienced this when he saw the destruction of his fellow human beings after the flood in the Babylonian Gilgamesh Epic. He said, “Consequently I crouched, I sat down, I wept.”

4:1 seven women will take hold of one man. One of the unfortunate results of war is the depletion of the male population, resulting in a higher ratio of women to men. In the ancient world, women were under the care of various men during their lives—first their fathers, then their husbands, then their sons. If these were lost through death or divorce, the woman and her children were placed in a precarious position, not the least reason being that land, the major resource of an agricultural people, was traditionally held by the man. Without a man and the sustenance supplied by the association with him, life was in jeopardy. This economic need is not the case here, however, since the women will provide their own provisions, apparently willing to bypass the traditional bride-price. seven. A significant number in the Bible, indicating completeness (e.g., 11:15; 30:26). One indication of this is that the symbol for seven in Akkadian also means “totality.” This number also seems to represent an unspecified high number, as today we might say, “I told you a hundred times.” Akkadian incantations parallel this use, e.g., when speaking of “seven young men and seven young women,” and Inanna is given “seven divine attributes.” disgrace. Points toward a societal rather than an economic lack. This word occurs in the context of rape, an unfortunate concomitant of war. The women are seeking either protection from such violation or a return of status to women who have already been raped and so humiliated—a state shared by a woman who was widowed (54:4).

4:3 recorded among the living. The righteous followers of God are inscribed in a book of life. This concept is also known in Mesopotamian thought, but instead of a book we read of a “Tablet of Destinies” (cf. 46:10), which contained the destiny of everything and was given by Tiamat to her general Kingu. In a prayer to Nabu (who subsequently controlled the tablets), Nebuchadnezzar II prays that his days be extended and that he experience old age. In the Babylonian “Poem of the Righteous Sufferer,” the sufferer in the end receives several blessings, including being reckoned among the living.

4:5 cloud of smoke by day and a glow of flaming fire by night. God’s protection and guidance were marked by these two elements when Israel departed from Egypt (Ex 13:21–22), and they will be restored to Israel’s survivors in the eschatological day of the Lord. The powerful radiance of Mesopotamian gods (cf. 2:10; see note there) is also associated with fire, smoke and cloud. In Ugaritic literature, several times the term translated in Hebrew as “cloud” is used of a divine messenger or herald, a representative of a god.

5:1 a song about his vineyard. Vineyards were common in the agricultural life of Israel, with evidence of them from the ancient Near East as early as the third millennium BC. While grapes were necessary for wine production, many steps were needed to produce the final product. Isa 5 describes several of these. The rocky hill country of Israel had to be cleared of rocks and were also often terraced; the collected rocks reduced erosion caused by water runoff and retained moisture for the vines. Some of the rocks could also be used for walls surrounding the vineyards, for watchtowers from which guards could protect against marauders, and also for huts in which workers could sleep. Planting was done from cuttings rather than from seeds, and the growing plants needed to be carefully tended and pruned. Even with this careful tending, it took several seasons before usable grapes could be harvested. After harvest, the grapes were placed in baskets and carried to the winepress. These were either built or hewn out of the rock, sometimes in the vineyard itself or else some distance away. The grapes were trodden underfoot in order to release their juice, which flowed to a lower section of the press, where it was collected. It was then placed in jars for fermenting. Vintners experienced this labor firsthand. They were thus attentive to Isaiah’s message and would have reacted with disgust at the news of the “bad” grapes (v. 2) after all of the effort expended. Their astonishment would have been magnified when they realized that the presentation was allegorical and that they themselves were the useless vineyard. My loved one. One expects to hear of the writer’s human beloved, but instead sees an agricultural reference. A lover compared to a garden is familiar (e.g., SS 4:12–5:1), and the same comparison is found in Sumerian and Akkadian texts. A collection of the first lines of Akkadian poems identifies three such texts: (1) “she seeks the beautiful garden of your [to a male] charms”; (2) “the lover-king goes down to the garden”; and (3) “the chief gardener of the pleasure garden.” The Egyptian Ptahhotep (mid-third millennium BC) instructed his son to love his wife appropriately because “she is a profitable field for her lord.” Akkadian letters from the king of Byblos, Rib-Hadda, found at Amarna in Egypt, contain a proverb that compares a woman to a field four times.

5:2 watchtower. In order to guard from marauders or scavengers, watchtowers were built. The concept of guarding has a sexual nuance in Akkadian, where it refers to protecting one’s chastity. This nuance fits well in this lover’s metaphor.

5:8 till no space is left. Landowners regularly seek to expand their holdings, but this has dire consequences in an agricultural society in which family land is not only the place where you live but also the source of your food supply. To protect people from losing this vital resource, laws such as the Year of Jubilee were enacted (see Lev 25:8–55 and notes), by which land was to be returned to its original owners every 50 years. While using different legal mechanisms, Akkadian law also protected the unfettered disaffection of land outside the family or tribal unit. One means for this was public disclosure of a pending sale. A Middle Assyrian law states that one who purchased a field or house in Ashur would have to give public notice of his intention three times over the period of a month so that anyone with claims would have a chance to step forward. Lacking a response, the purchase could be finalized.

Expansion of real estate holdings in the ancient world was usually at someone else’s expense. Bad harvests over several seasons could necessitate giving up ownership of property in order to pay off or work off debt. In Israel this was an economic crisis as well as a theological one. Since God had given them the land as a benefit of the covenant, each family considered its land holdings as its little share in the covenant. Therefore, what otherwise would be a financial tragedy (often with an oppressive dimension) served also to deprive someone of their part in the covenant. Additionally, the decision-making body in any community was comprised of landowners. The individual who obtained all the land rights in the community would have the power to do whatever he wanted.

5:10 Several terms in this verse refer to Hebrew measurements. ten-acre. Lit. “ten-yoke,” where a “yoke” is the amount of land a single pair of oxen can plow in a day, though the exact size is unknown. This would be a fairly large vineyard; most translations (arbitrarily) take it as ten acres (four hectares). bath. A liquid measure that equals the “ephah,” a dry measure for grain. The bath is about six gallons (22 liters), and the ephah is about 3/5 bushel (22 liters). homer. Lit. “donkey load,” the amount of grain a donkey can carry, i.e., one-tenth of an ephah. A vineyard would typically be expected to yield at least 1,000 gallons of wine per acre (9,350 liters per hectare). Harvests of grain in irrigated areas across the ancient Near East yielded a normal seed-to-crop ratio of about 1:10 (though higher yields are attested in the literature). Therefore a homer of seed would usually be expected to yield ten homers of grain. In this verse the ratio is reversed as 10:1 (an ephah is about one-tenth of a homer). The yields represented here, then, are meager fractions of that normally expected.

5:11 inflamed with wine. Carousing and inebriation, following too much consumption of the results of the good fruit from the vine, are not good. The Bible elsewhere condemns it (Pr 20:1). The Egyptian “Instruction of Any” (c. 1100 BC) also warns that indulging in drinking beer could lead to “evil speech.” Banquets with drinking were well known, ranging from the Persian period (Est 1:8) back to creation, according to the Akkadian Enuma Elish, in which a divine gathering is portrayed as a drinking party.

5:12 harps and lyres . . . pipes and timbrels. See the articles “Lyre,” “Music and Musicians.”

5:13 my people will go into exile. The customary foreign policy of both Assyria and Babylonia was to deport the rulers and leading citizens of conquered states, exiling them far away from their home. One study places the number of exiles dispersed throughout the Assyrian Empire during the Neo-Assyrian period at over 1.2 million. A result of this policy was the depletion of power at home as well as separating leaders from bases for resistance in their native land so they would be less likely to rebel against their overlords. Deporting entire families also aided resettlement in the new land, lessening the draw home.

Assyria did this to the northern nation of Israel (722–721 BC), as Babylonia did to Judah (605, 597 and 586 BC). To avoid Babylonian wrath for killing Judah’s figurehead governor, Gedaliah, people from Judah voluntarily exiled themselves to Egypt in 581 BC. Such deportation is evident not only textually, including names mentioned indicating people of different ethnic origin, but also on reliefs on the walls of some palaces.

5:14 Death. Lit. Sheol, the netherworld, the place of the dead. See the articles “Death and Sheol,” “Death and the Underworld.”

5:18 draw sin along with cords of deceit. One draws along behind those things over which one has control. This is shown in numerous reliefs of bound and joined prisoners being led away. Ironically, at this point in their history, all that Isaiah’s audience can parade after themselves as their greatest achievement is their sin.

5:22 heroes . . . champions. Two military terms are used satirically, since the only opponent conquered is alcohol. wine. A common beverage in the area, made from grapes, honey or dates. mixing drinks. Drinks could be flavored by adding herbs and spices. Intoxicants were often consumed through a long, straw-like tube, which also served as a strainer.

5:23 bribe. A major role for a national leader was to establish justice for those unable to secure it for themselves, i.e., the weak and the disenfranchised (see note on 1:23 [“fatherless . . . widow’s case”]). For this reason, law codes were common. deny justice. When those charged with administering the law are corrupt, basing their decisions on their own economic advantage rather than on justice, they pervert justice. Because bribery makes the entire enterprise of governance problematic, it is dealt with harshly.

5:25 dead bodies are like refuse in the streets. The lack of a proper burial was scandalous in Israel and among her neighbors—a sign of disrespect for the departed (see notes on 1Ki 14:11; 2Ki 9:10; Ecc 6:3).

5:26 banner. Or standard; used as a means of calling out an army of a particular territory or indicating the place where a muster was taking place or a camp was located. It often featured an insignia of the tribe or division. whistles. The Hebrew can also refer to a hiss (see 7:18).

5:27 not a belt is loosened at the waist, not a sandal strap is broken. Preparation for battle or for work is exemplified by one’s clothing being in good repair and functioning properly. In the Egyptian Tale of Two Brothers, when Anubis finishes engaging in battle and other work, he takes off his sandals and clothes and discards his staff and weapons. This suggests a possible military connotation for the Isaiah passage.

5:28 arrows. Made from reeds tipped with stone, bone or metal. bows. Composite bows, so called because they were formed of several materials, possibly originated in Assyria and were curved, which allowed arrows to fly greater distance. horses’ hooves. Shoeing of horses was not practiced, so some terrain was difficult for them; however, they developed hard hoofs. See note on 2:7. chariot wheels. See note on 2:7.

5:29 roar . . . of the lion. The ferocity and roar of lions proverbially inspires fear. They are shown roaring in numerous Israelite seal impressions and in other representations. They are pictured as mauling unfortunate prey and are themselves prey of mighty hunters. A hero is shown in his power holding a lion.

6:1 Uzziah. Also called Azariah (e.g., see 2Ki 14:21 and NIV text note), he became the tenth king of Judah after the assassination of his father, Amaziah, though they probably shared the throne while Amaziah was a prisoner of war. Uzziah, in turn, shared the throne with his son Jotham after being infected with leprosy, which perhaps led to his death. Leprosy made Uzziah ritually unclean and therefore unable to fulfill any public duties. Grief in Judah must have been great since Uzziah was the only king whom many, including Isaiah, knew, since his reign was so long (792–740 BC). The anguish could well have been exacerbated by fear, since just prior to Uzziah’s death in 742 BC, the great Assyrian king Tiglath-Pileser III had ascended his throne (745 BC), reviving the waning Neo-Assyrian Empire. He turned his attention to Israel and the west, starting with military campaigns in 743 BC. In one such campaign he encountered “[Azr]iau (Azariah) of Judah,” leading some to suggest that Uzziah/Azariah was the opponent mentioned by Tiglath-Pileser. Fear at this juncture in Israel’s history provided opportunity for a prophet to be heard, as it did in the reign of Ahaz in Isa 7. Lord. See note on v. 3 (“LORD”). high and exalted. In a hierarchy of power and authority, God is followed by the king, with the people falling below them. We use this extended spatial meaning of the term when we speak of someone “moving up the ladder.” It is also used of God in relation to the rest of creation. It can also have a literal meaning, where something is physically raised. This physical representation of God’s metaphoric superiority is meant here, reflecting the practice of standing the divine image on a dais or pedestal in its temple. The description of the temple in Jerusalem suggests that the floor of the Most Holy Place was raised since its internal height is ten cubits less than that of the temple proper. An important Babylonian temple to the national god Marduk was named Esagila, meaning “house whose head is high.” train of his robe. The common mode of male dress was an outer robe, which generally fell between the knee and the ankle but did not have a train per se. The Hebrew term for “train” is also translated as “hems,” the very edges of his garments, which were sufficient in themselves to fill the temple. This graphically illustrates the power, majesty and size of God. The anthropomorphic picture of his garments and, in that, their farthest extremity dwarfs the physical reality of the temple, Israel’s grandest architectural production. Whether Isaiah’s vision refers to the physical structure he knows in Jerusalem or to a heavenly temple, the greatness of God is overpowering. A temple at ʿAin Dara (Syria) from this period has gigantic footprints carved into the pavement striding into the temple—another way to convey the colossal size of the deity who was worshiped there. The hem not only was part of the magnificent garment, but it also could play a legal role, symbolically and legally representing a person in Mesopotamian legal documents. Most of the writing needed to be done by scribes, since this skill was beyond most people, including royalty. The person legally bound by the documented agreement needed to sign it, even though that person could not read. Whereas today one might use an “X,” during that period one could “sign” by leaving an impression either of one’s thumbnail or of the fringe at the hem of one’s robe. It was a means of personal identification. Although this passage does not concern a legal situation, by using this symbolism, God was closely associating himself with his temple in Jerusalem. The hem also had legal implications in West Semitic texts from Isaiah’s period. At that time, “seizing the hem” of a god acknowledged one’s submission, so this relationship was still possible to Israel since at least the hem was accessible to them. All of these data points show that the mention of the hem here is not just a comment about a random piece of a garment—the hem concerns status and identity. temple. The Hebrew word used here is not the common Hebrew phrase translated “house of Yahweh”; it is a rare word of Mesopotamian origin. Originating among the non-Semitic Sumerians, the term was borrowed by the Semitic speakers of Akkadian in Mesopotamia and by Hebrew speakers. The term can be used to indicate either of two “great houses”—that of the king (as in “palace”; e.g., 13:22; 39:7) and that of God (as in “temple”; e.g., 44:28; 66:6). The ambiguity of the word does well here since Yahweh is portrayed as both God and King.

6:2 seraphim, each with six wings. Seraphim are one of two types of heavenly beings mentioned by Isaiah, the other being “cherubim” (37:16). The latter, having a single pair of wings, are associated closely with the throne (presumably as guardians), while the seraphim are flying above it. The term for “seraphim” lit. means “burning,” which has led some to associate them with lightning, but seraphim are associated elsewhere not with fire but with serpents (14:29; 30:6), possibly alluding to the metaphoric burn of venom. The serpents that bit the Israelites in the wilderness are called “seraphim” (Nu 21:6–9).

The ancient Near East does know of serpents associated with both divinity and royalty. A ninth-century BC tablet from Sippar shows a two-headed serpent-man, Mush-igimin (“two-faced serpent”), who was the chief constable of Shamash, the sun-god. In Egyptian art, part of the crown of the pharaoh is a uraeus, a black-necked cobra. Seraphim are also found in numerous seals, often winged, though those having six wings are rare; most have four wings. A number of these have been found in Israel, so these figures were familiar to Isaiah and his readers.

6:3 Holy, holy, holy. Repetition in Hebrew, as in other languages, provides emphasis—in this case, of the superlative holiness of God. Akkadian priests also used threefold repetition in some incantations, with magical words calling for divine action. Some of these repetitions were in the context of the “mouth-washing” ritual (cf. v. 7). Holiness is not an attribute associated with gods in other cultures of the ancient world. LORD. The personal name of the God of Israel is “Yahweh” (Hebrew YHWH), occurring over 460 times in Isaiah. Its exact pronunciation is uncertain, since Jews who worried about breaking the command against misusing God’s name ceased using it orally by the Second Temple period. Instead, they substituted the Hebrew term for “Lord” (adonay, used in v. 1). Most English Bibles have maintained this legalistic avoidance of the divine name, but show its presence in the original through writing it in small capital letters (i.e., “LORD,” as here in v. 3). See the article “God’s Name.”

6:5 Woe to me! Statements using “woe” are common expressions of affliction and trouble in Isaiah (3:9, 11; 24:16) and elsewhere in the OT. In this verse it is brought forth by the realization of the distance between the holy God and the unclean prophet. Israel’s neighbors also used similar woe formulae—e.g., when woe is called on those responsible for the death of Aqhat in the Ugaritic Aqhat Legend, or when Sargon inflicts wartime violence.

6:7 touched my mouth. Upon his encounter with the holy God, Isaiah realizes that he himself is ritually unclean. As such, he cannot join in voicing God’s praise. He is also disqualified from proclaiming God’s message to his people if the very instrument of his ministry as a prophet, his speech, is polluted by impurity. Isaiah’s ritual purification comes through cauterization by a coal from the temple’s incense altar. Ritual purification of the mouth as practiced in Mesopotamia is known through a number of miš pî (“mouth-washing”) texts. This was most frequently performed on cult statues in preparation for their installation in a temple, where they became objects of worship and revelation, their mouths having been prepared. Part of the ritual called for threefold repetitions of spoken incantations (cf. v. 6) and multiple washing rituals, in contrast to the single purification of Isaiah. The purification resulting from the rituals are similar, though the instruments bringing it about (a live coal versus water) are different. One parallel is suggestive for the Isaiah context, since the special incantation priest had his mouth cleansed in order to make his presentation of the divine will more clear. In both cases, the instrument of revelation must be pure. Egypt also provides a parallel when contact by a fiery serpent rod (cf. the seraphim of v. 2) opens or purifies the mouth. Whichever society provides background for Isaiah’s purification, a procedure is necessary before he can enter into the presence of a holy God. The unclean cannot be in the divine presence. Since prophets were commonly believed to receive their messages by listening in on the divine council (see the articles “Divine Council,” “Prophets and Prophecy”), they would have to have a pure status. your sin [is] atoned for. Atonement, or the ritual removal of impurity caused by sin or other means, is a main theme in Leviticus (cf. Lev 22:14; 27:9; 47:11). The cognate verb in Akkadian also indicates purification and cleansing, both literally, such as brushing one’s teeth, and in the cult, such as purifying a temple through rituals or magic. One Akkadian ritual series is named “burning” (šurpu), since fire plays a central role in it. Various spoken incantations and burning numerous objects resulting in smoke (cf. v. 4) comprise the key rituals. The second tablet of this ritual provides for purification from numerous transgressions involving the mouth (e.g., eating taboo things, evil speech, contempt, lying, etc.), but no specific mention is made of purifying the lips.

6:8 Whom shall I send? And who will go for us? Incantation texts seek divine intervention against some type of malady. Numerous Akkadian incantations ask which deity should be the one called to present the case for assistance. They concern the interaction between the divine and human realms through the use of a messenger, much as the discussion does in Isaiah. The deity says, “Whom shall I send and whom shall I order?” us. Several places in the OT where plural forms refer to Israel’s sole God have raised questions: Is God one or several? The same plural form is also used by rulers (e.g., Ge 26:10, 16; 2Sa 24:14), either referring to themselves through the “royal ‘we’ ” (pluralis majestatis) or else including their royal retinue. Israel’s neighbors envisioned a heavenly council of deities surrounding the heavenly throne. These are known from Ugarit, Byblos and Mesopotamia. Israelite orthodoxy acknowledged only one God, but lesser, semidivine beings are found in his presence—not as advisors or exercising authority over him, but as his servants. Based on this information, God’s speaking with his retinue is a possibility here. See the article “Divine Council.”

6:9 Go and tell. In the ancient Near East, messengers were important as a means of contact between a ruler and others, including his subjects and other rulers. They served administrative, business and diplomatic functions. They were at times carefully selected and acted with the authority of the one who sent them (see, e.g., Nu 22:15, where the messengers were themselves royalty). They were to be trustworthy in passing on the charge entrusted to them and usually were commissioned to deliver their messages orally, which were often accompanied by written texts, such as letters. In the Egyptian tale of Wenamun’s journey to Phoenicia, he is sent as Amon’s messenger.

Some suggest that the prophets were messengers not coming solely from God but rather delivering the message of a divine council. In the ancient Near Eastern world, this was a collection of the gods who met together to decide matters, such as in the Babylonian creation account in which the council commissioned Marduk to battle Tiamat and then elevated him to chief among the gods. There are hints of such a council in the OT as well; while there is only one God, there are other supernatural beings (see the article “Divine Council”).

Among Israel’s neighbors, gods also used messengers to pass along their instructions. At times they sent other deities, but they also used humans. This is common in epic texts, but also in other genres. In an Akkadian incantation a deity asks a familiar question: “Whom may I send?” (cf. v. 8). The reason for messengers was that the message would be heard and responded to, not the opposite, as was expected of Isaiah’s message (vv. 9–11).

6:10 make their ears dull and close their eyes. Isaiah’s prophetic role was to call the people to repentance and back to a relationship with God. This is impossible if the people cannot receive the message. Nonfunctioning organs have several interpretations. In the Akkadian “Poem of the Righteous Sufferer,” physical debility seems to come from a supernatural attack of some kind. Among the physical symptoms, the sufferer says that as attentive as he is, his eyes and ears are not functioning. In a Sumerian prayer, similar symptoms arise when a penitent realizes that he has sinned (cf. vv. 5–7). For him, a scribe, it is his hand and mouth, the tools of his trade, that are useless. Another suggestion is that the symptoms are to parallel those of the dumb idols Israel too often worships. Instead of maintaining allegiance with a living and responsive God, they turn to sightless, deaf idols for aid (44:18). In this way, God warns that Israel will become like what they worship.

6:12 sent everyone far away. See note on 5:13.

7:3 aqueduct of the Upper Pool. The existence of an “upper” pool, apparently outside the city walls to the north, suggests a “lower” one, mentioned in Isa 22:9, perhaps within the walls and thus more secure during siege conditions. The aqueduct apparently carried water to the Upper Pool. Water was a major problem for Jerusalem throughout her history, and identification of the various elements of her water system is a matter of some debate. It appears that the king is here inspecting the water supply of the city, which would soon be under siege. See the article “Hezekiah’s Tunnel.” Launderer’s Field. Washing and working new cloth is called “fulling,” which leads to many translations identifying this as the “Fuller’s Field.” It rid the material of natural oils before it could be used and was an important part of cloth preparation. The place where it was done seems well known, since it is the site of two important meetings (here; 36:2; cf. 2Ki 18:17).

7:4 Be careful. Lachish in Judah has produced several letters from the first quarter of the sixth century BC. One speaks of sending a letter of Tobyahu, servant of the king, which came to Shallum son of Yada from “the prophet” saying, “Beware.” Exactly who is warning whom is unclear, but it appears to involve a confrontation between prophet and king, though in Isaiah the message is encouraging, which might not be the case in Lachish.

7:5–6 son of Remaliah . . . son of Tabeel. Two people are shown little respect, since only their father’s name is given. They are Pekah, called simply “son of Remaliah,” and another who is called simply “son of Tabeel.” The name is Aramaic, so it may indicate someone who had pro-Aram/Syria sympathies, i.e., someone who would oppose Judah and side with Judah’s enemies in this Syro-Ephraimite conflict (see the article “Syro-Ephraimite War”). Another possibility is that it refers to Tubail/Ethbaal, the king of Tyre who paid tribute to Assyria, along with Rezin, in about 738 BC. One of the two enemies will take over Judah for himself.

7:8 sixty-five years. Since the events of this story take place about 735 BC, the 65-year period ends in 670 BC, which is a puzzling date since the Assyrians captured Israel’s capital, Samaria, and ended its monarchy 15 years later in 722 BC, with its people exiled and foreigners transplanted into its territory. Nevertheless, 669 BC is the year that Esarhaddon, king of Assyria and son of Sennacherib, died and was succeeded by his son, Ashurbanipal, who completed the deportation activities begun here (Ezr 4:10).

7:11 Ask . . . for a sign. Seeking revelation or confirmation from the divine is common in the ancient Near East. In the OT signs could look back as reminders of what was (55:13) or proof of what was said (Ex 3:12), or they could point forward as a portent of what was to be (Isa 8:18). Omens were signs commonly used in the Near East, though they were unacceptable for Israel. Through them a skilled interpreter sought to analyze some natural phenomenon to determine the message from the gods (see notes on 2:6; Ge 30:27; Dt 18:10; see also the articles “Balaam,” “Magic,” “Practice of Magic”).

7:13 house of David. While earlier kings were referred to dismissively simply by their father’s name (v. 6), here Ahaz is identified only by his family line: he is a Davidic descendant, as were all the kings of Judah. It was a great and perpetual line (2Ch 21:7), but Ahaz was not representing it well in this instance. The phrase also occurs in extra-Biblical texts. An eighth-century BC Aramaic inscription found at Tell Dan mentions “the house of David.”

7:14 The virgin will . . . give birth to a son. Annunciations of birth, heralding such an important event through supernatural means, are not rare. Hagar heard of Ishmael’s birth (Ge 16:11), as did Manoah’s wife of the birth of Samson (Jdg 13:3, 5). A bilingual Akkadian-Sumerian psalm dedicated to Assur is broken, but it may refer to a supernatural “virgin” birth of Tukulti-Ninurta I. It speaks of one who was begotten by the god Enlil and placed in a maiden, so that she gave birth to the king. This concept can be seen as early as Sumerian literature; there it is said that the god Ningirsu rejoiced over Eannatum, who was said to have been implanted in the womb by the god Ningirsu. A Canaanite text has the exact Ugaritic equivalent of this birth announcement, saying of the moon-goddess Nikkal, “Behold, the young woman will bear a son.” The baby remains unnamed in that text, the main focus of which is the marriage of two lovers more than the identity of their offspring. These demonstrate that the rhetoric here was familiar in the ancient Near East, particularly in birth announcements, and generally concerned royalty. call him. In ancient Israel, naming had more significance than it does today, when names are usually chosen for reasons of sound, popularity or association with a family member. Hebrew names have meanings that are transparent to those who understand the language, with the significance of this meaning tied to the birth event or some other aspect of life. For example, Benjamin, meaning “son of the right [hand]” (a position of honor) was so renamed by his father, Jacob; his original name, Ben-Oni, meaning “son of my pain,” was given by his mother Rachel, who was dying in childbirth (Ge 35:19). Benjamin was much more propitious for the life of the child than was Ben-Oni. In Egypt, the pharaohs were given portentous names, usually five, when they ascended the throne (cf. 9:6). Immanuel. Meaning “God is with us,” this name is similar to one found on several Israelite seal impressions: “Yahweh is with us.”

7:15 curds. Milk in Israel was mainly from goats and could be consumed straight or processed. One of the processing means was pressing or churning, which produced what is translated “curds” here, though it more likely refers to something like yogurt or butter, since curds are formed from coagulation. “Ghee” is a possible translation, for, like the related word in Akkadian, it refers to refining and clarifying butter for longer “shelf life.” Mesopotamians used ghee for food and medicine as well as in religious rituals. A number of texts associate this milk product with honey. honey. Usually made from pressing dates or grapes, although wild honey from bees was also used. Evidence of domestication of the honeybee exists in Iron Age Israel. An Egyptian relief from the mid-third millennium BC shows containers of bee honey. Shamash-resha-utsur, an eighth-century BC ruler of the area of Suhu in the Middle Euphrates, claims that he brought honeybees down from the mountain, something never before achieved. Honey is also used for food and medicine (as a poultice or ingested) and for rituals in conjunction with ghee. Both could keep well, so they were important for people on the move, as well as being enjoyable condiments for everyone who could find them.

7:20 shave your head . . . cut off your beard. From wall reliefs from the period of the OT one can see that men from Israel and Syria had pointed, goatee-type beards, while the Assyrians had full, bushy beards. This is in contrast to the Egyptians, whose men were generally clean shaven, except for an artificial bound beard on the end of the chin. Involuntary shaving was an insult for those whose society favored beards and was at times done to prisoners of war. Sennacherib wrote of defeated enemy warriors: “I cut off their beards.” Mourners also shaved themselves (15:2). In Isaiah, all the hair was shaven, including that of the “private parts.” See the article “Shaving in the Ancient World.” Here shaving is used metaphorically and ironically, since the razor used against Israel is one she had “hired” to protect her in the first place.

8:1 scroll. See the articles “Books and Literacy,” “Scrolls in the Ancient World. ordinary pen. The term for this tool is used only one other time in the OT: Ex 32:4 (“tool”), where it is used in the manufacture of the golden calf. It is therefore assumed to be some sort of drill or chisel. Ex 32:16 uses the verbal root related to this noun (“engraved”) to describe the inscription of the Ten Commandments on the tablets. Cylinder seal artisans used drills, including a “fine drill.” The word translated “ordinary” here, when modifying a person, refers to their fragile mortality. Perhaps here the use of a fragile drill is intended to suggest high quality workmanship.

8:2 Uriah. Chief priest at the time and in charge of anything to be placed in the sanctuary. A Hebrew ostracon, probably dating from the late seventh or early sixth century BC and found in the area immediately south of the temple mount in Jerusalem, lists a number of names. Though broken, the last legible one is of an Uriyahu/Uriah. reliable witnesses. Important, official documents in the ancient world were not only sealed but also witnessed by reliable folk whose names were inscribed toward the end of the tablet. They are indicated in Akkadian texts by the designation “in the presence of X,” their signature assuring that the one who claimed to have produced the document did indeed do so. Contracts are serious undertakings, such as one for a delivery of straw having seven witnesses. The presence of two such witnesses here indicates some sort of official document, whether a marriage contract (v. 3) or some other record of a significant naming.

8:3 prophetess. Although all of the writing prophets in Israel were male, females also fulfilled a prophetic role. Prophetesses are mentioned in letters concerning prophecies from nineteenth-century BC Mari in north Syria, and numerous women are named as oracle-givers, though not always designated as “prophets,” in seventh-century BC prophecies concerning the Assyrian kings Esarhaddon and Ashurbanipal.

8:6 the gently flowing waters of Shiloah. Lying in the hills, Jerusalem had a limited water supply in the form of springs, mainly the Gihon. Water needed to be directed from them to neighboring parts of the city by aqueducts or tunnels. Hezekiah, Ahaz’s son and successor, cut a tunnel from the Gihon Spring (see the article “Hezekiah’s Tunnel”), but this verse cannot refer to that channel, since that was later; moreover, that tunnel was of such a pitch that the water would not be called “gently flowing.” An earlier Siloam, or Shiloah, channel carried water from Gihon down the eastern side of Jerusalem and irrigated the Kidron Valley. Its lower pitch allowed the water it carried to flow more gently.

8:7–8 floodwaters . . . overflow all its channels . . . sweep on into Judah, swirling over it. Flooding can metaphorically describe overwhelming military force that cannot be held in check. The same metaphor was used in Mesopotamia, where flooding was damaging rather than providing necessary irrigation, as it did in Egypt. Flooding is personified as an overwhelming force in the Sumerian “Curse of Agade” from the early second millennium BC: “The rampant Flood who knows no rival.”

The Old Babylonian king Naram-Sin describes his foe in flood-like terms—leveling cities, tells and temples. Ashurnasirpal II (883–859 BC) describes himself as “an impetuous flood,” and Shalmaneser III (858–824 BC) describes his onslaught on his opponents in similar terms, comparing himself to the storm-god Adad.

8:7 the Euphrates. While the Jordan River was important for Israel because of its geographic location in the land, the river par excellence was the Euphrates. On several occasions it is called “the River” (e.g., Ps 72:8; 80:11). The army of the Assyrians, whose homeland was along the more eastern Tigris River, needed to cross the more westerly Euphrates River to approach Israel.

8:8 Immanuel. Means “God is with us”; it was a propitious name in 7:14 and is here applied to the nation of Judah as a whole. Some see vv. 9–10 as applying the term again to Judah, but the context may rather suggest that vv. 9–10 are taunting words of the arrogant Assyrian army. Sennacherib’s officers used similar words to dispirit Jerusalem when it was under siege, claiming that the gods of other nations had been unable to save them, implying that they were now with Assyria (2Ch 32:17). Mesopotamian rulers regularly claimed the favor of the gods.

8:14 stone that causes people to stumble. An Aramaic inscription from this period speaks of Panammuwa bringing a gift to Tiglath-Pileser III, who made him king after he killed the “stone of destruction” from the house of his father. This apparently refers to Panammuwa’s predecessor on the throne, using terms that impugn his legitimacy. Travelers on a journey were impeded by uncleared roads (62:10), metaphorically referring to rebel leadership impeding legitimate rule. snare. See notes on Ps 124:7; 140:5.

8:16 seal up. Scrolls could be sealed either by tying a string around them and sealing the knot with clay, or by placing them in a jar and sealing the cover. The clay or the seal around the lid would be impressed with the owner’s seal. Mesopotamia used cylinder seals, Egypt used scarab seals, and Syria-Palestine used stamp seals. Tablets would be sealed inside a clay envelope, which would be impressed with the owner’s seal. The seals were intended to vouchsafe the integrity of the contents. They warned against tampering and, if intact, attested to the authenticity of the document. See note on 1Ki 21:8.

8:18 We are signs and symbols. A Mesopotamian practice views people, especially newborns, as signs or omens. The person or some abnormality they have are indicative, as seen in at least two omen collections: Shumma izbu, “If a fetal anomaly . . .” and Shumma alu, “If a city . . .” Isaiah chides his fellows for ignoring the signs from God standing before them and instead consulting pagan sources.

8:19 consult the dead. Necromancy, consulting the dead, has already been condemned by Isaiah (2:6; see 29:4). Here some of its participants are identified. “Mediums” (those who consult the ghost) or perhaps the spirits of the dead could use living people and be consulted for esoteric knowledge (19:3; see note on 1Sa 28:7; see also the article “Consulting a ‘Spirit’ ”). A similar Sumerian term in the Gilgamesh Epic indicates a hole into the netherworld from which a divine spirit could issue. Mesopotamian texts refer to those who “bring up” the shades of the dead. A Sumerian proverb speaks of offerings to the dead, and archaeological evidence of such offerings for the dead indicates awareness of them even in Israel.

8:21 hungry . . . famished. See note on v. 22.

8:22 distress and darkness and fearful gloom. An omen from Ugarit also associates the appearance of trouble (here “distress”) with famine (cf. v. 21). It is found in a list of birth omens. These are based on events in human experience that in the past have happened subsequent to an irregular birth and so are likely to follow a similar birth anomaly in the future. Famine was often the result of inadequate rainfall, resulting in greatly diminished crop yields. Inability to find adequate food could result in widespread death or population dispersion to areas better supplied (see note on 9:20).

9:1 the land of Zebulun and the land of Naphtali. Zebulun and Naphtali lay in the area of Galilee astride a major highway through Israel from the north. They therefore were among the first people to be attacked from the north, such as that upon Pekah under Tiglath-Pileser III in 733 BC (2Ki 15:29). When Tiglath-Pileser had conquered the region, he left only the hill country of Ephraim to Israel, making the rest into three of the provinces of his empire: (1) The Mediterranean coastal area was the province of Duru, named after the city Dor on the coast, where Assyrian archaeological remains have been found. This “Way of the Sea” may refer to a route farther north toward Tyre, running from Abel Beth Maakah westward (seaward) toward Janoah. (2) Magiddu, named for one of its major cities, Megiddo, included “Galilee of the nations.” (3) Gal’azi (Gilead, 2Ki 15:29) was in Transjordan (“beyond the Jordan”).

9:2 great light . . . a light has dawned. A major Assyrian deity was Shamash, the sun-god, the source of light. Hammurapi describes himself as “solar disk of the city of Babylon, who spreads light over the lands of Sumer and Akkad,” thus assuming the illuminating role of his patron, Shamash. The Egyptians and Canaanites also had important solar deities. For Israel, light symbolizes the presence of God.

9:4 Midian’s defeat. Midian, related to Israel through one of Abraham’s wives (Ge 25:1–2), was a nomadic people without a fixed geographic location. The episode of their defeat at the hand of the Israelites is most likely when Gideon was able to defeat the Midianite army with only 300 men (Jdg 7). Here, as then, it is ultimately Yahweh who is the victor (Isa 7:14–17). yoke. Joins a pair of draft animals at the shoulders in order for them to be able to pull in unison. It could also join together people used as draft animals. It is a common Biblical metaphor for heavy service, especially to foreign powers. Liberation from such oppression is expressed by breaking the yoke. The same metaphor is common in the ancient Near East. In a text from the middle second-millennium BC Amarna, a leader vows that he has the yoke of his lord on his neck. Eighth-century BC Assyrian rulers used the same image; Esarhaddon (680–669 BC) speaks of imposing his yoke on conquered peoples. Freedom from domination was achieved in a similar manner: “Let us break the yoke.” When one is under the yoke of a beneficent being, it can be to one’s advantage, for the god provides the needs of such a faithful individual. The non-Semitic Hittites in Asia Minor used the metaphor as well, so it was well at home in Israel’s literary and sociological environment. the rod. Can also be translated “scepter”; it is that borne by an oppressing ruler. It could be used for aggressive purposes or simply held as a symbol of the leader’s potential power. Breaking it symbolizes the loss of that power.

9:5 boot. This is the only occurrence of this word in the OT, but the term in Akkadian indicates sandals or shoes. Many soldiers are shown barefoot or with sandals, though some wear higher boots. These and their outer garments, bloodied in battle, are here banned from Israelite reuse, but were to be destroyed by fire. The bloody aftermath of battle is accentuated by an Ugaritic reference to the goddess Anat, who kills so many opponents that she wades through the knee-deep blood and gore of her enemies.

9:6 a son is given. The birth of a son was viewed as a matter of rejoicing in ordinary circumstances. Having a royal son to assume the throne was even more important. Panammuwa I, a Syrian king in the mid-eighth century BC, wrote an Aramaic document stating a blessing on whichever of his sons succeeded in following him to his throne. The Assyrian Esarhaddon enacted a treaty with vassals to ensure that they recognized his desire that his son, Ashurbanipal, succeed him to the throne. he will be called. See the article “Names in the Old Testament Period.” Wonderful Counselor, Mighty God, Everlasting Father, Prince of Peace. Whether chosen by this ruler for himself (supported by the Hebrew form of the verb “will be called”) or by another on his behalf, the names are auspicious for his reign. Some suggest parallels with the Egyptian practice of a five-part royal title, though only four are listed here. The Ugaritic king Niqmepa had four titles: master of justice, he who builds a (royal) house/dynasty, royal guardian, royal builder, while Mesopotamian kings employed numerous titles or epithets. Although not all are used of one ruler, they include, “counselor,” “(very) strong/mighty,” “mighty, heroic,” “eternal/everlasting,” “father,” “prince” and “one who quiets, brings peace.” Therefore, the concepts applied to Isaiah’s ruler are well represented in their literary environment. For this series of names being one long compound name, see the article “Names in the Old Testament Period.” Mighty God, Everlasting Father. An undated seal impression in Phoenician, Ammonite or Hebrew belongs to a man named Abi‘ad, “eternal father.” Each of these names by themselves might suggest divine names. However, they should be recognized as the theophoric element in a compound name, thus making a statement about God, as many Hebrew names do (see the article “Names in the Old Testament Period”).

9:7 the greatness of his government and peace. It is the last of the royal titles of v. 6 (“Prince of Peace”) that is highlighted through this phrase. “Peace” denotes more than just a lack of war; it encompasses well-being, safety and plenty, along with good relationships with one’s brother, neighbor and God (e.g., 27:5). It is a longed-for end of one’s life as well as an anticipated goal of Israel’s settlement of the land after years of wandering (Lev 26:6). It refers to existence without fear. The Mesopotamian god Marduk is purported to prophesy of a coming ruler, one who sounds much like Nebuchadnezzar I (1124–1103 BC), who probably had the piece written for propaganda purposes. That prophecy of a lengthy rule of peace and plenty echoes well with that of Isaiah’s Messianic vision, showing that the hope for a king who establishes peace is, unsurprisingly, a common sentiment. In another text of Nebuchadnezzar I, Marduk and other gods are described as “guardians of peace,” showing that peace has royal and divine sources. He will reign on David’s throne . . . from that time on and forever. When political stability is not a given, a long-standing throne is something that people wish for. Esarhaddon received a message from Ishtar of Arbela that his reign would be established for eternal years. It was not a statement of absolute eternity, never-ending time in an ontological sense; rather, it was a wish for a long life. This was a common blessing wished on others as well, as noted in several Amarna letters. Absolute eternity was not a concern in the ancient world, since even most deities had a finite existence. What is in view is perpetuity either through a single lifetime or into the foreseeable future.

9:10 bricks . . . dressed stone . . . fig trees . . . cedars. A broad range of quality in products available to builders is presented here, from common and ordinary to fine and rare. Cheaply available were mud bricks, which could be easily handmade from readily available material and sun-dried. Isaiah brags that this common house-building stuff will be replaced by finished, hewn ashlar stone, which has been dressed on all sides by a chisel. Requiring more work and being much more durable, these stones were also more expensive than common brick. Roof beams were generally made from the commonly available wood of the sycamore-fig, which was used in spite of its softness and lack of durability. In contrast, the speakers, in their braggadocio, purport to replace it with the harder and therefore stronger, taller and more precious cedar (cf. 2:13). This is reminiscent of the days of Solomon, who “made silver as common in Jerusalem as stones, and cedar as plentiful as sycamore-fig trees” (1Ki 10:27; 2Ch 9:27).

9:11 Rezin’s foes. Rezin, the Aramean king of 7:1, was conquered by Assyria in the campaign of 734–732 BC (see the articles “Syro-Ephraimite War,” “Israel and Aram Destroyed”). Undoubtedly Assyria is the enemy noted here.

9:12 Arameans from the east and Philistines from the west. When Assyria campaigned in the area, it moved against all the inhabitants, including Israel, the Arameans and the Philistines. Tiglath-Pileser III lists those from whom he received tribute: Ashkelon, Judah, Damascus and Gaza. Since this verse sees Israel suffering attack from these two neighbors, this could indicate that some of their soldiers were either conscripted into the Assyrian army or were hired as mercenaries. Both are attested in Neo-Assyrian inscriptions. his hand is still upraised. The anthropomorphism of God’s outstretched hand most often, as here, indicates anger and judgment (5:25; 23:11), though it can also bestow blessing (Dt 4:34). In the Akkadian folktale Poor Man of Nippur, the poor man greeted the mayor with his right hand and blessed him in the name of the god and the city. In iconography, the hand seems most often stretched out in blessing or supplication, though at times it indicates aggression.

9:14 head and tail. Being inseparable, they are known to both go the same direction. palm branch and reed. The “palm branch” refers to the frond-like branches that grow out of the top of the trunk. Both the frond and reed will bend in whatever direction the wind is blowing and, like the “head and tail,” have no ability to act independently.

9:17 his hand is still upraised. See note on v. 12.

9:20 they will devour, but still be hungry . . . they will eat, but not be satisfied. A similar description is given of two baby sons of Ilu, the chief Ugaritic god. Upon their birth, Shahru-wa-shalimu (who are personified dawn and dusk) prepare food for themselves and eat it but are never satisfied. feed on the flesh of their own offspring. In times of siege, when all outside supplies were cut off by the surrounding enemy, people were driven to eating the unthinkable, even their own children (see note on 2Ki 6:28). This could be metaphoric, indicative of the barbaric way people treated each other. However, there is no reason to argue that it is not literal in Isaiah. Cannibalism was one of the curses for breaking the covenant between Israel and her God (Dt 28:53–57). In the Assyrian story of the flood, the Atrahasis epic, humankind is punished by deprivation of food. This happened for so long that they began practicing cannibalism. Among the curses that Esarhaddon placed on his vassals if they should break their treaty with him was cannibalism: the flesh of sons and daughters would become their rations rather than barley.

9:21 his hand is still upraised. See note on v. 12.

10:1 unjust laws . . . oppressive decrees. Reference is made here not to creating a justice system, but to issuing decrees or regulations regarding specific issues. In the political climate that existed in Isaiah’s time, one of the special issues that had to be addressed was the raising of funds with which to pay tribute. This was generally accomplished through special tax levies, though there were always exemptions granted to either classes of people or cities that had been given sacred status. Other possible issues include the manumission of debt slaves or the disposition of property in forfeiture. Usually the claim of unjust laws was made against a ruler by his successor. The Reform Text of Uruinimgina identified oppressive practices of former days that he put a stop to. Ur-Nammu claims that he did not “impose orders” but eliminated violence and cries for justice.

10:2 deprive the poor . . . widows . . . fatherless. Hammurapi singled out “the orphan (and) the widow,” while Ur-Nammu states that “the orphan was not delivered up to the rich man; the widow was not delivered up to the mighty man.” King Keret from Ugarit is condemned for failing to judge the case of the widow and to care for the oppressed and the orphan. The Egyptian tale of the “Eloquent Peasant” commends someone for their caring treatment of vulnerable classes, the same ones commonly mentioned in the OT. See notes on Lev 19:15; Dt 10:18; 15:7; 24:17; see also the articles “Ancient Law Codes and Leviticus,” “Decrees and Laws.”

10:9 Kalno . . . Carchemish. These cities represent northern Syria, with the southern city (Kalno) treated as the northern one (Carchemish) had been. Hamath . . . Arpad. These cities represent middle Syria, again with the southern one (Hamath) having been treated like the northern one (Arpad). Samaria . . . Damascus. These cities represent southern Syria and Palestine, with the southern city (Samaria) having been treated like the northern one (Damascus). This presents a geographic rather than a chronological sequence. This leads to a final north-south sequence with Jerusalem juxtaposed to Samaria in v. 11.

10:10–11 Jerusalem is indistinguishable from her neighbors, including Samaria, in their use of images, even though they were formally banned. The only difference mentioned is that the idols of Assyria are superior, not that Israel has disavowed them as they ought. This may indicate their relative power, since Assyria with her idols were able to subdue both Israel and Judah. Part of any ancient conquest was to take away the god images of the conquered.

Ahaz used idols, and Isaiah and his contemporaries condemn their worship (e.g., 30:22; 31:7). Archaeology has not found many idol figurines from the first millennium BC, but there are a number of seals and seal impressions from this period. Some show deities, especially from Egypt. One is inscribed “Of Abiyau, servant of Uzziah,” possibly referring to King Uzziah of Judah (Isa 6:1), showing an infant Horus kneeling on lotus or papyrus plants. Another belonged to a servant of King Ahaz of Judah and has a winged sun disk, three Egyptian crowns and two uraei (Egyptian cobras) on it. It reads “Of Hezekiah, [son of] Ahaz, king of Judah.” More rarely, Mesopotamian iconography is shown on a seal.

10:13–14 I have done this . . . by my wisdom . . . I removed . . . I plundered . . . I subdued . . . my hand reached . . . I gathered. The Assyrian king is condemned for his pride (v. 12). His statements are like those found in contemporary Assyrian royal inscriptions. In one inscription the Assyrian king picks up another theme found in Isaiah as he boasts of the wisdom given him by the gods.

10:13 I removed the boundaries. Boundaries between holdings, whether at the national or the local level, were important to maintain, as established by law (Dt 19:14; 27:17). Some boundaries were marked by stones, similar to survey markers of today, which should not be moved. This practice was used in Mesopotamia during the Kassite period (mid-second millennium BC). More than simply delineating land holdings, they also describe their granting, along with other entitlements that provided an income for the holder. Encroachment on such entitlements was a serious business, so strong curses are placed on any who move, deface or challenge the stone and its contents (see note on Dt 19:14). Neo-Assyrian royal inscriptions frequently mention the perspective Isaiah presents here, effectively removing any boundary stones by taking over the territory of others.

10:16 wasting disease. “Wasting” applies to both humans and to a dry measure for such things as grain, so God here threatens the depletion of either the Assyrian people or their produce. sturdy warriors. Those affected are not warriors, since the term used here for “sturdy” never refers to warriors in the OT, but refers rather to fat people (17:4) or luxuriant places (Ge 27:28, 39). The curses at the end of Hammurapi’s law collection include invoking illness, demonic pain and incurable fever and sores. Rib-Hadda of Byblos wrote the pharaoh of his illness and attributes it to offenses against the gods. It was commonly believed that illness or disease had divine or demonic sources.

10:18–19 forests . . . trees. Most of the ancient Near East was not heavily forested, so trees were valuable for building as well as for their fruit. One of Hammurapi’s laws penalizes someone for tree-cutting without permission. Israel was not to destroy trees in battle (Dt 20:19). Loss of trees was one of the curses for breach of covenant (Dt 28:42). Some Assyrian conquerors prided themselves in cutting and burning their enemy’s trees.

10:22–23 Destruction has been decreed . . . The Lord . . . will carry out the destruction. The divine decree that a city should be destroyed is a familiar motif in the ancient Near East. In the Sumerian “Lament Over the Destruction of Ur,” the divine council decreed the destruction of the city. There, however, it is lamented that there is no explanation for Enlil’s decree. In the Marduk Prophecy the god decrees his own removal to Hatti. The Weidner Chronicle reports that Marduk decreed the destruction of city of Babylon at the hands of the Gutians for the offenses of Naram-Sin. In the Mesopotamian epic “Erra and Ishum,” Ishtar became angry and stirred up an enemy against her city of Uruk. Though there is not always a “righteous” (v. 22) reason that could be cited for the destruction, the concept presented here is very familiar.

10:24 this is what the Lord, the LORD Almighty, says. Since the prophet is relaying a message from his God, he often uses what is called a messenger formula (see note on 6:9; see also the article “Prophets and Prophecy”). It is also frequent outside the Bible, with many Akkadian letters including “thus says X.” as Egypt did. Egypt had little involvement in the affairs of Syro-Palestine during the reign of Tiglath-Pileser III, since this was a time of division and competing claims between Egypt, Nubia to the south and Libya to the west. A single incident reports that Hanun, king of Gaza, fled to Egypt for protection when Tiglath-Pileser came against his city in 734 BC. It was not until the accession of Shalmaneser V to the throne of Assyria in 727 BC that Hoshea of Israel was emboldened to approach the Egyptians for help (see note on 2Ki 17:4). The reference to Egypt here is to the time of the exodus.

10:26 rock of Oreb. In Jdg 7:25, two Midianite leaders, Oreb and Zeeb, were captured by men helping Gideon. Oreb was killed at the “rock of Oreb,” an unidentified site along the Jordan River.

10:27 yoke. See note on 9:4.

10:28–32 The 12 cities mentioned here cut a path from the north directly toward Jerusalem. This is not the itinerary followed by Sennacherib when he came against Jerusalem in 701 BC. In that campaign he cut off all the cities of the Shephelah southwest of Jerusalem, Lachish being the last, and so approached Jerusalem from that side.

10:30 Anathoth. This city in Benjamin reflects the name of Anath, a Canaanite goddess mentioned as early as the Mari tablets as well as those from Ugarit.

11:1–16 A beneficent and tranquil rule is also an Akkadian ideal, in spite of their bloody and brutal reality. Not only people, but also animals and plants, will benefit in a text known as the Marduk Prophecy, most likely written after the event of an actual king’s reign. A letter to Ashurbanipal describes a time of justice and equity when every age and all people will enjoy fullness of health and joy.

11:1 shoot . . . stump . . . roots. Arboreal imagery is used to show the rebirth of a people from what looks to all outward appearances like dead growth (cf. Job 14:8). The Ugaritic Aqhat Legend speaks of Dan’el as one who had no son, or shoot/scion, like his brothers did. Tiglath-Pileser III is described as the shoot or scion of the city of Baltil (i.e., Assur) who brings justice to his people.

11:2 The Spirit of the LORD will rest on him. In Akkadian texts, the equivalent of the empowering Spirit of God is the awesome radiance (melammu) possessed by gods and at times granted to kings. It is in many ways equivalent to the “glory” (kabod) attributed to Israel’s God (e.g., 6:3). Sennacherib credits to it his ability to subdue Hezekiah with his awe-inspiring radiance. Some reliefs from Syria and Mesopotamia show various symbols above both gods and kings, indicating some continuum between the two, not in identity but in power and enablement.

11:3–4 An Old Babylonian ruler of Der is described as a just judge who does no harm and brings justice to victims. No royal attribute is more persuasive in the description of ancient kings than that they are just. Discernment of justice is considered a divine gift, and in Mesopotamia it was exercised in particular by the gods Shamash and Adad, and in Egypt by Thoth, god of wisdom.

11:5 belt . . . sash. The same Hebrew word is used for both of these words; one is a wrap around the thighs, while the other winds between the thighs. These are the most basic articles of clothing and without them an individual would be naked.

11:6–8 Ferocious animals were a constant threat, so the elimination of this threat would be part of an ideal kingdom. In the Sumerian Myth of Enki and Ninhursag, the paradise of Dilmun is described as a pure and clean land where the lion does not kill, the wolf does not take lambs and dogs do not devour goats. Another Sumerian text, Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta, contains an incantation concerning a day with no predators or dangerous animals. In each of these cases, the beasts will disappear. There is debate whether the Sumerian texts describe an idyllic place or just a primeval period before things received their static identity. There is little evidence in Mesopotamia for a return to paradise, and evidence for such is not clear here. The context in Isaiah, however, is clearly future oriented, and none of the animal imagery relates specifically to the Genesis creation account. The “Instruction of Any,” a New Kingdom Egyptian text, takes a different approach to such beasts, one closer to that in Isaiah. It spells out some of the benefits of education, which can tame even the nature of the beasts: fighting bulls that are domesticated to become like an ox, a lion that becomes docile. The animals are not removed, just their ferocity.

11:11 The places named here are not necessarily intended to represent locations of known exile for Israelites. Rather they are equivalent to the “four quarters of the earth” (v. 12). Assyria is mentioned first as the actual location of exiles, but also as a representative of the northeastern area. Egypt, to the southwest, is identified in three segments up the Nile, including the kingdom of Nubia (NIV Cush). Elam and Babylonia represent the southeastern extremes, while Hamath represents the regions to the north. Finally, the “islands” is a way of representing the areas farthest west.

11:12 four quarters of the earth. Assyrian kings, including those in the Neo-Assyrian period, regularly designated themselves as “king of the four quarters (of the earth),” i.e., of the entire inhabited world. These relate to the four directions of the wind. Distant lands are emphasized on a Late Babylonian world map.

11:15 the gulf of the Egyptian sea. Nowhere else in the OT is there mention of such a water feature as this. Most probably the event referred to is Israel’s exodus from Egypt, when the power of the Red Sea was dried up for Israel to cross through (Ex 14:21–22). break it [the Euphrates] up into seven streams. In Mesopotamia the water supply was regulated for irrigation use by separating and diverting sluice channels from canals that drew water off from the river system. As water was diverted, the various channels slowed the flow of the water. Such control of water was also at times connected with the gods gaining control over the power of the sea in a battle over chaos.

13:2 gates of the nobles. Gates were prominent places in the city, since everyone had to pass through them. Often they were given ceremonial names and epithetic descriptions, similar to the description used here, apparently for its main users. See notes on Job 5:4; 29:7; Pr 8:3; 31:23.

13:6 the day of the LORD. A common theme in the OT Prophets. It commonly refers to a time of judgment on Israel, but it also is used of other nations facing judgment from Israel’s God (see, e.g., 34:8). Almighty. See note on Ge 17:1; see also the article “The Name of God.”

13:10 stars . . . constellations . . . sun . . . moon. The day of the Lord will bring darkness to the cosmic light-givers of Israel’s neighbors. This could be an implicit threat against their deities, since the Egyptians, Assyrians, and Canaanites worshiped the sun (as Amun-Re, Utu/Shamash and Shemesh, respectively), the moon (as Nikkal/Ningal/Nanna and Sin in Mesopotamia, Yerah in Canaan) and the stars as gods. These populations made decisions based on their worship of, consultation with, and recording of the movements of what they perceived as astral deities in the sky. As they observed, they looked for omens that would help them make these decisions. constellations. Specifically those associated with Orion (e.g., Sirius, the Dog Star, Am 5:8). darkened. Darkness often figures in curses or difficult circumstances in ancient Near Eastern reports. Sargon I (c. 2310–2273 BC) was hindered in battle by a forest that was characterized by darkness with the sun’s light being dimmed. As one of the curses for breaking a covenant with him, Esarhaddon calls for the oath breakers’ eyes to experience darkness. In contrast, the Assyrian gods are often described as enlightening the darkness. The gods themselves were unnerved by darkness in the Gilgamesh Epic; in the prelude to the flood, Adad, the storm-god, turned the sky to darkness.

13:11 ruthless. Babylonian policy toward those who rebelled against them was physically harsh, employing various atrocities such as flaying people by removing their skin. This policy was adopted from the Assyrians, whose empire preceded their own. This was not sadistic but rather an aspect of foreign policy—a form of psychological warfare that served to debilitate enemies who heard of the atrocities. This was a means of keeping vassal peoples under control through terror. Reliefs on the palace walls of Assyrian kings fulfilled the same function, filling visitors and foreign emissaries with awe and terror at the might and brutality of their overlord.

13:12 gold of Ophir. Particularly fine, according to the metaphor used here (see note on 1Ch 29:4). Ophir. Its location is disputed, though areas along the Red Sea (Saudi Arabia or East Africa) are favored. An inscription from Tel Qasile, a Philistine site in what is now Tel Aviv, is a receipt for gold of Ophir.

13:13 heavens tremble . . . earth will shake. Convulsion of heaven and earth is commonly associated with the appearance of God. It is also associated with Baal, the Canaanite storm-god, whose thunderous voice is said to make the earth shake. This would be typical of storm-gods in the ancient world and would be characteristic of theophanies.

13:14 hunted gazelle. The Assyrian king Ashurnasirpal II held a banquet as part of the inauguration of his new palace. For it he served, among other things, 1,000 spring lambs, 500 stags and 500 gazelles. Gazelle meat served a more prominent role before the domestication of meat sources, but it continued to be hunted not only for food but also for sport. The gazelle or ibex is depicted on only a few Hebrew seal impressions.

13:17 the Medes. Living in the northern territory of modern Iran, south of the Caspian Sea, they were descended from Japheth in the table of nations (Ge 10:2). Shalmaneser III (ninth century BC) and subsequent Assyrian kings mention the Medes in inscriptions, especially as a source of horses (see the article “All the King’s Horses”). Isaiah’s contemporaries, Tiglath-Pileser III and Sargon II, led numerous military campaigns into Median territory. The Medes came more to the fore in the seventh century BC, when their king Cyaxares (c. 625–585 BC), in alliance with the Chaldeans/Babylonians under Nabopolassar (626–605 BC), captured the Assyrian capital of Nineveh in 612 BC, ending the Assyrian Empire. who do not care for silver . . . gold. Sometimes attacking armies could be bought off so that they would leave without destroying those under attack (2Ki 18:13–16). This was, in fact, the purpose of tribute, which functioned on a national level like extortion payments do on a personal level. Such tribute by subject kings to their overlord is common in Akkadian texts; Esarhaddon, e.g., increases the expected payment and it was common for kings to boast of the tribute they received. The actual metals (in weighed portions) served as currency before coinage spread in use to Babylonia in the sixth century BC. The Medes are pictured as so ferocious that they cannot be satisfied with anything less than conquest.

13:19–20 Babylon . . . like Sodom and Gomorrah . . . will never be inhabited. Sodom and Gomorrah, lying beside the Dead (Salt) Sea, were destroyed by God (Ge 19:15–25) and thereafter symbolized utter destruction. Thorns and salty soil, rendering most plant growth impossible, were characteristics of the destroyed area. A similar destruction is wished on those who break the eighth-century BC Aramaic Sefire Treaty—invoking Hadad to sow salt on the oath breakers’ land. Common royal rhetoric speaks of turning rebellious cities into ruins.

13:21 desert creatures will lie there. When a place is totally desolate and empty of people, the native animals can take up residence there. The eighth-century BC Aramaic Sefire Treaty has a similar curse that the city of a covenant breaker become the habitation of various desert animals. jackals. A unique term (NRSV “howling creatures”). owls. NRSV uses “ostriches,” though owls are more apt to live in ruins (34:13). wild goats. The term can also refer to domesticated goats (Lev 4:23). As early as the Septuagint (the pre-Christian Greek translation of the OT), this Hebrew word (seirim) was understood in some contexts to refer to demons (Greek daimonion) or “goat idols” (as translated in the NIV of Lev 17:7; 2Ch 11:15). The seirim in those contexts are not just liminal creatures, as here in Isaiah, but appear to be objects of worship, receiving sacrifices. The case cannot be made that we must consider these to be “demons” because they fit into what we see in the ancient Near East; they most definitively do not, for not a single aspect matches up with demons as known in Mesopotamia. In Mesopotamia, demons do not receive sacrifices. When in the Bible these creatures receive sacrifices, they are being treated as gods, not as demons. Though Paul may have characterized the foreign gods as demons, with no clearly established demonology in the Hebrew Bible, it is questionable whether we can say that the Israelites believed the foreign gods to be demons. Here in Isaiah the goats appear in a list of liminal creatures and should be so considered.

13:22 Hyenas. See 34:13. jackals. An unidentified breed of canine (this Hebrew word is different than that used in v. 21; cf. 35:7; 43:20).

14:4b–21 The genre of the taunt song in these verses is based on a lament or dirge. The “taunt” (v. 4a) is a mocking speech that does not reflect actual sorrow, but rather joy at the demise of the hated ruler who is as good as dead.

14:5 the rod . . . the scepter. See note on 9:4. Shalmaneser I considered his scepter and staff to be the gift of the god Ashur (the national god of Assyria), while Tiglath-Pileser I attributed them to the god Shamash (the sun-god and god of justice). This shows an understanding that royal power was divinely given.

14:7 All the lands are at rest and at peace. See note on 9:7.

14:8 cedars of Lebanon. See notes on 2Sa 5:11; 1Ki 5:6; 6:15.

14:9 spirits of the departed . . . leaders . . . those who were kings. The dead were not viewed as completely separated from the living. Their spirits could be summoned back (e.g., 1Sa 28:11–20; see notes on 1Sa 28:7; 2Ki 21:6; see also the article “Consulting a ‘Spirit’ ”). The emphasis here is the powerlessness of the spirits of the deceased on the living, in contrast to the royal power they used to wield. spirits. Or “shades”; translates a Hebrew word related to the Ugaritic rapium, who represent the departed Canaanite ancestors. They parallel “the dead” (Isa 26:14) and are at times beneficent spirits, like Samuel, invoked to visit and aid. A Ugaritic enthronement liturgy invokes the rapium and names previous kings who had died, who are summoned to honor the new king. Joining them in death is one’s expected and desired end, as evidenced by the Phoenician sarcophagus inscription of Eshmunazar, king of Tyre. He calls a curse on anyone disturbing his final rest such that they would have no resting place with the Rephaim or be buried in a grave. See the articles “Death and Sheol,” “Death and the Underworld.”

14:12 fallen . . . morning star. An Assyrian omen concerning birth anomalies suggests that a large star will fall, perhaps referring to a meteor. A broken Ugaritic omen text concerns the phenomenon of a star falling on the 30th day. morning star. The Hebrew (helel) occurs only here in the OT, though the verbal root means “shine” (13:10; Job 31:26). This “shining one” probably refers to Venus and is found also in Ugaritic mythology, with mention of “daughters of the morning star.” The Vulgate translators in the fifth century AD rendered this as “luciferos,” also a reference to the morning star, Venus. This led interpreters centuries later to associate this passage with Satan, though it is not he who is the subject under discussion, but rather the Babylonian king (as explicitly stated in v. 4). Such an understanding was unfortunately incorporated into the early English translations such as the King James Version, which renders it “Lucifer.” This has been corrected in most modern English translations. son of the dawn. The morning star descends from “dawn” (shahar), another denizen of Canaanite mythology. It is part of a divine astral pair, “Dawn and Dusk” (or morning and evening star), and is descended from Ilu, the head of the pantheon, and a human female. Isaiah is probably referring to some well-known mythological event in which a lofty figure was relegated to the lowest depths, the netherworld itself, though it is unclear which myth he means. “Dawn” is personified in the OT (Ps 57:8), but it is never deified. Isaiah is therefore historicizing a myth known well to his audience to apply it to a historical Babylonian king. Such historicizing of mythological motifs can be seen regularly in Isaiah and Ezekiel (cf., e.g., Isa 27:1). you who once laid low the nations. At the height of its power, the Babylonian Empire controlled the region stretching from Iran to Egypt and from Turkey to Saudi Arabia. By the seventh century BC (some time after Isaiah), its power gained control over neighbors great and small, but it will meet the same fate at the hand of others.

14:13 Some have seen some similarity between the story of Helel here and a Ugaritic tale concerning the god Athtar. In Baal’s absence, Athtar attempted to sit on his throne (rule in his place), but he found he was not up to the task and subsequently took up his place in the netherworld. Though Athtar’s name may have similar meaning to Helel, he is not the son of Shahar (as Helel is described) nor is he thrown down after his attempt to sit on Baal’s throne. Neither is the attempt itself an act of rebellion. The theme of revolt against the gods is, nevertheless, a familiar one. One of the best examples from ancient literature is the Myth of Anzu, in which a lion-bird creature attempts to steal the “Tablet of Destinies” by which the gods governed the world. Anzu decides to take supremacy of the world and the gods by stealing the tablet from the chief god, Enlil. He utters a series of “I will” statements, just as the king does here, with statements like “I will take the gods’ Tablet of Destinies,” “I will establish myself on the throne and wield the decrees,” and “I will take command over the other gods.” Boastful arrogance was typical of the antagonist in this type of account. Isaiah is using this sort of mythological motif to portray the arrogance of the human king of Babylon. heights of Mount Zaphon. Lit. “heights of the north” (see NIV text note). In Ugaritic texts, Saphon/Zaphon is identified with a mountain—Mount Jebel al-‘Aqra or Mount Casius in classical sources (deriving from the Hittite Chazzi), which lies north of Ugarit. It is considered holy because it is capped by Baal’s palace in the Ugaritic Baal Cycle and is also the site of his burial. Possibly the Baal text considers the mountain divine, though the text could equally speak of “the gods of Zaphon,” a divine assembly such as that mentioned by Isaiah. The Babylonian king lays claim to divinity by establishing himself to the location of the gods.

14:14 Most High. Hebrew elyon, a title that usually describes Israel’s God, sometimes in association with his name and other times on its own. Since deities are considered lofty, it is not surprising that similar titles are applied to gods of Israel’s neighbors. Their supremacy is indicated spatially by several being cosmic, i.e., solar, lunar or astral deities. An Akkadian hymn title is “Exalted Ea.” A Canaanite divine epithet like that used by Isaiah is “the Most High” (ʿly), and Baal is known as “Most High Baal.” An eighth-century BC Aramaic treaty text speaks of the deities before whom the treaty is concluded, including “El” and “Elyon.”

14:15 the pit. Initially indicating a literal pit or cistern, the Hebrew term used here metaphorically refers to the grave. The cognate Akkadian term most regularly shares the same literal meaning, though some also suggest an underworld link for it. See the articles “Death and Sheol,” “Death and the Underworld.”

14:19–20 you are cast out of your tomb . . . you will not join them in burial. While burial is the desired end of life, allowing a final peace, disinterment was done to move a body to a more appropriate place, as evidenced by Jacob and Joseph. Also a body could be moved within a family tomb to make room for later arrivals. Lack of a proper burial or actual removal from a grave was abhorrent (see notes on 1Ki 14:11; 2Ki 9:10; Ecc 6:3). On an Akkadian boundary stone a curse is uttered against anyone who defaces the stone that includes his corpse being cast aside with no one to see to his proper interment. This lack of final honor shows that one has reached the end of life without anyone who cares.

14:25 trample him down. This harsh treatment of the Assyrians is appropriate since Assyria was doing the same to its Israelite vassals. An Akkadian theodicy speaks of the wicked who trample on the powerless. yoke. See note on 9:4.

14:26 the plan determined for the whole world. See 40:8. In a monotheistic religion such as that of Israel, one could speak of a universal divine plan since there is but a single divine planner. In polytheistic religions, however, the multiplicity of deities works against a unitary divine plan; e.g., Tiamat’s plan for domination was thwarted by the plan of other deities under the leadership of Marduk in the Enuma Elish.

Each instance of divine conflict reflects opposing divine plans. Plans could be claimed for specific cities by their gods, such as that claimed by Cyrus when he claimed that the chief god of Babylon, Marduk, had planned for him to conquer Babylon. In contrast, Yahweh, as universal Creator and Lord, can make and bring to fruition universal plans across the span of history. The gods in the ancient world devised ad hoc plans and year-by-year decreed destinies, but this never achieved the level of coherence attributed to Yahweh’s plan with Israel.

14:29 Philistines. Philistia had been under the control of Judah during the reign of Uzziah, which took up the whole first half of the eighth century BC. They regained their independence during the reign of Ahaz and became the aggressor. With the rise of the Neo-Assyrian Empire, Philistia came under attack, just as the rest of the western nations did. Tiglath-Pileser III targeted Gaza in his campaign of 734 BC, and the cities of Philistia thus became tribute-paying vassals. When Sargon came to the throne, the Philistines attempted to break free of Assyria, but in 720 BC Philistia again came under attack and Gaza renewed its loyalty. In 712 BC Sargon again came west to subdue the revolt led by Ashdod. Ekron and Gath were also targeted at this time. Sennacherib’s 701 BC campaign brought changes on the thrones of several of the Philistine cities, but only Ekron needed to be besieged. Through most of the eighth and seventh centuries BC, the Philistines shared the fate of their neighbors in Judah. Eventually, the Philistines were defeated and deported by Nebuchadnezzar, just as the people of Judah were. The five cities retained some degree of prominence, but the people were gradually assimilated into the general mix of the empire population by the Persian period.

15:1–4 Like many of the small Syro-Palestinian states during the eighth century BC, Moab was dominated by Assyrian hegemony over the region. Several Assyrian texts list Moabite kings paying tribute or being implicated in the periodic revolts by coalitions of these small nations (Ashdod Revolt of 713–711 BC recorded in a prism from Sargon II’s reign). Since Isaiah is probably speaking during the early reign of Hezekiah, the destruction of Moabite cities is probably due to incursions by desert tribes rather than the Assyrians. It seems clear from Sennacherib’s annals that Moab attempted to ingratiate herself during the 701 BC campaign that saw much of Judah devastated and Jerusalem besieged. As a result, Israelite prophets (Jer 48; Am 2:1–5) generally list Moab as an enemy nation.

The cities listed as destroyed or damaged in vv. 1–4 are all in the northern sector of Moab: Kir (Kir Hareseth in Isa 16:7) is on the upper portion of the Wadi el-Kerak and serves as the capital of the district of Ar. Nebo and Medeba are both located just east of the northern end of the Dead Sea and about 20 miles (32 kilometers) north of Dibon. Also attacked were Heshbon and Elealeh, located northeast of Nebo. The more southern cities of Dibon (20 miles [32 kilometers] north of Kir) and Jahaz were apparently not directly affected by the raiders but were in fear of future incursions.

15:2 high places. Canaanites (as well as Israelites, 1Ki 3:1–4) worshiped at high places, here parallel to “temple” (lit. “house”). Their exact nature is debated, but they were most likely platforms associated with sacred standing stones. The Moabite king Mesha speaks of a high place for Chemosh (Moab’s national deity), which might be the destination here. wails. Worship has turned to mourning, as in the Lamentation Over the Destruction of Ur from a millennium earlier.

15:3 sackcloth . . . wail . . . prostrate with weeping. See the article “Mourning.”

15:5–9 The key to the line of flight for the Moabite fugitives is Zoar since all of the other sites mentioned cannot be identified (mentioned elsewhere only in the parallel text of Jer 48:3, 5, 34). According to Ge 14:2–3, Zoar is one of the cities of the plain. Speculation on its exact location, however, places it near Mount Nebo (Dt 34:1–3), near the northern tip of the Dead Sea as well as in the area at the southern end of the Dead Sea. Considering the apparent focus of the attack in Isa 15:1–4 around Kir and Nebo, it seems that a southern site for Zoar and these other cities would be more appropriate for a flight to safety toward Edom.

15:9 The waters of Dimon are full of blood. Blood flowing like, and into, a river speaks to a situation of utter destruction. A Neo-Assyrian prophecy uses the same imagery when it refers to filling a river with the blood of sacrificed enemies. Such examples of metaphors and ideas shared between the Bible and the ancient Near Eastern texts shows that the Israelites were very much a part of the ancient world.

16:1 Send lambs as tribute. Often tribute given from a vassal to an overlord consisted of luxury goods or money. Livestock was also levied as tribute from areas in which it was raised, such as the Persian province of Trans-Euphrates (lit. “beyond the River” [see note on Ezr 4:11]). This refers to the area west of the Euphrates, which includes the Moabite plateau, known for herds of cattle and sheep. The Moabite king had previously supplied great quantities of livestock as tribute to Israel (2Ki 3:4). Sela. Means “rock”; it is best known as the capital city of the Edomites (2Ki 4:7), who lived just south of Moab. This may have been the refugees’ final destination, from which they contact Judah and Jerusalem. There is no known place in Moab with this name, though somewhere in its southern region fits best into the context of Isaiah. Rocky sites would be appropriately so named in both territories.

16:2 fords of the Arnon. The Arnon Gorge enters the Dead Sea about in the center of its eastern side. Mesha, the Moabite king, claimed to have made a military road in the Arnon, and the fords may well be where the main north-south King’s Highway (see note on Nu 20:17) crossed it.

17:1 Damascus. The Syro-Ephraimite War (see the article “Syro-Ephraimite War”), which raged during the middle 730s BC, ended with the Assyrian king Tiglath-Pileser III invading Syria and Israel and devastating both of these rebellious states (734–732 BC). The Syrian kingdom, ruled from Damascus by Rezin (see Isa 7:1–9), had been Israel’s principal political and economic rival. He had meddled in Israel and Judah’s internal affairs and had encroached on their territories for over a decade. It seems apparent, however, that Rezin overstepped his bounds in leading an anti-Assyrian coalition. Assyria did not welcome a rival “Greater Syria,” and the destruction of Damascus in 732 BC, as recorded in the Assyrian annals, was massive: it left hundreds of sites looking “like hills over which the flood had swept.” This widespread destruction also included both the reduction of much of the city of Damascus to rubble as well as the redistribution of its territories in Syria, Transjordan and Galilee.

17:2 Aroer. Located on the Arnon River southeast of Dibon and just east of the King’s Highway. Its fortress (which at one period measured 50 yards [45.7 meters] on each side) marked the southernmost boundary of Moab. Mesha, in his inscription, credits himself with refortifying it.

17:5 reapers. Grain is harvested by reapers who, while gathering the stalks in the left hand, cut them just below the grain itself with a sickle held in the right hand. This is shown in several Egyptian reliefs. Valley of Rephaim. Dividing the territories of Benjamin and Judah, it extending from Jerusalem to the southwest. From this passage it is evident that the valley was fertile and apparently a source of much of the provision for Jerusalem.

17:8 Asherah poles. See notes on Dt 7:5; 1Ki 14:23. incense altars. See note on Ex 30:2.

17:14 lot. See notes on Est 3:7; Pr 16:33.

18:1–7 In the OT, Cush refers to two different areas: (1) a region in Mesopotamia that may be related to the later Kassites (Ge 2:13), and (2) the territory immediately south of Egypt, the territory in view here. Translated in the Septuagint, the pre-Christian Greek translation of the OT, as “Ethiopia,” Cush probably lies north and west of what we know today as Ethiopia—i.e., in what is now northern Sudan, ancient Nubia, populated by black African people.

Early in the history of Cush, its northern boundary was between the first and second Nile cataracts, though later it was pushed a bit farther south. Egypt and its neighbor to the south were constantly jockeying for power in the region. In the late eighth and early seventh centuries BC, during the Third Intermediate Period, the Twenty-Fifth (Ethiopian) Dynasty controlled Egypt and had contact with Israelite rulers (e.g., 2Ki 17:4). References to either “Egypt” or “Cush” in Isaiah most likely refer to this dynasty. They challenged Assyria’s territorial expansion to the west, including Israel.

Akkadian texts refer both to Kus and to Meluhha (Nubia). In the time of Isaiah, Sargon II made several campaigns to the west against a group of anti-Assyrian allies, probably including Judah and Cush. One of his inscriptions speaks of a person named Yamani, who fled to that area of Egypt from Sargon’s approaching army.

18:1 land of whirring wings. Locusts or other flying insects plague the Middle East (see notes on Joel 1:4, 6), and another occurrence of the same Hebrew term refers to such creatures (Dt 28:42). These could be used to describe Cush, which undoubtedly suffered locust infestations, but it is curious that such a ubiquitous feature should define a distant nation. The Septuagint, the pre-Christian Greek translation of the OT, and the Targums interpret the term as a kind of boat, possibly another referent to the swiftly darting crafts of v. 2. The Egyptians, and by implication, the Cushites, used boats with sails, whose flapping would sound like the whirring of many insect wings.

18:2 envoys. International relations were influenced by both military encounters and diplomatic contact (see notes on 6:9; 39:7). While the former receive the greatest mention in the texts, the latter was also important in trying to maintain the peace or at least to subvert the powers of war. This type of messenger or envoy made international contact, though here in Isaiah it is unclear who the “messengers” represent or to whom they are being sent. It appears that they are to take a general, unspecified message to the world (v. 3). tall and smooth-skinned. Although it seems clear that Ethiopia is sending diplomatic overtures to Assyria, they would not be making the entire trip in papyrus boats. These light craft would only be suitable for the Nile. Since the Assyrians were neither tall nor smooth skinned (considering all the representations we have of short, bearded men in Assyrian reliefs), then the envoys may also be spreading the word to the Cushite people to join in the effort to unite Egypt. Herodotus’s picture of “Ethiopians” as the tallest of the Africans would fit this reconstruction. strange speech. This unique term is a reduplicated adjective (qaw-qaw), meaning lit. “very strong.” It may be an onomatopoetic term resembling the babbling sound of a foreign tongue, much like “barbarian” (one whose language sounds like “bar-bar”). land is divided by rivers. This is an apt description of Mesopotamia, the “Land of Two Rivers,” the Tigris and Euphrates. However, since the envoys of the Ethiopian pharaoh Shabako, at least initially, are being sent throughout Egypt, the “rivers” in this case may well be the tributaries and canals linked to the Nile River.

18:5 pruning. It is the wise farmer who knows the correct times of the year to cultivate and prune his vines to ensure maximum yield. The grape vines first bloom in May, and the fruit will begin to ripen by August. There are two calculated prunings: (1) as noted in the Gezer Calendar, in the fall, before the vines become dormant, the unproductive bunches from the previous year are removed, and (2) once the grapes appear, excess leaves and tendrils are cut away to encourage greater yield and even ripening. Yahweh will thus bide his time until the appropriate moment to make his pruning of the nations on earth.

18:6 The cuttings from the grape vines were often used for fuel (Eze 15:2–4), but in this example they are left as food and nesting for birds and other animals. The pruned cuttings, like the shattered nations, become little more than scattered sticks, incidentally useful through the coming seasons, but no threat to Yahweh or to Judah.

18:7 gifts will be brought to the LORD. Bringing gifts was a means of paying homage to a respected person. Naaman showed respect in this way to Elisha, although he refused the gifts (2Ki 5:1–19). Sometimes there is no clear demarcation between a gift and tribute, the latter deriving from some coercion such as taxation. Whichever the case for Isaiah, Israel’s God is being acknowledged as sovereign, or at least being granted respect.

19:1 Egypt. Egypt is a divided nation during much of the eighth century BC. The nominal rule of Sheshonq’s successors at Tanis was virtually ignored by the rulers over the south at Thebes and the patchwork of kings and chiefs around the delta region in the north. The rising threat to Egypt, represented by the expansion of Assyria under Tiglath-Pileser III after 745 BC, may have fueled the emergence of the Cushite kings Piankhy and Shabako. Their efforts to unite all Egypt were stalled for about 20 years by the rulers of Sais, who had managed to merge all of the northern territories under their leadership. The success of the Saites was aided by increased trade with the Philistines and the rest of the Levant. It was probably to the Saite king Tefnakht that many of the Assyrian border states (Philistia, Israel, Transjordan) looked for aid in their attempts to rebel. Finally, in 712 BC the Sudanese king Shabako conquered all of Egypt and once again united the country under the single rule of the Twenty-Fifth Dynasty. rides on a swift cloud. See notes on Job 37:2–5; Ps 68:4; 97:2. idols . . . tremble. The gods/idols and the people of Egypt are paralleled here in their awe of Yahweh’s command over all of nature as well as for his ability to command the affairs of every creature and every nation. The anthropomorphic image of trembling idols is comparable to the fear of the Mesopotamian gods who, through their collective efforts, created the flood (the Gilgamesh Epic and the Atrahasis epic). They were overwhelmed by the ferocity of the forces they had unleashed and are described as cowering like whipped dogs behind a wall.

19:3 they will consult the idols and the spirits of the dead, the mediums and the spiritists. Egypt, like other nations, wished to know and influence the future and used various means for this, including dreams and divination (see notes on 2:6; Ge 30:27; Dt 18:10; see also the articles “Balaam,” “Magic,” “Practice of Magic,” “Extispicy”).

Letters to the dead were written by Egyptians to ask the departed to take up their cause in the netherworld against those who were persecuting them from beyond the grave. A First Intermediate Period letter from a husband to his deceased wife is touching: “How are you? Is the West (the place of the dead) taking care of you [according to] your desire? Now since I am your beloved on earth, fight on my behalf and intercede on behalf of my name . . . Please become a spirit for me [before] my eyes so that I may see you in a dream fighting on my behalf” (translation by Wente, Letters from Ancient Egypt). This is not properly necromancy (see notes on 1Sa 28:7; 2Ki 21:6; see also the article “Consulting a ‘Spirit’ ”), which was a form of divination not practiced per se in Egypt. Such consultations and supplications, says Isaiah, will be ineffective.

19:4 cruel master . . . fierce king. From an internal Egyptian perspective, this could refer to either the foreign Ethiopian ruler Piankhy (740–716 BC) or his brother Shabako (716–695 BC). The former describes his campaign to the north toward Lower Egypt to stop encroachment on his territory. In formulaic language, which could also reflect reality, he boasts that his troops undertook a great slaughter. A hand that Israel would also find harsh is that of the Assyrians, who could also be meant here. The Egyptian Osorkon IV (probably king “So” in 2Ki 17:4) had been sought for support by the last king of Israel, Hoshea, in 725 BC, an action probably not viewed favorably by Assyria. Under Ashurbanipal in 663 BC Assyria conquered Egypt as far south as Thebes. He describes some of his actions in the campaign: corpses were hung on poles and flayed skin covered the walls of the town.

19:5–10 The majority of the land of Egypt is arid, with less than four inches (10 centimeters) of precipitation per year. The only productive land was in the narrow strip along the Nile, relying on irrigation from the river. When the river flow was hindered, the country found itself in dire circumstances. An Eighteenth Dynasty Egyptian prophetic text of Neferti, set in the earlier Fourth Dynasty, describes the devastating effects when the Nile fails to provide. A Ptolemaic work, purporting to come from the Old Kingdom, is the Famine Stela, which laments a similar condition. The fate described in such detail in vv. 5–10 was a constant dread of the people of Egypt.

19:9 flax . . . fine linen. The warm and humid climate in Egypt necessitated light clothing styles. Flax, cultivated since Neolithic times, was one answer to this need. It provided both food (seeds and linseed oil) as well as a fiber that could be woven into linen cloth. In Egypt, flax was tightly planted (to increase height and prevent branching) in late October and harvested at a height of three feet (almost 1 meter) in April or May. Such a field would be quite susceptible to hail storms (Ex 9:23–25). Younger plants are pulled up by the roots to produce fine linen, while older plants were used for ropes and belts. The stems are first soaked in tanks of stagnant water (retting) and then dried before the fibers are separated (Jos 2:6). The dried stems are beaten and the fibers are combed out for spinning, with the longer threads used for clothing and the shorter (tow) set aside as lamp wicks (Isa 1:31, “tinder”). There were several grades of linen produced. The best set was aside for the pharaoh, the nobility and the priests. Any interruption in production would have had a ripple effect, destroying the livelihood of countless workers in the fields and factories.

19:11 Zoan. Usually identified with Tanis, a city on the eastern Egyptian delta about 30 miles (48 kilometers) south of the Mediterranean. It is in the area where the Israelites were settled in Egypt at the time of Moses. Zoan had become the capital of Egypt at the beginning of the Twenty-First Dynasty (1176–931 BC), the same period as the Israelite monarchy. Memories of official court dealings between Jerusalem and Zoan may form the basis for this reference, since the Egyptian capital was moved to Sais and Napata after 873 BC. disciple of the ancient kings. Because Egypt had such a long, virtually uninterrupted history, Egyptian officials faced with a crisis or an unexplained omen would chant ancient prayers and magical incantations (such as those found in the Execration Texts). Or they would consult the records of previous administrations and the “Instructions” of model officials. The cultural memories, recorded on papyrus for generations, had great authority, and the descendants of these earlier officials took great pride in being the inheritors of such wisdom (including the twenty-fifth-century BC “Instruction of Ptahhotep” and the twenty-second-century BC “Teaching for Merikare”). However, this attitude also could prevent creative or innovative decision making. Isaiah ridicules these men who pride themselves in wisdom but fail to understand how to deal with present crises.

19:13 leaders of Memphis. Prior to 715 BC, the delta region of Egypt was ruled by at least four rival pharaohs. The area was divided into the Tanis region (eastern delta), the region of Leontopolis (central delta), and the Saite region (western delta)—plus there were many petty kingdoms claiming independence and a portion of Egypt’s ancient legacy. Mention here of Memphis (the Hebrew reads “Noph”) simply ties Egypt’s administrative chaos to the ancient capital city. This contrasts the irony of current anarchy with past greatness. Only after the Nubian Twenty-Fifth Dynasty arises under Shabako will Egypt once again be united under a single ruler.

19:16 weaklings. Some other translations: “like women.” A stele of Piankhy describes him as personification of the god Horus, defeating opposing kings, designated as “bulls.” The stele closes with praise to the pharaoh because he has turned bulls into women. A treaty between Ashurnirari V of Assyria and Mati’ilu of Arpad places a curse on the latter if he breaks it, with the result that his soldiers would become women.

19:18 five cities in Egypt will . . . swear allegiance to the LORD. It is impossible to identify these cities based on any historical event. Jer 44:1 does mention three cities (Migdol, Tahpanhes and Memphis) in which Israelites are dwelling, but that may have no relation to this verse. Certainly, there is evidence from the time of Solomon onward (Elephantine colony, Leontopolis) of an Israelite presence in Egypt (diplomatic and commercial). What seems most important to the statement is the very idea of Yahweh worship in Egypt, and perhaps even in a major city associated with an Egyptian god. the language of Canaan. Normally, when a foreign community is established in a nation it is expected that they will speak the language of that country, except among themselves. It would be difficult to do business or engage in diplomatic activity otherwise. Thus, for the Israelite languages of Hebrew or Aramaic to be spoken in Egypt would be unusual. Most likely this refers to the study of the sacred writings of the Yahwists and prayer raised to Yahweh.

19:19 an altar to the LORD in the heart of Egypt. The numerous Jewish residents in Egypt continued to worship their God, and so they needed shrines in which to do so. They are joined by Egyptians who, in times of crisis, will also call on Israel’s God for help (v. 21). A fifth-century BC Aramaic letter from Elephantine speaks of a temple of Yaho (Yahweh) already in the sixth century BC. This shrine, which was requested to be rebuilt in this same letter, served the Jews living in Egypt. There is no evidence of a Yahwistic temple serving as a place of worship for the Egyptians, the situation envisioned here by Isaiah. a monument to the LORD at its border. This term designates a sacred standing stone and is viewed, either positively or negatively, as part of pagan practice. Their exact function is unclear. In Israel examples have been found from Tell Dan in the north to Arad in the south. Those in Israel are without inscription, though some found in the Sinai Desert at Serabit el-Khadem are inscribed with Egyptian hieroglyphics. An Old Aramaic stele bears an inscription indicating that it was erected by a king in honor of his god (Melqart). Here the monument is dedicated to Yahweh, the God of Israel, rather than to a pagan deity. Its location at the border could show that it is a boundary stone, set up to guard a border or even to claim it as Yahweh’s territory (see 10:13; see also note on Dt 19:14).

19:21 vows to the LORD. Solemn promises to one’s god are not only part of Israel’s experience with her covenant with God (see notes on Lev 27:2; Ps 116:14), but are also evidenced among Israel’s neighbors. Mesopotamian legal practice helped ascertain the truth of a claim by taking a vow before a deity. The purpose of doing such a thing in the god’s presence is spelled out in an Akkadian text from Turkey, where numerous gods listed are called to be witnesses to the oath. While these can be designated “oaths of the gods,” they differ from the vow made here, which is made “to,” not “by,” Israel’s God.

20:1 supreme commander. This term (tartan) is transliterated from Akkadian (tu/artamnu, 2Ki 18:17). A certain Shamshu-ilu, a turtamnu, is described as a “great herald, [the administrator of] temples, chief of the extensive army, governor of the land of Hatti . . . conqueror of the mountains in the West,” so this person coming against Ashdod was of some stature. Several important officials listed in the Assyrian Eponym List have the designation turtamnu. Sargon . . . came to Ashdod. The Biblical account of the Ashdod Revolt of 713–711 BC, the Assyrian records, and archaeological remains all corroborate the same events. The Philistine city revolted at the instigation of its king Azuri, and perhaps with the expectation of Egyptian support. The Assyrian annals charge him with refusing to pay tribute and fomenting rebellion among his neighbors. The Assyrian king Sargon II responded with a swift campaign that quickly suppressed their hopes for independence. He placed Azuri’s younger brother, Ahimeti, on the throne, who in turn was almost immediately deposed by a usurper named Yamani. Sargon sent another expedition in 712 BC, Yamani fled to Egypt, and an Assyrian commissioner was appointed to manage Ashdod for the empire. Excavations in Stratum VIII of the city have revealed a number of mass graves under the floors. Several fragments of an Assyrian monumental stele were also found. They come from a copy of the one erected in Khorsabad, listing Sargon’s conquests, including Ashdod.

20:2 stripped and barefoot. While nakedness was originally innocent in Genesis, it often came to denote defeat and punishment. Removal of foot coverings also indicated humiliation. The Megiddo Ivory shows two bound prisoners, naked and barefoot, being brought before a dignitary, and naked, captive leaders are being tortured in the depiction of the siege of Lachish. A Hebrew ostracon from seventh-century BC Horvat Uza includes a threat that the perpetrator of a crime will be stripped naked in judgment.

20:3 as a sign. For role-playing by a prophet, see Eze 4.

20:4 Egyptian captives and Cushite exiles. In battle, prisoners of war were common, not only in order to deplete the enemy forces but also to serve as potential hostages. Prisoners of war were considered spoils to be divided among the conquerors. They would become slaves, and it was necessary to immediately break their spirit and at the same time use them as a means of shaming their home countries or cities. Assyrian annals include lists of captives among the other items taken or in some cases impaled as an example to other rebels. Egyptian royal tomb paintings often depict lines of prisoners, bound together by the neck, marching into captivity. While these figures are not completely naked, they have been stripped of all valuables or insignias of rank.

21:1 Desert by the Sea. The Hebrew in this case might better be translated as “Wilderness by the Sea” or “swampland.” Either would fit the southern portion of Mesopotamia, an area of marshes and quagmire as one gets closer to the Persian Gulf. At issue is concern for the capture of Babylon by the Assyrians in 703 BC and the expulsion of the Babylonian leader Marduk-Baladan. The anti-Assyrian party within Hezekiah’s court had hoped that Babylon would be able to successfully challenge Assyria and thus give the outlying provinces like Judah an opportunity to gain their independence. These hopes were dashed with the resurgence of Assyrian power under Sennacherib. Thus this prophecy against Babylon reflects that disappointment.

21:2 Elam . . . Media. As Israel was constantly pressed by the Mesopotamians from the east, so Mesopotamia itself experienced incursions by peoples like the Elamites and Medes from the east (present-day Iran). From their capital in Susa, the Elamites supported Marduk-Baladan’s successful takeover of the Babylonian throne in 720 BC. Their help ebbed and flowed, however. By 710 BC Elam had withdrawn such aid, allowing Sargon of Assyria to take Babylon, but it sent more support in 703 BC (probably referred to here; cf. 22:6) and in 700 BC, though unsuccessfully. Elam was finally defeated by Assyria in 646 BC. The Medes joined the Babylonians to defeat Assyria in the late seventh century BC and soon thereafter expanded control into Asia Minor. The Medes themselves were soon incorporated into the Persian Empire.

21:3 pangs . . . like those of a woman in labor. Labor pains are a common symbol of physical and mental distress and anguish (13:8; 26:17–18) and therefore serve as a ready metaphor. In the Gilgamesh Epic, when the goddess Ishtar realized the ramifications of destroying humanity, she “screamed like a woman giving birth.”

21:4 My heart falters. Fear and suffering often present themselves metaphorically through physical manifestations such as this (see 19:1). This is because the heart, as well as other internal organs, was considered the seat of intellect and emotion in the ancient world.

21:5 set the tables . . . spread the rugs. The apparent banquet scene portrayed here might suggest that Babylon was unprepared for the attack that will capture the city (as portrayed in Da 5). It may also refer to preparations for battle (done also by Anat, who, in the Ugaritic epic, sets up bleachers and tables for her warriors so they can watch as she slaughters her enemies) or possibly a sketching out of Babylon’s defenses or its various districts prior to a siege.

21:7 riders on donkeys or riders on camels. Assyrian wall reliefs show soldiers riding horses in battle, including one scene where they pursue a camel rider. Camels were more regularly used as beasts of burden, as were donkeys, though at times camels were also ridden.

21:9 Babylon has fallen. This prophecy was fulfilled by the fall of Babylon (about two centuries after Isaiah) to a Medo-Persian alliance when Nabonidus, the last Babylonian king, lost his power base. Nabonidus was defeated by Gubaru, a former Babylonian general who had defected to the Persians, in October, 539 BC. All the images of its gods lie shattered. A nation’s gods were supposed to protect them, leading them in military conquest. Their weakness and defeat are symbolized by their destruction. An Aramaic text from Elephantine in Egypt from 407 BC describes an attack by the Egyptians on the temple there that was razed and its pillars smashed.

21:10 threshing floor. See note on Ru 3:2.

21:11 Dumah. A wordplay on Edom (see NIV text note). During the eighth century BC, Edom was struggling to maintain its independence. The country was weakened by Judah’s interest in expanding into the region: Amaziah (801–787 BC) staged a raid at the turn of the century (2Ki 14:7), and his successor, Uzziah, rebuilt the port of Elath on the Gulf of Aqaba (2Ki 14:22). A further sign of Edom’s weakness is its payment of tribute to the Assyrian king Adadnirari III (809–782 BC). When the Syro-Ephraimite War caused turmoil in Judah in the 730s, the Edomites regained Elath (2Ki 16:6). However, they were forced into vassalage by Tiglath-Pileser III after 732 BC and became a link in the Assyrian Empire’s trade route south from Damascus to the Aqaba, called the “King’s Highway” (see note on Nu 20:17). Assyrian tribute lists also demonstrate that for the rest of the century Edom remained loyal to the empire, giving little or no support to the other rebellious Palestinian vassals.

21:13 Arabia. Comprising territories claimed by various Bedouin tribal groups, Arabia was an area that Assyrian kings listed as a part of their empire but never truly controlled. The Arab tribes occupied the region between the southern Negev and the north-central portion of the Arabian peninsula. This could suggest a translation in this passage of “wasteland” rather than “Arabia,” paralleling it with “swampland” in v. 1 (see note there). Some Arab groups engaged in caravan trade, transporting frankincense and myrrh, slaves, and dyes to both Egypt and Mesopotamia. The number of raids mentioned in various ancient texts also attest to their occasional occupation as predators on the caravan routes. Arabs appear in the records of Shalmaneser III dealing with the alliance formed against him at the battle of Qarqar in 853 BC. They continue to appear in Assyrian records down to the reign of Ashurbanipal at the end of the seventh century BC. It is also noted in the annals of Sargon II that some Arabs were forced to resettle in Palestine after the fall of Samaria in 722 BC. Dedanites. The Dedanite tribes used Khuraybah (modern al-‘Ula) in northwest Arabia as their base of operations. Excavations have uncovered an extensive group of small satellite villages in the nearby valley of Wadi al-Qura. They operated as caravanners with contacts in Syria, Phoenicia and Palestine. During the seventh century BC they may have been part of Edom’s sphere of influence and subject to Assyria’s control.

21:14 Tema. Based on its mention in Assyrian and Aramaic inscriptions, Tema has long been identified with the oasis city of Tayma, located on the western border of the North Arabian Desert. It lies at the crossroads of three major trade routes of the “Incense Road” from southern Arabia to Syria, Mesopotamia and eastern Arabia. The riches of Tema were tapped by the emerging Mesopotamian empires of the first millennium BC. The Assyrian king Tiglath-Pileser III lists the city as one of those paying tribute in 734 BC. Along with Dedan, Tema served as a major urban center for its region during the seventh and sixth centuries BC. The Chaldean monarch Nabonidus made it his headquarters for ten years (553–543 BC) as he attempted to gain control over the incense trade.

21:16 Kedar. Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian texts refer to these northern Arabian tribes as Qidr, Qadr, Qeder, or Qadar. Tied to the Ishmaelites in Ge 25:13, the Kedarites functioned as sheep breeders and caravanners at least as late as the Hellenistic period. Their mention in this verse along with Tema may refer to Nabonidus’s expedition to conquer the area in 553 BC. There is evidence of ties between Kedar and Tema in Babylonian economic texts. See note on Ps 120:5.

22:1 Valley of Vision. Based on v. 5, this is probably a reference to Jerusalem and perhaps to the Hinnom Valley (see its use in Jer 7:31–34 for divination rituals). Isaiah rebukes a people who have sought guidance from other gods and thus, despite their physical location on Mount Zion, have no true vision of events. gone up on the roofs. House roofs were accessible to the inhabitants, at times serving as an area for sleeping and living. They were also used as places of worship, especially of pagan deities. Sacrifices on roofs were also known in Ugarit. King Keret, having lost his family, prayed for more children and was told to sacrifice on the rooftop. Special Akkadian rituals also took place on roofs. This present passage may indicate that Israel is turning to other gods in thanks for their perceived deliverance, which in fact is not going to happen.

22:2 you town so full of commotion. When Sargon died in 705 BC, many of the Assyrian vassals in the west revolted, Israel’s king Hezekiah among them. Hezekiah also moved against his other opponents, such as the Philistines, and sought to strengthen his own defenses. But when Sargon’s successor, Sennacherib, attacked Hezekiah in 701 BC, those defenses were not the determinative factor (2Ki 19:34–36). Sennacherib’s armies were able to take much of Judah according to Isa 36:1–37:38, and Sennacherib’s own records refer to 46 fortified cities, as well as numerous towns, being taken. Sennacherib claims to have besieged Jerusalem, but he does not say it fell to him. This reflects the Biblical picture that shows Hezekiah being spared the humiliation of his capital falling to the enemy (2Ki 19).

22:6 Elam. See the note on 21:2. Sennacherib regularly conscripted levees of soldiers from subject and allied peoples. Although Elam has previously supported the Babylonians and opposed Assyria, in this 701 campaign it seems clear that they have supplied a contingent of bowmen for Sennacherib’s host. Kir. This is not the same Kir (a city) mentioned in 15:1–4. There is no consensus on the exact location of the country of Kir. Because of its association with the Arameans in Am 9:7, several attempts have been made to place it either in northern Syria or the western desert (west of the Euphrates River). Its mention here with Elam also suggests proximity to that country east of the Tigris River.

22:8 Palace of the Forest. See note on 1Ki 7:2 for this storehouse within the palace complex. The people hope to draw on the arsenal it contained to defend themselves against the Assyrian invaders.