NOTES

Chapter 1: Introduction

1. See below, pp. 177-97.

2. I follow the chronology outlined in Kitchen 1987.

3. Davies 1930: 29.

4. Tzalas’s (1990) delightful description of the many changes introduced by a church artist who “faithfully” depicted the Kyrenia II replica during a voyage to Cyprus is a warning to those who would take ship iconography at face value.

Chapter 2: Egyptian Ships

1. Faulkner 1964: 126, 261; Jones 1988: 216 no. 40, 226 no. 101 (nᶜ i and s).

2. Boreux 1925: 3; Casson 1995A: 3–4; Clarke and Engelbach 1990: fig. 41. Basch (1987: 51–52) notes the existence of coracles in the delta region and assumes them to be of high antiquity. On evidence for Predynastic vessels, see Vinson 1987. Recently a fleet of twelve Predynastic vessels has been discovered at Abydos (see below, p. 218).

3. Hornell 1970: 49.

4. Breasted 1917. Clarke (1920: 51, 42 fig. 13) describes a reed raft called ramus. On ancient Egyptian reed rafts, see Boreux 1925: 175–234; Servin 1948; Casson 1995A: 11–13.

5. Edgerton 1922–23: 133.

6. Säve-Söderbergh 1946: 31–70.

7. Nibbi 1975A, 1975B, 1979, 1984, and other publications. This is not the place to discuss Nibbi’s theories beyond noting that the evidence is overwhelmingly against her. Concerning the meaning of the term the Great Green Sea, see Kitchen 1978: 170–71; 1983: 78. The appearance of this term on the Antefoker stele at Wadi Gawasis on the shores of the Red Sea definitively confirms that the term means “sea” (Sayed 1977: 170 and n. 18; 1983: 29).

8. ANET³: 227.

9. Montet 1928: 271. Frankfort (1926: 83–84) suggests that a Protodynastic temple may have existed at Byblos. On the earlier contacts between Egypt and Mesopotamian colonies established in North Syria during the Late Uruk period, see below, p. 41.

10. ANET³: 228. Uni was sent five times to quell insurrections in the “Land of the Sand-Dwellers.” On the geopolitical background to these events, see Redford 1992: 48–55.

11. BAR I: §315: d; ANET³: 228 nos. 10–11; Aharoni 1979: 135–37.

12. BAR I: §465.

13. Redford 1992: 78–80.

14. LAE: 50–56. For a recent discussion of this text, see Baines 1990 and the additional bibliography there.

15. Faulkner 1940: 4.

16. The regular cubit was .45 meter long (thus the ship would be 54 meters long and 18 meters in beam). The royal cubit was slightly longer (.525 meter). This would give the ship a length of 63 meters and a beam of 21 meters. See Gardiner 1969: 199: § 266: 2; EM, s.v. measurements (midot).

17. Janssen 1961: 7.

18. Säve-Söderbergh 1946: 78.

19. Redford 1992: 66.

20. See below, p. 308,

21. BAR I: §464: d; Säve-Söderbergh 1946: 34.

22. BAR II: §454, 460: c.

23. Säve-Söderbergh 1946: 35.

24. ANET³: 239.

25. Säve-Söderbergh 1946: 36; BAR II: §472, 483, 492, 510, 519, and 535. See below, pp. 51–52.

26. ANET³: 243.

27. EA 155: 69–70. Säve-Söderbergh 1946: 68; Katzenstein 1973: 43.

28. EA 153: 9–14.

29. EA 129: 50, 132: 53–55.

30. Byblos: EA 105: 83–84, 127: 17–19; Ṣumur: EA 67: 10–13; Ugarit: Rainey 1967: 88–89.

31. KN Db 1105 + X1446: Ventris and Chadwick 1973: 136; Palmer 1963: 178–79 (Doc. 56); Chadwick 1976: 66; Killen and Olivier 1989: 74; Palaima 1991A: 280.

32. ANET³: 260.

33. BAR IV: §408. Concerning expeditions to Punt, see below, pp. 18–19.

34. BAR IV: §408: a.

35. Rothenberg 1972: 201.

36. Ibid.; Rothenberg et al. 1988; Lipschitz 1972.

37. BAR II: §888, IV: §209, 331; Foucart 1924; Davies 1948: pl. 12. A much–degenerated form of this procession still takes place at Luxor each year (Hornell 1938A; Desroches-Noblecourt 1963: 190 fig. 110). See Canney (1936) for a general discussion on ships and boats in temples.

38. See below, pp. 311–12.

39. Rowe 1936.

40. Montet 1928: 73–74 no. 58, 271 pl. 40.

41. See below, pp. 256–62.

42. Edgerton 1922–23: 133.

43. Ibid.: 123–26.

44. BAR IV: §65; Nelson 1943: 44; Casson 1995A: 38; Wachsmann 1981: 191.

45. Gaballa 1976: 5.

46. Ibid.: 23–24.

47. Bietak 1988.

48. LAE: 147–48.

49. Redford 1992: 51–55.

50. Hornell 1970: 26.

51. Solver 1961: 26.

52. For discussions on the development of keels on seagoing ships, see below, pp. 241–46.

53. Kennedy 1976: 159–60.

54. Greenhill 1976: 62 fig. 20.

55. Hogging trusses in the form of steel rods were used in recent times on river steamers of shallow draught, particularly on stern-wheelers (Ballard 1920: 155; Kennedy 1976: 161). These craft had a tendency to hog because their boilers and engines were kept at their extremities. Occasionally, hogging trusses were used on Far Eastern dragon boats (Fig. 5.15: B; Bishop 1938: 416). Similarly, the hypozomata of Greek trieres were used to reinforce the hull (Casson 1995A: 91–92; Kennedy 1976).

56. See below, pp. 238–39.

57. See below, pp.219–20.

58. Edgerton 1922–23: 131–32. Italics added.

59. Solver 1961: 26.

60. Hornell 1970: 225.

61. Hassan 1954: 138–39 fig. 2.

62. Tripod masts also appear on Old Kingdom Nile ships (Borchardt 1913: 159 fig. 20).

63. See below, pp. 248, 250–51.

64. Landström 1970: 68, 42 fig. 109. See also Borchardt 1913: 159 fig. 20; Vandier 1969: 814 fig. 313.

65. Faulkner’s (1941: pl. 3) model of this ship type incorrectly lacks a boom.

66. Landström 1970: 65 fig. 194. There he also identifies three vertical stems as those of three individual seagoing ships. Only one ship is preserved, however, and it lacks a hogging truss (Landström 1970: 43 fig. 116; Goedicke 1971: 110–11).

67. Concerning contacts with Punt and Egyptian seafaring in the Red Sea, see below, pp. 32–38, 238–39.

68. Redford 1992: 149–53.

69. Säve-Söderbergh 1946: 8–30.

70. BAR I: §161. On the location of Punt, see particularly Kitchen 1971. The identity of Punt remains problematic: see most recently Sayed 1977: 176–77; Sleeswyk 1983. On meteorological conditions and navigation in the Red Sea, see Solver 1936: 437–46.

71. BAR I: §360; Säve-Söderbergh 1946: 11.

72. BAR I: §351.

73. BAR I: §361; Newberry 1938.

74. See below, p. 238.

75. See below, p. 238.

76. Faulkner 1941: 3. In later times the term was used to describe funerary barques, and in the Twenty-sixth Dynasty it defined warships. Both Amasis and Psammetichus III had fleets of warships termed Byblos ships (Newberry 1942: 65).

77. Newberry 1942. See below, pp. 238–39.

78. Naville 1898: pl. 69; Peck 1978: 115 fig. 45.

79. Danelius and Steinitz 1967.

80. On the problems of source material for scenes in Egyptian tomb paintings, see below, pp. 54–60.

81. Fishing tackle was found on the Uluburun wreck. See below, p. 307.

82. Similarly, Thutmose III’s “botanical garden” at Karnak suggests to Davies (1930: 35) that artists accompanied his expeditions.

83. On loss of painted detail in relief art, see below, pp. 169–71.

84. Gaballa 1976: 53.

85. BAR II: §252.

86. Ibid.: §253.

87. For possible evidence of ship’s boats on large seagoing merchantmen from the Late Bronze Age, see below, pp. 288.

88. BAR II: §252.

89. Ibid.: §265. The identity of “cinnamon” is uncertain (Lucas 1962: 308–309).

90. BAR II: §257.

91. Ibid.: §266.

92. Naville 1908: pl. 174.

93. Gaballa 1976: 24, 52–53.

94. Clarke 1920: 45.

95. Sayed 1977: 170.

96. Landström 1970: 107–109; Jones 1990: 4, 16 (Type B), 28–37 pls. 16–33—Objects 273, 284, 287, 306, 309–10, 314, 597.

97. Concerning keels on Late Bronze Age ships, see below, pp. 241–43.

98. Faulkner 1941: 8.

99. Reisner 1913: 98 no. 4946 (hull), 113–14 no. 5034, 116 no. 5049 (stem and stern ornaments); Carter 1933: pl. 61: B; Davies 1933: pl. 22; Davies 1948: pl. 34; Mekhitarian 1978: 130.

100. Casson 1995A: 21.

101. Davies 1908: pl. 5; Reisner 1913: 96–99 nos. 4944 and 4946 (floors of castles), 138–39, no. 5164; Carter 1933: pl. 63; Davies 1943: pl. 69; Treasures: 2.

102. Naville 1908: pl. 154; Vandier 1969: 88 fig. 60.

103. Ballard 1920: 167; Solver 1936: 461.

104. Solver 1936: 457, 459 figs. 11–12.

105. Nelson et al. 1930: pl. 37. See also Hornell 1937.

106. Faulkner 1941: 8.

107. Reisner 1913: 2 fig. 7, pl. 28 (no. 4869).

108. Crew members are occasionally seen standing or sitting on the booms of Syro-Canaanite craft and New Kingdom Nile vessels (Figs. 3.2–3.5); Davies 1933: pls. 42–43; Mekhitarian 1978: 80.

109. Ballard 1920: 169.

110. On possible origins of the boom, see below, p. 248.

111. On the implications of the sailing capabilities of the boom-footed rig, see below, pp. 295–99.

112. Faulkner 1941: 8.

113. Davies and Gardiner 1915: pl. 12. This was first noted by Landström (1970: 99).

114. On knots, see below, pp. 254.

115. Ballard 1920: 171; Solver 1936: 459.

116. Le Baron Bowen 1962: 54.

117. Landström 1970: 105.

118. This detail is also portrayed on Nile ships (Davies and Gardiner 1915: pl. 12; Davies 1933: pl. 42).

119. Faulkner 1941: 8.

120. See below, pp. 247–48.

121. Edgerton 1926–27: 256–60.

122. Reisner 1913: 7–8.

123. Solver 1936: 434; Faulkner 1941: 8.

124. Hornell 1970: 214–15.

125. Hornell 1940: 142 fig. 7.

126. Jarrett-Bell 1933.

127. Abercrombie 1977: 338–39.

128. Hornell 1970: 217–18.

129. On the nature of the battle and the artistic problems in understanding this scene, see below, pp. 165–71, 317–19.

130. Nelson 1943: 42–44.

131. See below, p. 171.

132. Schäfer 1974: 134–37.

133. Ibid.: 137 fig. 117.

134. Faulkner 1941: 9; Casson 1995A: 37–38.

135. Landström’s (1970: 113 fig. 351) reconstruction of an Egyptian ship from the Medinet Habu relief is misleading in this regard.

136. Ibid.: 99 fig. 313; Jones 1990: 16–28 pls. 10–13, 30–32 (Types Al, A2, and A3).

137. Faulkner 1941: 9.

138. Edgerton 1926–27: 257–62.

139. See below, p. 171.

140. On the brailed rig, see below, pp. 251–54.

141. Basch 1978: 115–18.

142. Davies 1935; Säve–Söderbergh 1946: 22–25; Vandier 1969: 933–34.

143. Davies 1935: 46.

144. Landström 1970: 35 fig. 95, 36 fig. 97, 48 figs. 131–32.

145. Casson 1989: 9, 19, 21, 55, 67, 117–18, 162–63.

146. Gardiner and Peet 1952: pl. 91; 1955: 13.

147. Gardiner and Peet 1955: 12, 60–64 nos. 13, 16–17; 77–78 nos. 47–48; 89 no. 77) 100 no. 92; and perhaps 92–93 no. 85; 123 no. 120; 209 no. 412.

148. Sayed 1983: 30–32.

149. Albright 1948: 10 fig. 2, 13–15.

150. Gardiner and Peet 1955: 218 no. 503.

151. On the development of the stanchion and loom on Egyptian ships, see Edgerton 1926–27.

152. Compare Reisner 1913: 1 fig. 1 (no. 4798), 4 fig. 15 (no. 4799), 6 fig. 21 (no. 4801), 33 fig. 126 (no. 4845), 49 fig. 173 (no. 4872).

153. Gardiner and Peet 1955: 219 no. 506.

154. Compare Quibell 1908: pl. 26: 9; Garstang 1907: 97 figs. 88–89; Schäfer 1908: 71 fig. 111, 72 figs. 112–13, 75 figs. 118–19, 76 fig. 120; Reisner 1913: 65 figs. 233–34 and pl. 16 (no. 4910).

155. Gardiner and Peet 1955: 219 no. 507.

156. Newberry 1893: pl. 16.

157. Gardiner and Peet 1955: 220 no. 517.

158. Ibid.: 222 no. 524.

159. Newberry 1893: pl. 16 (right).

160. Gardiner and Peet 1955: 220–21 no. 518.

161. Newberry 1893: pl. 16; 1894: pl. 18; Davies 1920: pl. 18; Petrie and Brunton 1924: pl. 20: 2106 and 2111; Winlock 1955: 70, 72–76.

162. Compare Fig. 2.21.

163. Gardiner and Peet 1955: 220 no. 516.

164. Ibid.: 221 no. 520.

165. Yadin 1963: 77–78, 184–85; Davies 1987: 43–47, 49–50, and pls. 18–24 (nos. 101–36).

166. Gardiner and Peet 1955: 221 no. 521.

167. Compare Winlock 1955: pl. 82; Vandier 1969: 918 fig. 344: 2; Landström 1970: 89 fig. 272.

168. Gardiner and Peet 1955: 218 no. 501.

169. Davies 1908: pl. 5; 1943: pls. 68–69.

170. Landström 1970: 99 (reconstruction), 103 fig. 325.

171. Ibid.: 102 figs. 322 and 324.

Chapter 3: The Ships of the Syro-Canaanite Littoral

1. “Syro-Canaanite” is used here as a general term to define all the cultural entities along the length of the Levant’s littoral region, from the Bay of Iskenderun to the coast of Sinai. It is preferable to the term Canaanite, for Canaanites were considered foreigners at Ugarit (Rainey 1963), and to Phoenician, for although this Iron Age culture descended directly from the Syro-Canaanites, it developed its own unique material culture that was quite different from its Bronze Age ancestors (Mazar 1990: 355–57; 1992: 296–97).

2. See above, chap. 2 n. 6; Muhly 1970.

3. Sasson 1966; Rainey 1967: 87–90; Astour 1970; Heltzer 1977; 1978: 12, 150–56; Linder 1970; 1981. The texts deal with various aspects of maritime activity and are discussed in the appropriate chapters and in an appendix; see below, pp. 333–44. On the various Ugaritic terms for ships and their equipment, see Stieglitz in press.

4. CG: 74–78, 164–67; Bass 1973; 1991; in press; Sasson 1966. Bernal (1987) in Black Athena I notes that racial prejudices may have caused Classical scholars of the last century to deemphasize Semitic and Egyptian influences on early Greek civilization.

5. Gonen 1984; 1992: 216–19.

6. For the historical background, see Astour 1981; Redford 1992: 125–229; Singer 1991.

7. Harden 1962: 157; Linder 1981. See below, pp. 333–34.

8. Concerning a ship depiction from Tell el Dab^ca, the site of ancient Avaris, see below, p. 42.

9. ANET³: 554–55.

10. Ibid.: 239.

11. EA 101: 16–18, 105: 20–21; Rainey 1967: 89 n. 144.

12. EA 168: 7–10.

13. EA 245: 28–30. The term for ship used here is a-na-yi (in Ugaritic, any).

14. Rainey 1967: 87–88; Linder 1970: 114–16. Astour (1970: 117–18) suggests that the Ashdodians had settled in Maᵓḫadu, the main harbor of Ugarit (Minet el Beida).

15. KTU 2.38 and KTU 4.394; see below, pp. 334, 339.

16. ANET³: 557; Rainey 1995: 483–84.

17. KTU 2.47; see below, pp. 336–37.

18. Heltzer 1977: 210 (text Bo 2810); Tammuz 1985: 61–65.

19. Heltzer 1988. See below, RS 16.238 + 254, p. 340. For a general overview of Ugarit’s connections with the Aegean, see Astour 1973.

20. Chadwick 1976: 66.

21. Ventris and Chadwick 1973: 135–36, 225–31; Chadwick 1973A: 441; 1976: 119–20, 144; Palaima 1991 A: 278–79. Traces of cumin have been found on the Uluburun shipwreck. See below, p. 305. Kupairos and the “Phoenician” spice were used in the Mycenaean world in the manufacture of perfume (Shelmerdine 1984: 82; 1985: 17–18, 20–23, 25, 99).

22. Ventris and Chadwick 1973: 221–22 texts 99, 100; Chadwick 1973: 441; 1976: 121. The amounts of “Phoenician” spice mentioned in the two texts total eight kilograms.

23. Ventris and Chadwick 1973: 319–20, 345–46, 558, 580; Chadwick 1976: 144; Palaima 1991A: 278 n. 24, 279.

24. Van Soldt 1991: 96 fig. 9, 110–14. See below, KTU 2.38, 2.39, 2.46, 2.47, 4.338, 4.352, 4.366, 4.370, 4.394, pp. 334–39.

25. On the conditions for change, see Liverani 1987.

26. See above, p. 12.

27. LAE: 145–46.

28. Ibid.: 150.

29. Goedicke 1975: 51.

30. See below, p. 337.

31. Linder 1970: 16–19, 98. See below, p. 126.

32. Heltzer 1982: 188–90.

33. Professor J. R. Steffy, personal communication.

34. See below, RS 20.212, p. 341. On the location of Ura, see below, p. 295. An Akkadian letter from Ugarit found at Tel Aphek mentions a shipment of 250-1/3 kor of wheat sent to Jaffa (Owen 1981: 8, 12). It is not clear whether the wheat had been shipped from Ugarit or was transferred locally.

35. Nougayrol 1960: 165; Astour 1965: 255; Linder 1970: 36, 98; Casson 1995A: 36 n. 17.

36. The ship went down in the northern Aegean off the island of Alonisos carrying a load of wine amphoras (Rose 1993; Hadjidaki 1993; 1995).

37. Frost 1991: 369. See below, pp. 288–89.

38. Frankfort 1924: 118–42; 1941.

39. Frankfort 1941; Kantor 1992: 14–17; Redford 1992: 17–24; Mark 1993; in press. Concerning these colonies, see most recently Oates 1993 and the additional bibliography there.

40. Yannai 1983: 68–70. Concerning figurines of smiting gods found outside of the Syro–Canaanite littoral, see PM III: 477–80; Harden 1962: 314 fig. 93; Vermeule 1964: 302, 406 pl. 48: D; Negbi 1976: 37–40, 168–69; Rutkowski 1986: 59 fig. 60, 182 figs. 264–65, 184, 185 fig. 268, 199.

41. Porada 1984: 486 ill. 1, pl. 65 fig. 1. Concerning the Uluburun figurine, see below, pp. 206, 208.

42. Porada 1984.

43. Bietak 1984; Redford 1992: 102, 114–15.

44. Daressy 1895; Basch 1987: 63 figs. 111–12, 65 fig. 115.

45. Davies and Faulkner 1947.

46. Wachsmann 1987: 12–25.

47. This Egyptian tendency to exaggerate ships’ sheerlines perhaps stemmed from a desire to show as much of the craft as possible above the waterline.

48. Davies and Faulkner 1947: 41. Similar lacing appears on a hull in the Iniwia relief (Figs. 3.24, 3.30: A).

49. Glanville 1972: frontispiece, 1 fig. 1, 14 fig. 13, pls. 1: a, 3: b.

50. Basch (1987: 63, 65 fig. 115) notes a widening stempost top on one of the ships in Daressy’s publication. He compares it to those on Phoenician ships portrayed in Assyrian reliefs.

51. The concave tops are somewhat reminiscent of the bifurcated posts on Micronesian canoes from the recent past (Dodd 1972: 69).

52. Landström 1970: 114 figs. 352–53, 138 fig. 405.

53. See below, p. 217.

54. Tillers are lacking on the large ships at left.

55. Säve-Söderbergh 1946: 56–57; Davies and Faulkner 1947: 41.

56. Casson 1995A: 35. See below, pp. 54–60.

57. Casson 1995A: 36; Basch 1987: 63.

58. The Syro-Canaanites are identified by their coiffures, beards, and clothing. See Pritchard 1951; ANEP: figs. 2, 5, 8, 43–56; Wachsmann 1987: 44–48.

59. See above, p. 14.

60. Casson 1995A: 69, 231.

61. See below, p. 248.

62. Davies and Faulkner 1947: 43.

63. See below, pp. 248, 250–51.

64. Davies and Faulkner 1947: 42; Basch 1987: 130 n. 113.

65. Säve-Söderbergh 1946: 54–56; 1957: 25–27; Casson 1995A: 35; Gaballa 1976: 66–67.

66. Février (1935: 115) incorrectly dates the painting to the earlier part of Thutmose III’s reign (Säve-Söderbergh 1946: 54).

67. Müller 1904: Taf. 3.

68. Downward-curving yards on boom-footed rigs on Egyptian craft are rare, but a few examples do exist. See Davies 1923: pls. 24–25; Casson 1995A: 35 n. 15; Wachsmann 1982: 302.

69. Davies and Gardiner 1915: pl. 12; Edgerton 1922–23: 125 fig. 9; Davies 1943: pls. 63–69; Treasures: 2.

70. Säve-Söderbergh 1946: 57–58.

71. Basch 1978: 99–109; 1987: 65.

72. BAR III: §274. See also above, pp. 10–11.

73. Wachsmann and Raveh 1984B: 224, 228.

74. See below, p. 251.

75. Note particularly the broad horizontal band with vertical lines (stanchions?) situated atop the sheerstrake, which reasonably may be interpreted as a fence, similar to those depicted on the ships of Kenamun and Nebamun, the mnš determinative, as well as on the Uluburun shipwreck. Concerning the Uluburun evidence, see below, p. 217.

76. Hamilton 1935: 38 no. 233, pl. 23: C; Wachsmann 1981: 214–15 fig. 29. For a recent summary on the excavations at Tell Abu Hawam, see NEAEHL 1: 7–14 (s.v. Abu Hawam, Tell), and the additional bibliography there.

77. Schaeffer 1962: 147, 134 figs. 114–15.

78. Casson 1995A: 19.

79. Öbrink 1979: (Artifact N4007) 16–17, 70 fig. 86b, 67 fig. 69, 73 fig. 104.

80. Merrillees 1968: 188–89. See below, pp. 63–66.

81. Casson 1995A: fig. 78; Göttlicher 1978: 30 and Taf. 7 nos. 102 and 103.

82. Dikaios 1969: 434–37; 1971: 536.

83. Davies and Gardiner 1915: pl. 12; Edgerton 1922–23: 125 fig. 9; Carter 1933: pl. 63: A; Davies 1943: pls. 68–69.

84. See above, n. 63.

85. Davies and Faulkner 1947: 43; Wachsmann 1981: 214, 216 fig. 30. On the additional “masts” at the stem and stern of the mnš determinative, see Basch 1978: 106–109; 1987: 65–66.

86. Casson 1995A: figs. 110, 140–41.

87. BAR II: §492.

88. Jones 1988: 149 no. 80.

89. Glanville 1931: 116, 121. See below, pp. 223–24.

90. Glanville 1932: 22 n. 56.

91. Säve-Söderbergh 1946: 43–45, 47; Vermeule 1972: 114.

92. Herodotus (II: 112), in describing the large Tyrian population dwelling in Memphis in his day, notes that their compound, known as “the Camp of the Tyrians,” surrounded a temple dedicated to “Aphrodite the Stranger.” He may be describing a later continuation of the Bronze Age Astarte cult mentioned in B.M. 10056. See below, pp. 223–24.

93. Säve-Söderbergh 1946: 53–54.

94. Casson 1995A: 141–42.

95. Glanville 1932: 31 n. 2.

96. Hayes 1980: 387. In a similar vein, see Stieglitz (1984: 136); Basch (1987: 126); and Redford (1992: 242).

97. See above, p. 40.

98. Dunand 1939: 223–25 no. 3306; Février 1949–50: 135 figs. 2–3.

99. Glanville 1972: 41 fig. 40, 44 fig. 43, pl. 8: a–b.

100. On the development of keels in the Late Bronze Age, see below, pp. 241–43, 245–46.

101. The protruding ends of the beams at the model’s extremities are missing in a line drawing reproduced by Basch (1969: 146 fig. 2: 2) and Göttlicher (1978: Taf. 7 no. 105).

102. Février 1949–50: 136–39.

103. Basch 1987: 67–68 figs. 124–26.

104. See below, p. 175. A similar stern projection appears on a ship representation painted on a Late Minoan IIIC sherd from Phaistos (Fig. 7.27). The position and form suggest a vestigial style of the stern device that appears earlier, apparently in cultic connotations, on Aegean craft. See below, p. 106.

105. See above, pp. 23–24. Note particularly the similarity in shape to a wooden model from the tomb of Tutankhamen (Jones 1990: pl. 21: Obj. 597).

106. The longitudinal internal member in this model is probably not a keelson. Note, however, that some Egyptian Eleventh Dynasty models of river craft have a construction that has been interpreted as such. The ship type on which these occur, however, is considerably earlier and has a significantly different hull shape than the one discussed here. Among other things, it lacks any evidence of a keel, having presumably had a keel plank in its place. See below, p. 220. Note also that no evidence for a keelson was found above the remnants of the Uluburun ship’s keel/keel-plank.

107. Dunand 1939: 434 no. 6681; Février 1949–50: 134 fig. 1.

108. Février 1949–50: 135–36; Sasson 1966: 127.

109. Reisner 1913: 75 fig. 280, pl. 18 (no. 4918).

110. Dunand 1954: 337–38 nos. 10089–92.

111. Negbi and Moskowitz 1966: 23–26.

112. Newberry 1894: pl. 18; Reisner 1913: 4 fig. 15, pl. 1 (no. 4799); Landström 1970: 83 fig. 251; Glanville 1972: 52–53 fig. 24 (no. 35293).

113. Landström 1970: 138–39.

114. Wachsmann 1987: 4–11.

115. Davies 1930:35.

116. Bodenheimer 1949: 257–59 fig. 32. The imaginary difficulties of the unfortunate artist whose responsibility it was to gather the plants during Thutmose’s Syro-Canaanite campaigns are humorously described by Davies (1930: 35). On Thutmose III’s botanical garden, see Beaux 1990.

117. Wreszinski I: 273; Davies and Davies 1933: pls. 4–5; Furumark 1950: 228 fig. 25.

118. Davies 1943: pls. 18–20.

119. On the recently rediscovered tomb of Iniwia, also known as Nia or Iniuia, see Porter and Moss 1979: 707; Martin 1991: 200; Schneider 1993. On the ships of Iniwia, see Landström 1970: 138 fig. 403, 139.

120. Landström 1970: 139 fig. 407.

Chapter 4: Cypriot Ships

1. Cherry 1981: 43; 1990: 148–57; Todd 1987; Simmons 1988; 1991; Simmons and Reese 1993; Reese 1992; 1993.

2. For a summary of scholarly opinions, see Merrillees 1987 and the additional bibliography there.

3. See below, pp. 295–96.

4. EA 33–40; Holmes 1973: 96–98; 1975: 94–96, 98.

5. EA 35: 30–34.

6. EA 39: 17–20.

7. See below: KTU 2.46, RS L. 1, RS 20.238, pp. 336, 343–44.

8. See below: KTU 4.352, p. 338.

9. KTU 4.102.

10. Rainey 1967: 90.

11. Masson (1974: 29–55) interprets RS 20.25, written in Cypro-Minoan script, as a list of Hurrian names.

12. See below: KTU 4.390, p. 339. Linder 1972. It is not clear if the lading is incoming or outgoing.

13. Masson 1956; 1969; 1974; Merrillees 1973: 182.

14. PY Cn 121, Cn 719, Jn 320, and Un 443. See Himmelhoch 1990–91: 94–96 and the additional bibliography there.

15. Bennett et al. 1989: 204–205; Palaima 1991A: 281, 291–95.

16. Himmelhoch 1990–91: 96–104. She also discusses (91–94, 104) the possibly parallel term a-ra-si-jo (“Alashian”), which appears on three tablets from Knossos, but concludes that this term must remain enigmatic based on the evidence presently available.

17. Hirschfeld 1990A; 1990B.

18. LAE: 154–55. Concerning the identity of the Alashian fleets with which Shupiluliuma did battle, see below, p. 317.

19. Basch 1978: 118–21; Frost 1979: 155–57; Wachsmann 1985B: 483. On Cypriot anchors, see below, pp. 273–81.

20. See pp. 49–51, 141–42, 145–49, 151–53, 175, 184, 187.

21. Basch 1987: 72 fig. 137.

22. Buchholz and Karageorghis 1973: 161, 471 no. 1718; Westerberg 1983: 9–10 fig. 1; Basch 1987: 70–71 figs. 132–35.

23. Dussaud 1914: 419–20 fig. 310.

24. Sasson 1966: 127.

25. Basch 1987: 70 n. 39.

26. Frankel 1974; Westerberg 1983: 10 and fig. 2.

27. Hornell 1970: pls. 16: A–B, 17: A, 19: A–B, 20.

28. Westerberg 1983: 10 no. 3 and fig. 3.

29. Ibid. 1983: 11 no. 4 and fig. 4.

30. Merrillees 1968: 188; Göttlicher 1978: 37 and Taf. 12 (no. 167); Westerberg 1983: 11–12 no. 5, fig. 5.

31. See below, pp. 241–43, 245–46.

32. Walters 1903: 6 no. A–50; Göttlicher 1978: 34 and Taf. 9 (no. 147); Merrillees 1968: 188 pl. 37: 2 (right); Westerberg 1983: 13–14 no. 7, fig. 7; Johnson 1980:18 and pl. 16 (no. 60); Basch 1987: 73–74 figs. 143, 145.

33. On the possible purpose of these features, see below, pp. 248, 250–51.

34. Walters 1903: 6 no. A–49; Merrillees 1968: 188 pl. 37: 2 (left); Göttlicher 1978: 34 and Taf. 9 (no. 146); Johnson 1980: 15 and pl. 9 (no. 15); Westerberg 1983: 12–13 no. 6, fig. 6; Basch 1987: 73–74 figs. 143–44. See discussion on dating in Westerberg.

35. Vandier 1969: 888 fig. 335, 889 fig. 336, 890 fig. 337, 892 fig. 338, 950 fig. 357: 1, 966 fig. 369, 976 fig. 372, 977 fig. 373, 986 fig. 379, 987 fig. 380, 1004 fig. 384, 1011 fig. 385.

36. Hornell 1936: 385 fig. 275, 393 fig. 282, 410 fig. 296; Haddon 1937: 168 fig. 103: a–b; Dodd 1972: 69.

37. Merrillees 1968: 189.

38. One is reminded of the multiple shrouds / stays—up to eleven per side—used on the large nuggars of the upper Nile. These shrouds counter longitudinal weakness, preventing the ships’ sides from spreading as a buttress prevents a masonry arch from spreading. It thus takes the place of the hogging truss of antiquity (Hornell 1939: 428 pl. 4: 1–2; 1970: 218 pl. 36: A).

39. Barnett 1973: 5. See below, p. 217.

40. Basch 1987: 71–73.

41. Compare Casson 1995A: fig. 94.

42. Kenna 1967: 573 fig. 31; Westerberg 1983: 18 no. 16, fig. 16. The seal bears only one ship, not two as stated by Westerberg.

43. Basch 1987: 73–74 figs. 147–48.

44. Westerberg 1983: 16–17 no. 12, fig. 12.

45. Westerberg 1983: 14–15 no. 8, fig. 8.

46. Casson 1995A: 65–66 figs. 86–87.

47. Westerberg 1983: 16 no. 11; Basch 1987: 254.

Chapter 5: Early Ships of the Aegean

1. This chapter includes Aegean materials from earliest times till the seventeenth century B.C. See below, Chap. 6, n. 1.

2. Johnstone 1973: 3–4; Johnston 1982: 1; Diamant 1979: 217. Concerning early seafaring exploration and settlement in the Aegean, see Cherry 1990: 158–71; Davis 1992; Jacobsen 1993. For a comprehensive bibliography of Franchthi Cave, see Tzalas 1995: 459–62. Broodbank (1992; 1993) believes that the development of settlement on the Cyclades was a result of definable patterns of colonization. He proposes the existence of specialized trading colonies in the Cyclades during the Bronze Age, arguing that their choice of location was based primarily on control of the local sea lanes.

3. Tzamtzis (1987) suggests that these early craft may have resembled papirella, primitive reed rafts still constructed on Corfu. In the summer of 1988, an experimental papirella six meters long was successfully paddled by a crew of five from Lavrion, on the southwest point of Attica, to the island of Melos (Tzalas 1989; 1995; Troev 1989; see also Johnstone 1973: 4–6). Basch (1987: 76–77) notes that Paleolithic craft may have been made of skins or were rafts supported by leather bags. Hutchinson (1962: 91) presumes that the Neolithic colonization of Crete was carried out in monoxylons and notes that such craft still existed in this century on Lake Prespa in Macedonia.

4. Recent research seems to prefer an interpretation that the agriculture arrived in Greece from the Near East as part of the cultural baggage of a migration (Cherry 1981; Hansen 1992; Davis 1992: 702 n. 8 and the additional bibliography there). Such a migration could have been seaborne.

5. Broodbank and Strasser 1991.

6. Renfrew 1967: 5; 1972: 318, 356–57, fig. 17: 7 and pl. 28: 3–4; Casson 1995A: 41–42.

7. Casson 1995A: 41; Basch 1987: 78–79.

8. Renfrew 1967: 5, pl. 3: 15–16.

9. Coleman 1985.

10. Casson 1995A: 30–31. For photos of all twelve ships, see Basch 1987: 80–81 figs. 159–67.

11. Coleman 1985: 203–204.

12. Coleman (1985: 196) argues that these are only of secondary importance. Nevertheless, their appearance cannot simply be dismissed.

13. See also Basch 1987: 88–91 figs. 183–88.

14. Petrie 1896: pls. 66: 3, 6, 10, 67: 13–14; 1921: pl. 34: 46, 45S; Bishop 1938: pl. 4 fig. 8; Raphael 1947: pl. 31: 3; Hornell 1970: 279 fig. 68.

15. Wachsmann 1980: 288–89; 1995B: 14; Basch 1987: 84.

16. Doumas 1967: 118–19 figs. 49–50, 121–23 figs. 54–55; 1970.

17. PM II: 240 fig. 137; Basch 1987: 83 figs. 170–71.

18. Marinatos 1933: 184 fig. 1.

19. This does not necessarily require the blunt end to be the bow, as some scholars have assumed. See Casson 1975: 9 n. 17. The much-later Kinneret boat also reaches its widest beam abaft amidships (Steffy 1987: 328 fig. 3; 1990: 40, foldout 2).

20. Bass 1972: 17.

21. Woolner 1957; Casson 1995A: 36.

22. Johnston 1982: 2; Basch 1987: 85.

23. Broodbank 1989: 329.

24. For summaries of the argument, see Johnstone 1973: 6–11; Johnston 1982; Basch 1987: 84–85.

25. Casson 1975: 9.

26. Casson 1995A: 31. When did the monoxylon develop in the Aegean? Basch (1987: 77) notes that the earliest known European dugout dates to ca. 6000 B.C. and suggests that the coniferous forests that once covered Crete make it a prime candidate for the site of the dugout’s Aegean origin.

27. Higgins 1967: 54. Coleman (1985: 204) believes the frying pans to have had no cultic significance.

28. Basch 1987: 86 fig. 177.

29. See below, pp. 108–11.

30. Bishop 1938: 415–24.

31. Broodbank 1989: 326–32.

32. Ibid.: 332–34.

33. Bishop 1938: pl. 4, fig. 8; Hornell 1936: 211 fig. 141; Dodd 1972: 71, 104.

34. Broodbank 1989; 1993: 327.

35. Broodbank 1989: 333–34 fig. 6.

36. Casson 1995A: 34–35; Bass 1972: 28 n. 14; Basch 1975: 201; 1987: 132.

37. Marinatos 1933: 175 and pl. 15: 27; Göttlicher 1978: 318 and Taf. 25 (no. 321); Basch 1987: 147 fig. 308.

38. Casson 1995A: 35.

39. Hornell 1950: pl. 24: 2; 1970: 210; Basch 1975: 202–203 fig. 4.

40. Haddon 1937: 177–78.

41. Hornell 1936: 295 figs. 212–13.

42. Casson 1995A: 85, 331, figs. 137, 145, 147, 176–77, 182, 191–92. The Kinneret boat probably had a cutwater bow, like that on a boat in a mosaic from the nearby site of Migdal (Steffy 1987: 328 fig. 3; Steffy and Wachsmann 1990; Wachsmann 1988: 31; 1995B: 156–58).

43. Buchholz and Karageorghis 1973: 118, 119 fig. 40, 121, 393 pl. 1409d, and the additional bibliography there.

44. Chadwick 1987B: 57–61.

45. Olivier 1975; Sakellarakis 1979: 30–31; Basch 1987: 136–37 fig. 285.

46. Haddon 1937: 88.

47. Basch 1986; 1987A; Coates 1987.

48. Deilaki 1987: 123.

49. Theocares 1958: 18.

50. Vermeule 1964: 259 fig. 43a; Morrison and Williams 1968: 7, 9, pl. la.

51. Casson 1995A: 42 n. 4.

52. Bass 1972: 20.

Chapter 6: Minoan/Cycladic Ships

1. The arguments in support of raising the date of the abandonment of Thera, and with it the latter part of the Late Minoan IA, to ca. 1628 B.C., are compelling (Kuniholm 1990). If this high date is accepted, it would have profound significance for Aegean chronology.

Paradoxically, Egyptian chronology, to which Aegean chronology is inescapably linked, has moved in the opposite direction. Thutmose III’s reign must now be placed at 1479–1425 B.C., a full quarter-century later than previously thought (Kitchen 1987). Chronological links indicate that the transition from Late Minoan IB to Late Minoan II took place in the latter part of Thutmose III’s reign (Wachsmann 1987: 127–29). Consequently, the end of Late Minoan IB must have occurred during the third quarter of the fifteenth century B.C. This is problematic, as it results in the “stretching” of Late Minoan IB—previously allotted a mere half-century—to a period of from 160 to 185 years.

Several solutions have been proposed to resolve this dilemma. One is to ignore the Egyptian evidence and to raise the Late Minoan IB / II transition to the sixteenth century, as S. W. Manning (1988A) has done. Alternately, one may place inordinate weight on the Egyptian links and argue that they require the total abandonment of a seventeenth-century date for Thera’s destruction, as J. D. Muhly (1991) has proposed.

Neither of these scenarios is satisfactory in my view. One solution that merits further investigation is that Late Minoan IB, together with the final portion of the Late Minoan IA that postdates the abandonment of Thera, did indeed last longer than previously thought (Manning 1991: 249 and the additional bibliography there). M. Popham (1990), on the basis of an analysis of pottery styles, allots a mere twenty-five years (one generation) for Late Minoan IB, with an additional fifteen years for the end of the Late Minoan IA after the destruction of Thera, resulting in a total of only forty years. In the accompanying discussion, however, W. D. Niemeier emphasizes that, since Late Minoan IB pottery is known only from the destruction level and not from tombs, it is possible that earlier pottery within this period is missing.

2. Malamat 1971.

3. The Middle Bronze Age date of this text precludes the Caphtorite being a Mycenaean. The name Keftiu/Caphtor continued to refer to the Aegean after the fall of the autonomous Minoan culture at the end of the Late Minoan IB. See below, pp. 297, 340.

4. Rainey 1967: 89 n. 168.

5. Chadwick 1973A: 394–95; 1987B: 50–52; Palaima 1989A: 40–41; 1989B. See also Hooker 1985.

6. See below, pp. 297–98.

7. KTU 1.6.52; Caquot, Sznycer, and Herdner 1974: 97, 99, 270.

8. Thucydides 1: 4, 8; Herodotus 1: 171; 3: 122.

9. See particularly articles in Thera; Thera I; Thera II; MT; Barber 1981; Doumas 1982; Wiener 1987; 1990: 145–50; Davis 1992.

10. Branigan 1981.

11. Furumark 1950: 150–83; Mee 1982: 81.

12. Wiener 1984, 1990.

13. Wooley 1953: 76–77; 1955: 228–32 pls. 36–39.

14. Niemeier 1991: 196 n. 67.

15. Ibid. and the additional bibliography there. Also, note the appearance of conical cups and pumice in a cultic context later, at thirteenth-century B.C. Tel Nami, on Israel’s Carmel coast (Artzy 1991A).

16. Niemeier 1991: 198–99.

17. Wooley 1953: 157–58 pl. 17: b; 1955: 191, 294–95 pl. 79. The lamp was found discarded in a pit in Level II (thirteenth century B.C.) but is believed to have come from an earlier level.

18. Wooley 1955: 295. Interestingly, a variant of Nuzi pottery found in Level II at Alalakh and termed “Atchana Ware” exhibits Minoan motifs such as a tree that incorporates double axes and stylized papyrus plants (Wooley 1955: 350, 397 pls. 102–103, 105, 107; Evans 1936). Wooley (1953: 156) proposes that the motifs were derived from a single Minoan vessel that had been preserved as an heirloom.

19. Niemeier 1991: 199 n. 91 for additional bibliography; Gordon 1954: 126–27.

20. Dussaud 1937: 234; Parrot 1937: 354; 1958: 109; Kantor 1947: 31, 77; Dossin 1939: 111–12; Smith 1965: 18, 96–106.

21. Parrot 1953: figs. 112–13; Smith 1965: 99–100 fig. 128.

22. Lloyd and Mellaart 1965: 33, 62; Lloyd 1967: 81.

23. DD: 13; Bietak 1992; 1995; Hammond 1993; Hankey 1993; Dickinson 1994: 244, 246–47 pl. 7.1; Morgan 1995. Bietak notes two distinct periods of contact, one during the early Thirteenth Dynasty (early eighteenth century B.C.) and a second that spans the end of the Second Intermediate period, as well as the beginning of the Eighteenth Dynasty (latter part of the sixteenth century B.C.). He proposes that the earlier group of frescoes may have resulted from a royal marriage between the Hyksos and Minoans.

24. Vercoutter 1956; Wachsmann 1987 and the additional bibliography there. Most recently, concerning the clothing worn by Aegeans depicted in the Eighteenth Dynasty tombs, see Rehak 1996. On evidence for the importation of decorated cloth from the Aegean to Egypt, see Barber 1991: 311–57.

25. Wachsmann 1987: 127–29. This synchronism does not require the abandonment of a seventeenth-century date for the destruction of Thera as Muhly (1991) has argued. See above, note 1.

26. Marinatos 1974: 19–31 color pl. 2.

27. Ibid.: 19–32; Televantou 1990: 309.

28. Marinatos 1974: cover, 34–38 fig. 4, pl. 85, color pl. 6; Marinatos 1984: 35–38 fig. 18; Doumas 1992: 52–55.

29. Marinatos 1984: 45–46 fig. 26. Televantou (1990: 313) concludes that this figure decorated the east jamb of the connecting opening between Rooms 4 and 5 (Fig. 6.3: F).

30. Morgan 1990: 253–58 and the additional bibliography there.

31. Abramovitz 1980: 62, 66 pls. 5: C, 6: a–b (fragments 90, 96–99).

32. Morgan 1990: 255.

33. Abramovitz 1980: 62, 66 pl. 6: a–b.

34. Marinatos 1974: 29 pls. 62: B, 63: A.

35. Ibid. 1974: color pl. 8; Marinatos 1984: foldout A, fig. 17, 44_45, fig. 25; Morgan 1988: 146–50; Doumas 1992: 64–67.

36. Televantou 1990: 313–14.

37. Marinatos 1974: 40 pl. 101, color pl. 7; Rutkowski 1978: 662–63; Morgan 1988: 156–58; Doumas 1992: 58–59.

38. Compare the Theran corpses to the manner in which the dead and dying are portrayed floating in the water in the Medinet Habu relief (Figs. 2.35–42; 8.3–8, 10–12, 14, 15.1–2).

39. Smith 1965: figs. 84–86.

40. Televantou 1990: 315–21.

41. One of these is a stern section originally placed by Marinatos behind the best-preserved ship at upper left in Fig. 6.7. See Doumas 1992: 62.

42. On the stylis used on Classical ships, see Svoronos 1914: 81–120; Casson 1995A: 86, 116, 346.

43. Morgan 1988: 130.

44. Marinatos 1974: 49–50. Morgan (1988: 123) accepts this interpretation.

45. On talismanic seals, see below, pp. 98–99, 101.

46. Marinatos 1974: 49; Tilley and Johnstone 1976: 286; Brown 1979: 629, 639; Morgan 1988: 123, 138.

47. Basch 1986: 423–24.

48. Kirk 1949: 132; Marinatos 1974: 40, 49; Prytulak 1982; Basch 1987: 131–32.

49. Laffineur 1983A: 42–46; 1983B: 115–16; 1984: 136–37. See also Immerwahr 1977; Negbi 1979.

50. Niemeier 1990.

51. See below, Chap. 7.

52. Compare Marinatos 1974: pl. 104 and color pl. 9.

53. Basch 1987: 131 fig. 270.

54. Morgan 1988: pl. 171.

55. Ibid.: 123, 126.

56. Casson 1975: 5, 9; Basch 1987: 121 figs. 236–37.

57. Marinatos 1974: pl. 104, color pl. 9.

58. Emanuele 1977.

59. Morgan 1988: 124–25.

60. Ibid. 1988: 132.

61. See also Basch 1987: 130–31.

62. Reisner 1913: 29 figs. 116–17, pl. 7 (no. 4841); Winlock 1955: pls. 33–34, 42, 71.

63. Reisner 1913: pls. 27 (no. 4956), 28 (no. 4869), 29 (nos. 4839 and 4894); Landström 1970: 80 figs. 240–42. This is perhaps an additional, if indirect, consideration in support of a high date for the destruction of Thera.

64. Casson 1975: 5 n. 7; Brown 1979: 630.

65. Morgan 1988: 128.

66. Betts 1973. For a comprehensive illustrated catalogue of Minoan seals and sealings bearing ship depictions, see Basch 1987: 95–106 figs. A1–H6.

67. As, for example, has been done by Basch (1987: 94 A–E, 107–17).

68. Onassoglou 1985: pls. 12–13.

69. Marinatos 1933: 200–208 figs. 5–7 and the additional bibliography there; Hutchinson 1962: 95; Basch 1987: 107–12.

70. Van Effenterre 1979: 595–96.

71. Basch 1987: 107 fig. 192.

72. PM I: 672–74, IV: 445–50; Betts 1968; Kenna 1969.

73. Betts 1973: 330–31.

74. Italics added.

75. Brown 1979: 639.

76. Betts 1973: 327; Hutchinson 1962: 94.

77. Basch 1987: 101 no. C–12.

78. Concerning the lack of shrouds on Bronze Age seagoing ships, see below, pp. 250–51.

79. Wachsmann 1977; Basch 1987:114.

80. Eccles 1939–40: 45 fig. 12; Demargne 1964: 113 figs. 142–43.

81. This combination of a ship and a pair of fish is not unique. See Eccles 1939–40: 44 no. 4, 45 fig. 1: a–b.

82. Note particularly Fig. 6.33.

83. Basch 1976A; 1987: 106 nos. H1–H6, 138–40.

84. Basch 1987: 98–100 nos. Bl–Bll, 114, 115 fig. 221: A.

85. Betts 1973: 334.

86. Italics added.

87. Long 1974: 46, 48–49 pl. 19, fig. 52.

88. Johnston 1985: 23–24 (BA 9–13).

89. Ibid.: 26–27 (BA 17), 30–31 (BA 23).

90. Ibid.: 27–28 (BA 18). See Johnston for complete bibliography of this and the following models.

91. Ibid.: 24 (BA 14).

92. Ibid.: 25–26 (BA 15).

93. Ibid.: 34 (BA 27).

94. Ibid.: 29 (BA 20); Basch 1987: 141 fig. 292.

95. Basch 1987: 115–16 fig. 225.

96. According to my own travel notes, the model comes from the cult cave of Eileithyia, the goddess of fertility, at Inatos, in southern Crete. It is exhibited in the Iraklion Archaeological Museum in the hall devoted to the Proto-Geometric and Early Geometric periods (ca. 1100–300 B.C.) (Gallery 11, case 149 no. 13320). See Sakellarakis 1979: 96. Caves may bear graffiti of ships. Petrocheilou (1984: 155) mentions “ships shown with their sails” in the Cave of Asphendou, Crete.

97. Marinatos 1984; Morgan 1988.

98. Marinatos 1974: 55.

99. Basch 1987: 119, 125–26.

100. Morgan 1988: 88–92. Concerning possible locations for the procession within the Aegean, see Laffineur 1983B.

101. Basch 1987: 121, 123 fig. 245.

102. Alexiou n.d.: 70 figs. 24–25, 71 fig. 26, 72 fig. 27, 73 fig. 28. On the lion motif in Minoan cult scenes, see Morgan 1988: 44–49; Marinatos 1993: 154–55, 167–71.

103. PM II: 240.

104. Hutchinson 1962: 94.

105. Marinatos 1974: 50; Morgan 1988: 135–36.

106. Casson 1975: 8–9.

107. De Cervin 1977; Casson 1978.

108. Gillmer 1975: 323.

109. Reynolds 1978.

110. Kennedy 1978.

111. Basch 1983: 406; 1986: 426; 1987: 128.

112. Morgan 1988: 135–37.

113. I intend to discuss the identity and cultic significance of the Aegean horizontal stern device in a future monograph.

114. Brown 1979: 631; Morgan 1988: 127; Wachsmann 1995B: 10.

115. Marinatos 1974: 51.

116. Tilley and Johnstone 1976: 288.

117. Gillmer 1975: 324.

118. Betts (1973: 330) suggests that the horse was a later addition to the seal that made this sealing and that it was cut over the ship.

119. Basch 1987: 105 no. F–16.

120. Casson 1975: 7. For references to nautical festivals in antiquity, see Brown 1979: 641 n. 5.

121. Marinatos 1933: 192 n. 3.

122. See above, p. 69.

123. Bishop 1938; Worcester 1956; 1971: 256–57, 404, 459–61, 531–35; Spencer 1976: 74, pl. 18; Smith 1992A. On boat races in Classical times, see Gardner 1891A; 1891B; Harris 1972: 126–32.

124. Smith 1992B.

125. Bishop 1938: 420.

126. See above, p. 74.

127. See above, p. 75.

128. Basch 1983: 406–407; 1987: 104 no. F7, 135.

129. Basch (1987: 135 no. F7) considers this a gréement à perches placed at the stern but does not explain how it could function in that position.

130. Compare, for example, Nilsson 1950: 267 figs. 131–32, 268 fig. 134, 269 fig. 135; Kenna 1960: pls. 11: 282–84, 14: 351, 375; Demargne 1964: 138 fig. 181, 140 fig. 188, 180 fig. 248; Higgins 1967: 186–87 figs. 238–40; Doumas 1992: 137–38, 154, 156, 160; Marinatos 1993: 127–46.

131. Amiran 1972; NEAEHL 1: 82 (s.v. Arad).

132. Sakellariou (1980: 150–52) compares it to the Isidis Navigium in which a sacrificial vessel heavily laden with gifts was launched at sea. Morgan 1988: 143–45.

133. Sakellarakis and Sapouna–Sakellaraki 1981: 216.

134. Evans 1925A: 53–64, 65 fig. 55, pl. 5; Nilsson 1950: 195 fig. 90; Platon 1971: 145, 148; Alexiou n.d.: 121.

135. Alexiou n.d.: 70–78.

136. Marinatos 1933: 223–35; Alexiou n.d.: 113–14. On the authenticity of the Ring of Minos, from which the cult vessel in Fig. 6.52:A derives, see Platon 1984; Pini 1987; Warren 1987; Wedde 1990.

137. On birds as epiphanies in Minoan cult, see Nilsson 1950: 330–40.

138. Televantou 1990: 318.

139. Marinatos 1974: 45, 54.

140. Marinatos 1984: 40.

141. Morgan 1988: 150–54.

142. Ibid.: 109–15.

143. Ibid.: 90, 97–98, 152–53.

144. Marinatos 1984: 35–36; 1993: 216–17.

145. Marinatos 1974: 45.

146. Marinatos 1988: 15.

147. PM IV: 43 fig. 27; Long 1974: pls. 30–31, figs. 86–87.

148. PM IV: 41 fig. 24, 568 fig. 542: b; Long 1974: 62, pl. 90. See also Nilsson 1950: 229–30 fig. 113. Concerning human sacrifice in the Greek world, see Hughes 1991.

149. Morgan 1988: 154.

150. Ibid.: 153.

151. Hood 1971: 139.

152. Bishop 1938: 417.

153. Morgan (1988: 150–54), who identifies the bodies as symbolic defeat, ignores the existence of the sea monster on the Siege Rhyton. On sea monsters in later Greek art and culture, see Vermeule 1981: 186–96.

154. PM I: 697–98; III: 96; IV: 952.

155. Marinatos 1993: 231.

156. Warren 1980; 1984; Wall, Musgrave, and Warren 1986: 386–88.

157. Warren 1984: 55. Warren (1988B: 28–29, fig. 17) also interprets a scene on a ring impression from Khania as indicative of human sacrifice. See also Dickinson 1994: 266.

158. Sakellarakis and Sapouna-Sakellaraki 1981; 1991: 146–56 and the additional bibliography there.

159. Physical anthropologist J. Zias of the Israel Antiquities Authority notes that citing the crematory practices as proof of human sacrifice at Anemospilia—that the bones were blackened because of loss of blood from the carotid artery—is inaccurate. He emphasizes that color of skeletal material is determined by the heat of the fire: material cremated in a fire in which the pyre is fired well results in the substance turning white. If it is poorly fired, the material is blackened or charred black. It is common for the center of the body, where the pyre is the hottest, to be white and the extremities, where the heat is less intense, to be black. J. Zias, personal communication.

160. Ventris and Chadwick 1973: 284–89; Palmer 1963: 261–68; Bennett and Olivier 1973: 233–36; Chadwick 1973A: 458–64; 1976: 89–92, 179, 192.

161. Chadwick 1976: 91–92.

162. Buck 1989.

163. Ibid.: 136–37.

164. On the differentiation and mixing of the Minoan and Mycenaean religions, see Chadwick 1976: 85.

165. Morgan 1988: 95.

166. Marinatos 1974: 25–26 pls. 52, 54, 55: a, color pls. 2, 4; Doumas 1992: 86–95.

167. Shaw 1980; 1982.

168. Morgan (1988: 166, 31 fig. 16) notes that these dress lines appear twice on Late Minoan IB marine–style pottery, although they are missing on Late Minoan IA or earlier pottery.

169. Boardman 1970: 106 pl. 196; Betts 1973: 328.

170. Basch 1987: 129–30 figs. 264–65.

171. The stone receptacle dates to the Late Minoan I and comes from the cave of Hermes Kranaios at Patsos (Warren 1966). These objects are thought to be libation tables or lamp holders. The ship is crescentic and lacks rigging. It has a thick mast in the center and a lunate (or horns of consecration) at one extremity.

172. See also Morgan 1988: 93–101.

173. Marinatos 1974: pl. 101, color pl. 7; Morgan 1988: 93–96.

174. Long 1974: pl. 19 fig. 52; Sakellarakis 1979: 113.

175. Evans 1900–1901: 20.

176. Nilsson 1950: 158–60.

177. Marinatos 1993: 135–37.

178. Demargne 1964: 173 fig. 234; Hood 1978: 145 fig. 138. A similar dress is worn by a figure on a seal (Nilsson 1950: 156 fig. 62, 160–62 fig. 66).

179. Marinatos 1974: 46.

180. Nilsson 1950: 162–64; Alexiou n.d.: 92–93.

181. Marinatos 1974: 49; Iakovides 1981. Note that a man in the stern of a fishing boat in the tomb of Ipy at Thebes (perhaps depicted in the act of clapping) holds his hands in a somewhat similar manner, but in this case the right hand is outstretched (Fig. 6.70). This similarity is probably fortuitous.

182. Morgan 1988: 97 fig. 62, 117–82.

183. Buchholz and Karageorghis 1973: 101 n. 1224, 373 fig. 1224: a–d.

Chapter 7: Mycenaean/Achaean Ships

1. Ventris and Chadwick 1973; Chadwick 1976. On the decipherment of Linear B, see Chadwick 1958; 1987B: 12–21. For a thoughtful historical study of the Mycenaeans and their world, see Thomas 1993.

2. The Minoan seals found at Kato Zakro by Hogarth were apparently used to seal parchment documents (Weingarten 1982).

3. See Palaima 1991A for a comprehensive commentary of references to seafaring in the Linear B tablets.

4. Ventris and Chadwick 1973: 183–88; Chadwick 1973A: 430–32; 1976: 173; Palmer 1963: 129–32; Bennett and Olivier 1973: 43, 50, 54; Lindgren 1973 (I): 163–64; (II): 49–50.

5. Chadwick 1987A: 77.

6. E-ke-ra₂-wo: Ventris and Chadwick 1973: 265; Chadwick 1976: 71; Lindgren 1973 (I): 46; (II): 50, 84, 135, 150, 153–55,187, 197, 209. We–da-ne-u: Ventris and Chadwick 1973: 186–87, 200, 279; Lindgren 1973 (I): 127–28; (II): 37–38, 50–51, 84, 134–36, 152,154, 161–62, 179, 185–88, 197, 210.

7. Chadwick 1973: 431; Palmer 1963: 90–91, 131,136–37; Palaima 1991: 286. See Lindgren 1973 on: ki-ti-ta (I): 170–71; (II): 82–83; me-ta-ki-ti-ta (I): 174; (II): 82, 97; po-si-ke-te-re (I): 180; (II): 124; po-ku-ta (I): 179; (II): 118-19.

8. Chadwick 1987A: 76.

9. Professor T. G. Palaima, personal communication (May 20, 1991). I thank Professor Palaima for his comments on An 724 and An 1 and for his translation of An 1 quoted on p. 126.

10. Bennett et al. 1989: 230–31; Palaima 1991A: 286–87.

11. Palaima 1991A: 286 pl. 63: a.

12. Killen 1983.

13. On a possible explanation for the reality reflected in the rower tablets, see below, pp. 159–61.

14. Palaima 1991A: 301–304.

15. Chadwick 1973B; Killen and Olivier 1989: 340—V(5) 756 + 7806; 342—V(5) 1002 + 5766 + 7650, V(5) 1003 + 5958, V(5) 1004, V(5) 1005 + 7530 + 7567 + fr., V(5) 1043, 7709 + fr.; 344—V(5) 1583 + 7747 + 7887 + frr.; 346—V(5) 7577 + 7734, V(5) 7670 + 7746; 347—V(5) 7964; Palaima 1991A: 286, 304–308.

16. Ventris and Chadwick 1973: 574; Palmer 1963: 448.

17. See Casson 1995A: 300.

18. KN V 756 and V 1002. Palaima (1991: 286, 304–308) presents a revised listing of the V(5) series and reviews their interpretation. He concludes that they may refer to nautical affairs if Chadwick’s interpretation of the word po–ti-ro is correct.

19. Casson 1995A: 346 n. 10, 350-54.

20. Palaima 1991A: 284.

21. See above, p. 10.

22. See above, p. 11.

23. Palaima 1991A: 280–84.

24. Chadwick 1988: 79–84, 91–93. See also Ventris and Chadwick 1973: 156, 159; Chadwick 1973A: 417; 1976: 80–81; Vermeule 1983: 142; Palaima 1991A: 279–80.

25. Odyssey IX: 39–43.

26. Wainwright 1939: 151; Gurney 1990: 38–45; Garstang and Gurney 1959: 81; Immerwahr 1960: 4; Vermeule 1964: 272; 1983; Desborough 1964: 218–20; 1972; Smith 1965: 33; Huxley 1968: 15–25; Page 1976: 1–40; Iakovides 1973: 189–90; Güterbock 1983; 1984; Wood 1985: 175, 179–85; Hallager 1988: 93; Hansen 1994: 214.

27. See below, p. 130.

28. Lloyd 1967: 80–81; Macqueen 1968: 179–85; 1986: 39–41; Mellaart 1968; Hooker 1976: 128–31; Muhly 1974. See also Dickinson 1994: 253, 306.

29. Güterbock 1983: 133–34, 138; 1984: 116, 119. Of interest in this regard is a Mycenaean sword, discovered at Hatussa, bearing a dedicatory inscription of Tudkhaliya II (Hansen 1994).

30. It is not clear on what basis Arnuwadas laid claim to Alashia.

31. Güterbock 1983: 134.

32. Ibid.: 135.

33. Garstang and Gurney 1959: 111–14; Güterbock 1983: 135–37; 1984: 119–21.

34. On the identification of Milliwanda with Miletos, see Garstang and Gurney 1959: 80–81; Huxley 1968: 11–15; Mellink 1983.

35. Piyamaradus and Atpas resurface in a text sent by Manapa-Dattas, the beleaguered king of the Seha River Lands (Garstang and Gurney 1959). He complains that Piyamaradus has attacked the land of Lazpas (Lesbos?) and has appointed Atpas over Manapa-Dattas. Furthermore, some of Manapa-Dattas’s own soldiers, together with Hittite troops, have defected to Piyamaradus. See also Singer 1983: 209–13.

36. For an extensive bibliography of this text, see Steiner 1989.

37. Most recently, see Singer 1991: 173; Cline 1991B: 6 and the additional bibliography there.

38. Against his interpretation, see Singer 1991: 171 n. 56.

39. EA 38: 10–12.

40. See above, p. 128.

41. Linder 1970: 93–94; 1981: 39 fig. 38. This name was previously read mi–lim. They appear in EA 101: 4, 33, 105: 27, 108: 38, 110: 48(?), 111: 21(?), and 126: 63. Linder 1970: 93–94. Moran translates this term as “ships of the army.”

42. Säve-Söderbergh 1946: 64–67. For an opposing view, see Lambdin 1953.

43. EA 101: 36.

44. Redford 1992: 243 n. 13 and additional bibliography; Artzy 1988: 186. Ramses II, apparently earlier in his career, also fought a sea battle against Shardanu ships. See below, p. 317.

45. Parkinson and Schofield 1993A; 1993B; 1995; Schofield and Parkinson 1994.

46. Furumark 1950; Mee 1978; 1982; 1986; Barber 1981; Davis 1992.

47. Hooker 1976: 110–16.

48. Davis 1992: 707.

49. We may presume that these groups were, or at least included, Mycenaeans. Stager (1991: 13–19; 1995) equates the Sea Peoples with the Mycenaeans. See articles in MEM; Karageorghis 1976: 58–94; 1982: 82–92; 1984; Karageorghis et al. 1988: 255–66; Dothan and Dothan 1992: 160–70, 238, 241, 257–59 pl. 22. See below, Chap. 8, n. 54.

50. See below, p. 292.

51. See below, pp. 176–77.

52. On bird–head devices, see below, pp. 177–97.

53. Larnax: Gray 1974: G19 no. 40a; Laffineur 1991: 61: b. Phylakopi sherd: Marinatos 1933: 172 no. 13.

54. Dakoronia 1990; 1991; 1993; 1995; 1996.

55. Furumark 1941: 337–40, 343 fig. 57: 42.

56. Ibid.: 245 fig. 27: 6, 8; 332 fig. 18.

57. Williams 1959; Morrison and Williams 1968: 37, 73 pls. 7: e–f, 8: a (Geom. 43, 44, Arch. 1); Casson 1995A: 71–74 figs. 70–71; Basch 1987: 182–83 figs. 384–86. Note, however, the possibility that the lunates on Kynos ship A may represent the backs of the oarsmen if they are involved in an operation that would require them to face the bow when rowing (Tilley 1992).

58. Several theories exist concerning the interpretation of the horizontal lines and rowers on Late Geometric ship depictions created by the Dipylon school in Athens during the end of the eighth century B.C. I follow here Casson’s proposed interpretation. See particularly Kirk 1949: 123–31; Morrison and Williams 1968: 12–17; Casson 1995A: 71–74, 447 n. 73, fig. 69; Basch 1987: 161–70.

59. See below, pp. 166–77.

60. On the introduction of the brailed rig, see below, pp. 251–54.

61. Compare the structures in the bows of figures of ships from Enkomi and Hyria (Fig. 7.28: A, 30: A). On the discovery of the sherd containing the stern of this ship, see Dakoronia 1996: 162, 171 fig. 9.

62. Basch 1987: 172 figs. 354–56, 173 figs. 357–59.

63. See below, pp. 155–56.

64. Numerous arrowheads were among the weapons carried on board the Uluburun ship. See below, p. 307.

65. Bronze Age Aegean art almost invariably tends to represent a very shallow draw for the bow, with both arms portrayed in front of the torso (Wachsmann 1987: pls. 65, 66: C–D). On this ship, however, the archer’s right arm is shown behind the torso. In the art of many cultures, this is the normal manner for representing the deep draw required when pulling the composite bow (Fig. 8.1; Yadin 1963: 186–87, 192, 200–201, 214, 216, 229, 235, 240, 334, 337–38, 346, 365–67, 382–93, 401–403, 407–10, 418–19, 422–25, 433, 435, 450, 453, 458, 460–61).

Although archers using various types of simple bows are recorded in Bronze Age Aegean art, generally speaking the bow does not seem to have been a preferred weapon of combat among the Minoans or Mycenaeans. Certainly, composite bows were not in common use among these peoples. Archery plays a relatively insignificant role in Homer, and only two composite bows are specifically mentioned: the bow of Pandarus, used in his unsuccessful attempt to kill Menelaus; and Odysseus’s bow, with which he slew Penelope’s suitors (Iliad IV: 105–26; Odyssey XXI; Balfour 1890: 226–27; 1921; Wachsmann 1987: 82–84). And Homer hopelessly misinterprets the process of constructing the composite bow of Pandarus, assuming that it was made by simply joining two wild goat horns together.

The Minoans, and probably the Mycenaeans also, exported to Egypt horns of the Cretan wild goat (agrimì). This was a vital component in the construction of the composite bows favored by the New Kingdom Egyptians but presumably of little value in cultures that did not use this type of bow.

At least until they settled in Canaan, the Sea Peoples also seem to have shunned the composite bow. In the opening phase of the nautical battle depicted at Medinet Habu, Ramses III’s archers were able to decimate the Sea Peoples because the latter lacked long-distance weapons (see below, p. 317). In fact, the only evidence for the use of the bow by the northern invaders in the Medinet Habu reliefs is a quiver attached to the side of a Sea Peoples’ chariot depicted in the land battle (Nelson et al. 1930: pl. 32). But the Bible refers to archers at the Battle of Gilboa, in which Saul and Jonathan fell to the Philistines (I Samuel 31: 3). Either the Philistines had learned the use of the bow after their arrival at Canaan or they were using Canaanite auxiliaries.

66. Dakoronia 1996.

67. Korrés 1989.

68. Furumark 1941: 335, 333 fig. 56: 40: 2.

69. Svoronos 1914: 97; PM II: 242–46 fig. 142; Kirk 1949: 118; Vermeule 1964: fig. 43; Morrison and Williams 1968: 9, BA 2; Bass 1972: 22.

70. Before the discovery of these sherds, Sakellarakis (1971: 210), based on stylistic considerations, had correctly identified the stem device as bird-shaped.

71. See below, p. 144 and Fig. 7.29: A.

72. Casson 1995A: 85.

73. Morrison and Williams 1968: 9–10, pl. 1b (BA 2). Alternately, it bears comparison with the double hemispherical device attached to the quarter rudder loom on the Kynos A ship (Fig. 7.10).

74. Compare this to other palms depicted on Late Helladic pottery (Furumark 1941: 276–82 figs. 38–40).

75. Piet De Jong’s reconstruction of this artifact was published upside down in relation to the ship, which was described as an “odd arrangement difficult to interpret—possibly suggesting plow or chariot with shaft” (Biegen et al. 1973: 16, ill. 108: a–d). Bouzek (1985: 170, 174 fig. 87.12) published the diadem with the ship right side up. See also Bouzek 1994: 230.

76. Alexiou 1970: 253–54; 1972: 90–98; 1973; Sakellarakis 1979: 110; Wachsmann 1981: 202–203 figs. 17–18; Aubert 1995.

77. Kirk 1949: 114–16 fig. 4; Morrison and Williams 1968: 28–29 pl. 4e (Geom. 19); Casson 1995A: 72 n. 12, fig. 74; Basch 1987: 163–65 figs. 328–30.

78. Compare Casson 1995A: figs. 65–66.

79. Basch 1987: 145–46 fig. 305.

80. Boardman 1967: 72, 73 fig. 6: 21, pl. 14: 21.

81. See below, pp. 190–91, 193–94.

82. Furumark 1941: 53 fig. 30.

83. Compare Furumark 1941: 281 fig. 40: 22a (palm tree), 286 fig. 42: 32, 293 fig. 45 (flower).

84. On the role of ships in the afterlife in Minoan and Mycenaean religion, see Laffineur 1991 and the additional bibliography there.

85. Sandars 1985: 130 fig. 85; Basch 1987: 141, 142 fig. 295.

86. Kirk 1949: 117; Morrison and Williams 1968: 10, BA 3.

87. Casson 1995A: 32; Bass 1972: 22; Basch 1987: 146–47 fig. 309. Previously, Basch (1975: 201–202 fig. 2) held that the left end was the bow.

88. Palmer 1871: pl. opp. 29; Jaussen et al. 1905: pls. 6–7; Rahmani 1980: 117 fig. 2.

89. Marinatos 1933: 172 no. 13. The galley is on a mattpainted sherd, apparently of Middle Cycladic date. (Personal communication, Mr. M. Wedde, February 20, 1995.) I thank Mr. Wedde for bringing this to my attention.

90. See below, p. 183.

91. Morricone 1975: 360–61 fig. 358; Sandars 1985: 135 fig. 92.

92. See below, pp. 176–77.

93. Laviosa 1972: 9–10.

94. Gjerstad et al. 1934: 484 no. 262, pl. 77—top row center; Sjöqvist 1940: fig. 20: 3; Furumark 1941: 335, 333 fig. 56: 40: 1; Casson 1995A: fig. 59. The ships are depicted with somewhat rounded hulls, a detail that has led some scholars to conclude that the ships represented are beamy merchantmen (Vermeule 1964: 258; Morrison and Williams 1968: 11 no. BA 8; Casson 1995A: 36). These ships are apparently taking part in a procession/race similar to that depicted at Thera.

95. Karageorghis 1960: 146, pl. 10: 7. Concerning the whorl-shell motif on Mycenaean vase painting, see Furumark 1941: 308–10, 311 fig. 51, 312. I thank Mr. M. Wedde for bringing these sherds to my attention and Professor G. F. Bass and Mr. C. Pulak for their insightful comments concerning them.

96. Furumark 1941: 237–42 fig. 25.

97. See above, pp. 117–18.

98. Schaeffer 1952: 102–104.

99. See above, pp. 69–76.

100. Basch 1987: 148 fig. 312: A.

101. Ibid.: 188, 190 fig. 398.

102. Blegen 1949; Basch 1987: 143–45 figs. 300–302. Blegen dates the tomb to the end of the Middle Helladic period, or the very beginning of the Late Helladic period. More recently, Buchholz and Karageorghis (1973: 94 no. 1168) assign the ship graffiti a Late Helladic III date.

103. Basch (1987: 143) interprets these as an “X-ray” view of the ships’ frames seen through the hull.

104. Karageorghis 1976: 99 pls. 73–74; Basch and Artzy 1985.

105. On the Kition anchors, see below, pp. 273–74.

106. Karageorghis 1976: 58–94.

107. Basch and Artzy 1985: 332 fig. 8A.

108. The statement made by Basch and Artzy (1985: 326), that all the graffiti on the wall are facing left, is curious. In most cases there is no way of determining stem from stern. Graffiti “O” has a line descending at an angle from its left extremity. If this is a quarter rudder, as seems probable, then it also is facing right.

109. Basch and Artzy 1985: 324, 328; Artzy 1987: 80.

110. Basch 1987: 141 fig. 293: 1.

111. See below, pp. 241–43.

112. Basch 1987: 250–51 fig. 529; van Doorninck 1982B: 279–80 fig. 5.

113. Compare Basch 1987: 329–30 figs. 703–12, 340 fig. 724.

114. Basch 1987: 141 fig. 293: 2.

115. Morrison and Williams 1968: 37; Casson 1995A: 49; Johnston 1985: 28, BA 19; Basch 1987: 141.

116. Morrison and Williams 1968: 11, BA 7.

117. Johnston 1985: 31, BA 22.

118. Ibid.: 32–33, BA 25; Basch 1987: 149–50 fig. 317.

119. For a more naturalistic depiction of a water bird head from a Late Helladic ship model, see Fig. 8.48.

120. Catling 1964: 52.

121. Yon 1971: 51–52.

122. For the possible identity of these lines, see below, pp. 190–91.

123. Pieridou 1965: 87 no. 108, pl. 10: 9.

124. Göttlicher 1978: 35 no. 149.

125. Johnston 1985: 29–30, BA 21.

126. Göttlicher 1978: 63 no. 332; Johnston 1985: 33–34, BA26.

127. Louvre model: Westerberg 1983: 15–16 fig. 10 (no. 10); Haifa Maritime Museum model: Stieglitz 1972–75B: 44 fig. 1.

128. Göttlicher 1978: Taf. 7: 103.

129. Stieglitz 1972–75B.

130. Palaiologou 1989.

131. See below, pp. 156, 242–43. Dakoronia 1996.

132. See below, p. 185.

133. Hallager 1987; Palaima 1991A: 282–83.

134. Palaima 1991A: 277–78

135. Ventris and Chadwick 1973: 336, 337; Palaima 1991: 281.

136. Ventris and Chadwick 1973: 374; Chadwick 1973: 519; Palmer 1963: 326–27; Palaima 1991: 281.

137. Harder to explain is the adoption of the Semitic word for “lion” by the Linear B scribes. See above, p. 40.

138. See below, pp. 303–307.

139. See above, p. 61.

140. Palaima 1991A: 288–89.

141. Ibid.: 274–76.

142. Ventris and Chadwick 1973: 356. Note that the Cape Gelidonya ship carried about a ton of copper (CG: 163). I thank Professor J. Chadwick for his comments on PY Ja 749 (personal communication).

143. See below, p. 333.

144. Uchitel 1988: 21–22.

145. See below, p. 307.

146. Bass 1986: 296; 1988A: 37; Pulak 1992: 11; in press. See below, p. 307.

147. Pulak (in press) argues convincingly for the presence of two Mycenaeans on board the Uluburun ship when she sank.

148. Coldstream 1977: 385; Morrison and Williams 1968: 26–28; Basch 1987: 162–63.

149. Basch 1987: 190–94; Basch and Artzy 1985: 326–27 fig. 13: A–G.

150. See above, Chap. 7, n. 49.

151. Casson 1995A: 55–56.

152. See below, pp. 241–43.

153. Linder 1992: 28, 34, and below, p. 366 n. 153.

154. See below, pp. 177–97.

155. Basch 1987: 164 fig. 328, 172 fig. 355, 173 fig. 357, 174 fig. 360, 176 fig. 368, 177 fig. 371 (?), 184 fig. 388: B.

156. Casson 1995A: 44–45 n. 10.

157. See below, pp. 159–60. Homer, describing the staff of Polyphémus used by Odysseus and his shipmates to poke out the Cyclops’s eye, likens it to “the mast of a broad-beamed, black-hulled, 20-oared merchantman that sails the great sea” (Odyssey IX: 322-23; translation from Casson 1995A: 65). This may or may not reflect a Late Bronze Age reality.

158. Casson 1995A: 42 n.4.

159. Odyssey XIII: 113–15.

160. Kirk 1949: 126–27.

161. Casson 1995A: 331.

162. Hornell 1970: 202.

163. Professor J. R. Steffy, personal communication.

164. Van Doorninck 1982B: 283–85.

165. Professor L. Casson, personal communication.

Appendix: The Pylos Rower Tablets

1. Wachsmann in press D. Compare the situation at Ugarit reflected in KTU 2.47 and RS 20.238. See below, pp. 336–37 and 344. Shelmerdine (1987) suggests an interesting alternative interpretation based on a study of the changes in the architecture of the palace at Pylos. She sees there evidence for a slow decline as the result of the collapse of the palace-based economy. Such a scenario, if correct, does not preclude a final crisis that brought about the kingdom’s destruction. In itself, however, Shelmerdine’s reconstruction does not explain the need for the large fleet recorded in PY An 610. See also, Wright 1984.

2. See particularly Ventris and Chadwick 1973: 183–85, 357–58 (PY Jn 829); Chadwick 1976: 173–79; Palmer 1956; 1965: 143–54; Perpillou 1968; Baumbach 1983. On the possible evidence for human sacrifice in PY Tn 316, see above, p. 117.

3. Naville 1908: 2–5, pls. 153–54; Landström 1971: 130–31 fig. 383.

4. Casson 1995A: 65–68; 1995B. The Shipwrecked Sailor, in a clear allusion to an oared cargo ship, mentions that his vessel had a crew of 120. See above, p. 10.

5. Herodotus I: 163.

6. Ezekiel 27: 12; Basch 1987: 197.

7. Casson 1995A: fig. 92; Basch 1987: 308–309 fig. 650, 310 figs. 352, 354, 313 fig. 659, 314 figs. 660–61, 317 fig. 668, 318 fig. 669, 319 fig. 672. Sargon’s artists erroneously depicted the rowers facing the bow, as if they were paddling.

8. Casson 1995A: figs. 86–87; Basch 1987: 259 fig. 559.

9. Herodotus VI: 41.

10. Herodotus I: 164. On pentekonters, see Höckmann 1995.

11. ARAB II: no. 326; see also nos. 239 and 309.

12. Barnett 1956: 91, 93 fig. 9; 1969: 6–7 pl. 1: 1.

13. Ezekiel 27: 8, 10.

14. See above, pp. 124–25. Palaima (1991A: 286), emphasizing the similarities between An 1 and KTU 4.40, limits the significance of the landholding terms in the rower tablets to the implication that “on the individual level, their (the rowers’) service was obligatory in return for the use of land granted to them by the palace center of by or through the local communities.”

However, the significance of this Ugaritic text itself, as Killen notes, is far from certain. It might equally refer to normal maritime activities or to a proportional military draft of oarsmen for the nautical defense of Ugarit. Thus, although the documents indicate a remarkably similar system of proportional call-up prevalent at Pylos and Ugarit, this only informs us how, but not why, the men were being called up.

15. Ventris and Chadwick 1973: 332–48 (Ta series); Palmer 1963: 338–63; Bennett and Olivier 1973: 230–31. Metal artifacts found during the excavations of Pylos, primarily of a fragmentary nature, appear among the plates of small finds in Blegen and Rawson 1966A: pls. 261–317.

16. On hoards and hoarding, see Knapp, Muhly, and Muhly 1988 and the additional bibliography there.

17. Blegen and Rawson 1966A: 350–51. A similar situation has been inferred for the demise of Kalavassos, in Cyprus, by its excavator, A. South–Todd. At this site Building X was not destroyed but rather abandoned, after all valuables had been removed. Only sherds and heavy storage jars were left behind. V. Karageorghis believes that the fire that destroyed the building was set by its occupants. I thank Professor Karageorghis for bringing this potential parallel to my attention. (Personal communication, May 26, 1995.)

18. Blegen and Rawson 1966A: 424. Popham (1991) has now proposed an early date within the Late Helladic IIIB for the end of Mycenaean Pylos based on the site’s enigmatic lack of fortifications. He has suggested a Proto-Geometric date for the ceramics found there, which Blegen attributed to the Late Helladic IIIC. Griebel and Nelson (1993) note the existence of a significant Geometric inhabitation at Pylos.

19. Archaeological surveys indicate a minimum population of about 50,000 for the kingdom of Pylos during the Late Helladic IIIB, with a dramatic drop in population in the following Late Helladic IIIC (McDonald and Simpson 1961: 257–58; 1969: 174–77; 1972A: 136–43). Chadwick (1972: 112–13), on the basis of the Linear B tablets from Pylos, proposes a population of between 80,000 and 120,000. These latter numbers do not appear at present to be supported by the archaeological evidence (McDonald and Simpson 1972B: 254–56).

20. I intentionally have not addressed here the question of the identity of the implied invaders of Pylos. For a recent review of the relations between Mycenaean Greece and the north, see Bouzek 1994.

Chapter 8: The Ships of the Sea Peoples

1. Wood 1991.

2. See above, pp. 128–30.

3. See below, p. 320.

4. See below, p. 324–325.

5. BAR IV: §566–68.

6. KTU 2.47, RS 20.18, L. 1, RS 20.162, RS 20.238, and RS 34.129. See Astour 1965.

7. See below, RS 20.238, p. 344.

8. See below, RS 20.18, p. 343.

9. See below, RS 34.129, p. 343.

10. Anson Rainy notes (personal communication): Text RS 34.129 has strong Assyrian linguistic features, i.e., iṣ-bu-tu-šu-ú-ni (1.12). As an Assyrianized text, we would expect the signs with š would be used for s. So for ši-ka-la-iu-ú (ll.11 and 21) we could read Sik(k)alayū and for ši-ki-la (1.25) we could read Sik(k)ila. The vowel variation in the second syllable is puzzling but may be due to the presence of a short, indistinct vowel, like Hebrew shewa.

The phoneme in the Egyptian form ṯkrw (Sekels) can only be samech, never zayin or tsade. Therefore, the chance of equating the people in RS 34.129 with that Sea People is quite likely.

11. See above, pp. 128–30.

12. See below, KTU 2.47, pp. 336–37.

13. Assuming that the seven Sea Peoples’ ships mentioned in RS 20.238 as having ravaged the Ugaritic coast were either penteconters, triaconters, or a combination of both, then the total fighting contingent that caused such great damage to Ugarit consisted of no more than between 210 and 350 fighter/rowers plus a handful of officers. See below, pp. 320–21.

14. Christensen 1972: 165.

15. Sandars 1985: 83.

16. Mazar 1985; 1990: 300–28; Dothan 1982; Dothan and Dothan 1992; Brug 1985; Stager 1991: 2–19; 1995.

17. On the Philistine culture in Israel, see particularly Dothan 1982; Dothan and Dothan 1992.

18. Casson 1995A: 38, 42 n. 4.

19. BAR IV: §77.

20. Nelson 1943.

21. On the representation of several stages of action in a single scene in Egyptian art, see Schäfer 1974: 227–30.

22. See above, p. 11–12.

23. Nelson 1929: 32–33.

24. See above, pp. 19, 22.

25. Nelson 1929: 22.

26. Ibid.: 22–31.

27. The masts of the ships in Figs. 8.8, 8.10–8.12, and 8.14 have been blackened to emphasize the manner in which the Egyptian artists depicted the listing of these ships as they sank. See below, pp. 317–19.

28. Casson 1995A: 37.

29. This negates Casson’s (1995A: 38) assumption that these craft entirely lacked any decking.

30. For a similar depiction of a shipwrecked sailor sitting on his overturned galley, see Morrison and Williams 1968: 35 pl. 7 (Geom. 38).

31. Nelson et al. 1930:9–10.

32. See below, p. 231.

33. For a color photograph of the scene, see Miller 1988: 538–39.

34. See above, Chap 7, n. 58. Casson 1995A: 51 n. 58.

35. Compare the brackets supporting the quarter rudders of Hatshepsut’s Punt ships (Fig. 2.26).

36. Morrison and Williams 1968: 52–53 pls. 3c; 4c (i), 4e; 7d; Casson 1995A: 46.

37. See above, p. 37.

38. Casson 1995A: 37, 69. See below, pp. 251–54.

39. On the possible origins of the crow’s nest, see pp. 252–53.

40. Ingholt 1940: 71, pl. 22: 2; Riis 1948: 48 fig. 25, 97 fig. 130B: 112, 105–106, pl. 12C (no. G 8, 551 [5B902]); Hencken 1968: 627.

41. Ingholt 1940: 69–84, pls. 21–26; Riis 1948.

42. Riis 1948: 200.

43. Hencken 1968A: 627. Note that Tubb (1995) proposes that double–pithos burials, particularly common at Tell es-Sa^cidiyeh, but also known from Israeli sites, may be indicative of a Sea People’s group.

44. Artzy 1984; 1987.

45. The first publication of this graffito depicts only three ships (Artzy 1984: 60 fig. 1).

46. Compare, for example, Jones 1990: 24, 28 (Objs. 308, 312).

47. See above, pp. 145–48.

48. Schaeffer 1952: 71.

49. Ibid.: 87–88, 412.

50. Sandars 1985: 135 fig. 92, 137.

51. Ibid.: 92, 93 figs. 54: b, d; 94.

52. A comparable helmet, identified by Morgan (1988: 102 pl. 150) as “spiky hair,” is worn by a combatant on a cornelian lentoid sealstone from Crete.

53. Casson (1995A: 348 and fig. 147 [center ship]) interprets this as a “pennant on a short pole socketed into the top of the stempost.” This is not a ship’s light in the form of a torch. Although ships carried lights in their stern, these were placed in lanterns (Casson 1995A: 247–48 n. 91–92).

54. Hencken 1968A: 568–70, 672; 1968B: 107–10, 115–16, 146–48; Kaul 1995; Wachsmann, 1996A. For a view of the Sea Peoples from an Egyptian perspective, see Redford 1992: 241–56. De Boer (1991) now suggests a possible Thracian connection for the Sea Peoples. Zaanger (1995) argues for them coming from the Troad. The origins of the Sea Peoples seem to be far more complex, however, and to have included a host of cultures, although a main component was probably Mycenaean. See above, Chap. 7, n. 49.

Indeed, a hallmark of the Sea Peoples’ coalition now appears to have been its ability to absorb into it a variety of cultural components. This is eloquently expressed by an Ugaritic text (RS 20.18) in which Eshuwara, the chief prefect of Alashia, informs the king of Ugarit that men and ships belonging to the latter’s kingdom have committed undefined transgressions against Ugarit, suggesting that they had “gone over” to the enemy. See below, p. 343. In studying the Sea Peoples coalition, one receives the impression of a “snowball effect,” in which various elements are continually being added until, at the end of the process, the cultural entity has become something more, and different, than the sum of its aggregate parts. Concerning the origins of the Sea Peoples from the standpoint of contemporaneous ship iconography, see Wachsmann, in press C.

55. Bouzek 1985: 178.

56. Culican 1970; Tushingham 1971.

57. Hencken 1968A: 537 fig. 486.

58. Marinatos 1933: 173 no. 16 n. 1, 218–19. These sherds have been lost.

59. Hencken 1968A: 519–31.

60. For further clarification, in Figures 8.50, 8.52: D, 8.55: A, C–D, and 8.56: B, copies of the bird–head device from Figure 8.41: A have been added to illustrate the direction of the head in each case. Similarly, in figure 8.49: A, copies of the bird-head device on one of the Kynos ships (Figs. 7.16; 8.61: C) have been appended at either side. In Figure 8.55: B, a copy of the device on the Skyros ship’s stem is added (Figs. 7.21, 8.35).

61. Kirk 1949: 133; Artzy 1987: 80 n. 6; Basch 1987: 201.

62. Korrés 1989: 199–200, 202.

63. Furumark 1941: 253 fig. 30, 255 fig. 31 (nos. 36–52); Benson 1961; 1975; Dothan 1982: 201–202 figs. 61–63.

64. The festive, bird-shaped stem decorations portrayed on Late Bronze Age Minoan/Cycladic craft represent a swallow, as is evident from the bowsprit of one of the ships taking part in the festive race at Thera (Basch 1987: 107 figs. 192–93). These were apparently attached to the craft during festivities and were not a normal fixture on the bow. The Helladic ornament, on the other hand, represents a water bird and seems to have been a permanent fixture on the stem- and sternposts of Helladic oared vessels. On the continuation of the bird motif on Iron Age Cypriot pottery, see Benson 1975.

65. Dakoronia 1991; 1996: 161–62, 169–70 pls. 3–4.

66. Kirk 1949: 118–19 fig. 6; Morrison and Williams 1968: 12 pl. 1: d (Geom. 1); Casson 1995A: 36 fig. 60; van Doorninck 1982B.

67. For other strongly recurved beaks, see also Figs. 8.42, 8.49: B.

68. See below, pp. 199–200.

69. Morrison and Williams 1968: pls. 1: e, 2: a, 4: c.

70. Casson 1995A: 57 n. 80, 58.

71. Morrison and Williams 1968: 73–74 (Arch. 2), pl. 8: b.

72. Ibid.: pls. 2: a, 4: a and c.

73. Broodbank 1989: 328.

74. Haddon 1937: 28.

75. Svoronos 1914: 127.

76. Hornell 1970: 271.

77. Bishop 1938: 415.

78. Hornell 1970: 272–73. On similar rituals in modern Portugal, see Filgueiras 1995.

79. Hornell 1970: 275.

80. Compare a somewhat similar figure painted on a Daunian dish from Siponto in southeastern Italy dating from the sixth or fifth century B.C. (Gimbutas 1989: 16 fig. 26: 8).

81. A better preserved, though less decorated, version of this motif is also known (Nefer: 10).

82. Egypt has been suggested as the ultimate source for the European bird and sun–disk design (Hopkins 1955: 78–80; 1957: 334–35), but this seems most unlikely.

83. Yon 1992: 400.

84. Casson 1995A: 348 n. 15.

85. Clarke 1920: 51.

Appendix: Homer’s νηυσὶ κορωνίσιν

1. Thus the standard Greek lexicon translates κορωνίϛ as “crook-beaked: hence, generally, curved . . . .” LSJ⁹, s.v. (p. 983). Likewise, Lattimore (1951) once translates “beaked” at Iliad VII: 229, but sixteen times renders it as “curved” or “curving,” exemplifying the confusion I discuss below. Kurt, in his study of Homeric nautical terms, defines κορωνίϛ as “provided with crooked, beaklike stern” (1979: 39; my trans.).

2. Always in the dative plural; κορωνίσι (v) occurs fifteen times in the Iliad, twice in the Odyssey.

3. Seabird: Odyssey v: 66–67, xii: 418 = xiv: 308. Crow: Hesiod, Works and Days 747. Chantraine (1970, s.v.) considers these birds to be the Puffinus Kuhlii and the Corvus Corone, respectively. See LSJ⁹, s.v. I, for further references, as well as Thompson (1936: 168–73).

4. Door handle: Odyssey i: 441, vii: 90, xxi: 46, xxi: 138 = 165. Bow-tip: Iliad IV: 111.

5. See LSJ⁹, s.v. IL, with Revised Supplement (1996).

6. Aratus, Phaenomena, line 345; his archaizing language closely follows Homer’s.

7. LSJ⁹, s.v.

8. Nussbaum (1986) has shown that two distinct roots need to be differentiated for “head” (which I omit) and “horn.”

9. κορωνίϛ surely means “horned” in Theocritus 25: 151: “πὶ βουσὶ κορωνίσι” and Gow (1950: 205) translates “the horned kine.” Most, however, have derived both this and κορωνόϛ (see n. 10) from “curved” (horns). Theocritus archaized in language, and his usage here sheds light on Homer’s κορωνίϛ (cp. below), although reliance on any such argument risks becoming circular.

10. “Horned” is the clearest meaning in the phrase “βοûϛ κορωόϛ” (“horned ox”), Archilochus 35: 1–2 (West 1989; cp. preceding note), despite the reliance of West (1989: 17) and LSJ⁹ on the overly clever Etymologicum Magnum for a metaphorical meaning of “overarching.”

11. Of ships’ extremities, “νην . . . κρα κόρυμβα,” at Iliad IX: 241 (Nussbaum 1986: 9). Casson (1971: 46 n. 19) understands this word as “peaks,” i.e. from a root “head” (cp. above, n. 8).

12. Also a month-name at Knossos, perhaps named from a festival (GDI no. 5015, line 28).

13. Since they are usually of a different material, this may have fostered the supposed connection with birds’ beaks, but neither “beak” nor “curve” seems the essential etymological element in the word for a seabird or crow, κορώνη(A).

14. So κορωνίζω, “bring to completion”; κορωνLάω and κορωνίηϛ, both referring to arching one’s neck (see LSJ⁹, s.w.). The Latin cornu, or “horn,” can mean (like κορώνη [B]) “the tip of a bow” (OLD, s.v. definition 7[c]). A beak may perhaps be seen in this category, although the word is not related etymologically. For Homer’s κορωνίϛ, Latacz suggests the definition “high-projecting [hochaufragend], that is, above the water-line” (1986: 120; my trans.). My suggestion is along the same lines, although I take the epithet to refer to the extremities of the stem or stern rather than to the stem and stern themselves.

15. “νεων ρθοκραιράων,” Iliad XVIII: 3 and XIX: 344 (Casson 1971: 45, 49); elsewhere in Homer this adjective is an epithet of cattle.

16. Nussbaum (1986: 9); see above, n. 11.

17. See above, nn. 9, 10.

18. LSJ⁹, κεραΐϛ (noun), used of Medea at Lycophron, Alexandra, line 1317; Chantraine 1970: 517.

19. The repetition of this epithet in seemingly hollow formulae does not mean that it had no meaning to Homer, nor that it need be of great antiquity.

20. The word denotes “wreath” (cp. below), “final flourish of the pen,” “end,” and a curved accent mark (the “hook” used to mark crasis, which resembles an apostrophe mark). For references, beginning with Stesichorus, see LSJ^₉, s.v. II.

21. However, a distinction may have to be made between the Indo-European roots for “curved” and “round, crowning,” which for convenience I have listed together in column B, above.

22. OLD, s.v. That is, semantically, it again combines roundness with the idea of termination, as a head or horn. Corona is said to have been borrowed directly from Greek, although the reason for this is not given (Ernout and Meillet 1967; Walde and Hofmann 1938). An exception in Latin is the word’s architectural use for a straight crowning element, the cornice, where the sense of “crowning” dominates.

23. Stesichorus 187: 3 (Page 1962). In Welsh, cor means “circle” (OLD, s.v. “curvus”).

24. For references, see above, n. 4.

25. “Crow” is an archaic English word for “door-knocker,” after the medieval Latin cornix (OED², s.v. “crow” [7]); similarly, Greek κόραξ (LSJ⁹, s.v. II.2).

26. κορωνιάω (verb) means “curve” in pseudo-Hesiod, Scutum 289 (a work of debated date); see LSJ⁹, s.v.

27. I wish to acknowledge the aid of the Thesaurus Linguae Graecae database of Greek texts (copyright TLG and the regents of the University of California).

Appendix: Additional Evidence

1. The sherd was found by the Leon Levy Expedition to Ashkelon. I thank Professor L. E. Stager for inviting me to publish this sherd and for his and Dr. Barbara Johnson’s valuable comments. For a more detailed study of this sherd, see Wachsmann, in press E.

2. See, for example: (Minoan) Wachsmann 1987: pls. XLI–XLIII; (Mycenaean) Buchholz and Karageorghis 1973: 103 no. 1248f, 379 fig. 1248f; (Hittite) Gurney 1990: 24, 164. See also, Wachsmann 1987: 40 n. 81.

3. See above, Chap 7, n. 65.

4. Morrison and Williams 1968: pl. 8e; Basch 1987: 175 fig. 362, 193 fig. 411; Casson 1995A: fig 62.

5. Mazar 1985; Stager 1991: 9–18; 1995: 334–40.

6. Wreschner 1971.

7. Wreschner 1971: 218 fig. 1 no. 5, pl. 47: C.

8. Artzy 1991B; 1994.

9. Winkler 1939: 1–2, 7–9 and plan, sites 61–69; Winlock 1936: pl. I.

10. Basch 1994A.

11. Giddy 1987: 170–73.

12. Winlock 1936: 58.

Chapter 9: Shipwrecks

1. For a more detailed discussion of the cargoes of the Gelidonya and Uluburun wrecks, see below, pp. 303–307.

2. Enalia 1 (1990); Vichos, Tsouchlos, and Papathanassopolous 1991; Papathanassopolous et al. 1992; Papathanassopolous, Vichos, and Lolos 1995; Parker 1992: 162 (no. 362); Saramandi and Moraïtou 1995. This excavation was directed by Dr. G. Papathanasopolous and Dr. Y. Vichos for the Hellenic Institute of Marine Archaeology.

3. Lolos 1991; 1995; Pennas and Vichos 1991; 1995; Pennas 1992; Lolos, Pennas, and Vichos 1995; Karageorghis 1993: 584–88. The site is currently under investigation by the Hellenic Institute of Marine Archaeology.

4. See below, p. 279.

5. Bass 1976; 1996: 54–59; Parker 1992: 402 (no. 1079); Margariti, in progress. The excavation was directed by Dr. G. F. Bass for the Institute of Nautical Archaeology.

6. Bass, Frey, and Pulak 1984: 272 fig. 1; Bass 1986: 270 ill. 1; Parker 1992: 439–40 (no. 1193).

7. Oxhide ingots received their name from the mistaken assumption that they had the value of an ox and that their strange shape represented the hide of an ox. Although this theory was abandoned long ago, the name remains (Seltman 1965: 7; CG: 69).

8. Pulak 1989: 8–9; 1990A: 12, 13 fig. 13; Bass 1996: 63.

9. Pulak 1991: 6–7; 1992: 8.

10. The excavation was directed by G. F. Bass and C. Pulak and is an Institute of Nautical Archaeology project.

11. On hull remains, see below, pp. 216–17.

12. Bass 1986: 293; Pulak 1988A: 33–34.

13. Weinstein, in Bass et al. 1989: 17–29.

14. The bronze globed pin, of a type usually dated to the end of the Mycenaean period, thus remains enigmatic in the context of the wreck (Pulak 1988A: 29 fig. 36, 34).

15. Pulak 1996A; in press; Kuniholm 1996; Kuholm et al. 1996. For an opposing view, see Renfrew 1996.

16. Mr. C. Pulak, in press. On the anchors and the shofar, see below, pp. 281, 283, 306.

17. Pulak 1992: 10 figs. 10–11; 1995: 53 Abb. 23.

18. Clamer 1980; Israel Museum: 118–20.

19. See above, p. 40.

20. See above, p. 128, 195. Yet a fourth possibility is that the figurine may have represented the wife or daughter of the ruler, as mentioned in the Amarna tablets (Bass, in press; Pulak, in press: n. 10). In that case it would represent an item of royal gift exchange.

21. Hornell 1943A; 1945. In Classical times the station of the tutelary deity was at the stern (Svoronos 1914: 98–101; Casson 1995A: 181–82, 347–48 figs. 146, 151.

22. Hornell 1945: 25.

23. Virolleaud 1931: 195, 199–201; Schaeffer 1939: 62–63; KTU 1.3; Caquot, Sznycer, and Herdner 1974: 68–73, 172–73, 176–78, 182–83, 188, 193–94, 199, 201–207, 227, 256–57, 319, 322, 324, 327, 359, 360–61, 363, 486, 529, 530, 539, and 542.

24. Schaeffer 1939: 62 pl. 32. Note, however, that some of these were found crumpled and were being carried for remelting. It is not clear if the others were personal possessions or items of trade. See below, p. 306.

25. CG; Parker 1992: 108–109 (no. 208); Bass 1996: 25–35 and the additional bibliography there. On the discovery of the Gelidonya wreck, see Throckmorton 1960, 1962, 1967, 1987A.

26. See below, p. 217.

27. Bass 1967: 164.

28. Frost 1968: 424; Basch 1972: 51–52; Catling 1969: 85; McCann 1970.

29. Bass 1973: 36–37; 1991: 69.

30. Cadogan 1969: 188; Muhly 1970: 43 n. 180. See above, p. 39.

31. Ralph 1967.

32. Bass 1967: 120; 1991: 71–72.

33. Catling 1964: 292–94. Bass (1973: 35 n. 46 and additional bibliography; 1991: 71–73) accepts the possibility of a twelfth–century dating for the wreck, although he considers it unlikely.

34. Bass 1988: 4–5; Pulak 1988B: 13.

35. Hennessy and du Plat Taylor 1967.

36. Pulak 1988B: 13; Bass 1990A: 12.

37. The scarabs found on the wreck date to the thirteenth century (Nineteenth Dynasty), according to B. Brandle. In his opinion, there is a strong probability that the scarabs were made on the coastal region of Canaan and that the five scarabs formed a set. (B. Brandle, personal communication.)

38. See below, pp. 283, 285.

39. Wachsmann and Raveh 1981; in press; Parker 1992: 209 (no. 494).

40. Misch-Brandl, Galili, and Wachsmann 1985: 7, 9–10 pls. 1.1–1.2 and 6 (nos. 1–2, 5, 6); Wachsmann, in press A; in press B.

41. Misch–Brandl, Galili, and Wachsmann 1985: 9 and pl. 1 (no. 1); Wachsmann and Raveh 1984A; Wachsmann in press A.

42. Misch-Brandl, Galili, and Wachsmann 1985: 9 and pl. 1 (nos. 3–7); Raban and Galili 1985: 327–28 fig. 9.

43. Galili and Shmueli 1983; Misch-Brandl, Galili, and Wachsmann 1985: 9–10 pls. 2 and 3.3 (nos. 2, 3.3); Galili, Shmueli, and Artzy 1986; Parker 1992: 211–12 (no. 503).

44. Galili, Shmueli, and Artzy 1986: 27 fig. 2, 34–35.

45. Bass 1986: 273 fig. 3, 274; 1987: 695–96, 705, 707, 722; Pulak 1988A: 6; 1988B: 12. On the Uluburun anchors and possible reasons for the many groups of stone anchors found in the breaker zone, see below, pp. 281, 283, 293.

46. Misch-Brandl, Galili, and Wachsmann 1985: 8–10 (nos. 1.3–1.7, 3.1–3.2, 4; Raban and Galili 1985: 326–29; Parker 1992: 225 (no. 540).

47. Jonah 1: 4–5; Acts 27: 18; Throckmorton 1987B; Wachsmann and Raveh 1984A: 174. Compare the Rhodian Sea Law 3: 9, 22, 38, 43 (Ashburner 1909: cclii–ccliii, cclviii, 87, 102–103, 112, 116).

48. Parker 1976: 347; 1992: 312 (no. 816).

49. CG: 61 nos. 18–20, 56–74; 1986: 270–72 n. 7–8 and ill. 1; Pulak and Frey 1985: 19; Throckmorton 1987A: 32; Parker 1992: 54–55 (no. 42), 226–27 (no. 544).

50. Tantura Lagoon: Wachsmann 1995C: 6; Sibella 1995A: 13 fig. 1; 1995C: 13. Beit Yannai: Porat, Dar, and Appelbaum 1985: 256–57 figs. 137–38.

51. Galili 1985; 1987; Frost 1986B; Parker 1992: 288 (no. 741).

52. See below, pp. 272, 285–86.

53. Basch 1972: 50–52.

54. Bass 1991: 70–71.

55. See below, p. 307.

56. Casson 1995A: 344–45.

57. Jenkins 1980: 87–88 ills. 62–63; Johnstone 1981.

58. Bass 1986: 296; 1987: 722, 726; Pulak 1991: 8–9; 1992: 11; in press.

59. Jonah I: 4–6.

60. Jonah I: 3.

61. EA 35: 8–9, 16–17, 40–41.

62. See pp. 48, 295–96, 324.

63. See pp. 12–14, 128–30, 164, 313, 343.

64. See pp. 62, 276.

65. See below, Chap. 12.

Chapter 10: Ship Construction

1. Sayed 1980: 156–57 fig. 3, pl. 22: 5. The Red Sea site of Wadi Gawasis served as a port for trips to Punt during the Middle Kingdom (Sayed 1977; 1978; 1980; 1983). On the Wadi Gawasis stone anchors, see below, pp. 259–60, 286.

2. Sayed 1983: 36.

3. Haldane 1984: 13, 23, 56. Shallow (5 centimeters deep) mortise–and-tenon joints were used to connect individual planks of the strakes on the Pittsburgh boat (Haldane 1984: 50). The original tenons on the Dashur ships were probably 22–25 centimeters long by 7.5 centimeters wide and 1.8 centimeters thick along planking seams, while about half that size at the ends (Haldane 1993A: 218). The depth of mortises on Classical wrecks varies between 3 and 10 centimeters (Casson 1995A: 214–16).

4. Lipke 1984: 64. See also Haldane 1993A: 99–102.

5. Compare Haldane 1992A: pls. 118–19, 121, 123.

6. Pulak 1987: 129–31 ill. 73; 1988B: 14; Bass 1986: 275; 1987: 733; 1989B; 1996: 71.

7. Pulak 1990A: 9 fig. 2, 10; 1995: 53 Abb. 24; Steffy 1994: 36–37; Bass 1996: 71.

8. Bass et al. 1989: 12.

9. Pulak 1990A: 10; 1990B: 52.

10. Pulak 1993: cover, 4–5, 7, 8 figs. 4–5, 10–11; 1994: 9, 11, 12 figs. 7–9, 13; in press; Fitzgerald 1996: 9. Concerning the lack of evidence for frames at Uluburun, Pulak also notes that two Archaic period vessels, from Playa de la Isla (Mazarrón, Spain) and Marseilles (France) seem to have frames more widely spaced than was typical of Mediterranean ships in later times. See Negueruela, et al. 1995: 196 figs. 11–12.

11. A single repair in one of the Lisht timbers has a peg that transfixes a tenon. See below, p. 220. Surprisingly, the most recent studies of the scant Uluburun hull remains, made after they were raised from the seabed, indicate that the tenons were chiseled remarkably deep (Fitzgerald 1996: 8–9). At times they are only 1.5 to 2 centimeters short of breaking through the opposite side of the plank. Another interesting characteristic of this hull is that tenons carved into a plank from opposite edges are consistently placed so close to each other that often one is cut by the other. This resulted in rectangular hollows 13–15 centimeters long and 1.5–2 centimeters thick over most of the length of the surviving hull.

This system of placing pairs of mortise–and-tenon joints next to each other up the hull appears with regularity, spaced center-to-center about every 25 centimeters. This would seem to have weakened the structural integrity of the hull. Indeed, the reason for this system remains enigmatic. It has been hypothesized that this pattern facilitated keeping a specific standard distance between joints or, alternately, that the mortise-and-tenon joints represent a form of “exoskeleton” of “internal” frames.

12. Pulak 1989: 6; 1990A: 9–10.

13. Pulak 1989: 9; 1992: 5 fig. 1.

14. Pulak 1992: 11 fig. 12; 1995: 54 Abb. 25.

15. Pulak 1991: 8; 1992: 11.

16. See above, p. 41. Concerning merchant galleys, see Casson 1995B.

17. Pulak 1991: 5.

18. CG: 48–51.

19. CG: 48 fig. 46, 50–51 fig. 51 (Wd 3, 4).

20. Haidane 1993A: 94–95.

21. Haldane 1992A: 107; 1993A: 183–84, 256 n. 6, 258. See above, pp. 14–15. Only one example of a pegged mortise–and-tenon joint is known from pharaonic Egypt hull remains. See below, p. 220.

22. O’Connor 1991; Haldane 1992B; 1993A: 78–82.

23. Petrie, Wainwright, and Gardiner 1913: 24–25 pl. 9: 1–7; Vinson 1987: 39–81; Haldane 1993A: 58–71.

24. Frankfort 1941: 343.

25. Vinson 1987: 79, 81.

26. Haldane 1993A: 66–68.

27. Saad 1947: 111, pls. 40, 59; 1951: 41–42, pls. 59a–59b, 60, plans 16–18; 1969: 23, 74–75 pls. 105–108.

28. Emery 1954: 138 pls. 44–45.

29. For an overview, see Vinson 1987: 193–210.

30. On these and other Old Kingdom boat graves, including graves carved out of the rock or built out of brick in the shape of hulls, see Hassan 1946: 38–41, 56–69, 79–82; Edwards 1972: 133, 147–48, 164, 188–89; Jenkins 1980: 22, 26–28 figs. 14–15; Haldane 1993A: 132–57.

31. Nour et al. 1960; Landström 1970: 26–34; Jenkins 1980; Steffy 1994: 23–29.

32. Lipke 1984.

33. Jenkins 1980; Lipke 1984; Haldane 1993A: 89–118.

34. Recent research on the identification of timber used in the construction of Egyptian wooden coffins in the British Museum illustrates the wide variety of foreign timbers imported into the Nile Valley during Pharaonic times (Davies 1995). Cedar, however, was found to be the most commonly imported timber. Sidder, also known as jujube or Christ-thorn (Ziziphus spina-christi), was used much later in the stern part of the Galilee boat’s keel (Werker 1990: 67, 69, 71 figs. 8.18–8.21; Steffy 1990: 30, 37; Wachsmann 1995A: 252).

35. See below, p. 254.

36. El Baz 1988; Miller 1988; Haldane 1993A: 119–30.

37. Haldane 1988A; 1992A; 1993A: 158–94.

38. Haldane 1993A: 171 fig. 8–10. In a scene of shipbuilding from the tomb of Niankh–khnum and Khnumhotep, a workman is carving what appears to be a short plank with a joggled edge (Moussa and Altenmüller 1977: Abb. 8.)

39. Haldane 1988A: 144 fig. 3; 1992A: 105 fig. 20; 1993A: 172–73 figs. 8–11.

40. Haldane 1990A: 135 fig. 1; 1993A: 172, 174 fig. 8–12, 175.

41. Haldane 1988A: 144 fig. 4; 1992A: 105 fig. 21.

42. Haldane 1992A: 105, 111 pl. 129; 1993A: 175 fig. 8–13.

43. Haldane 1988A: 147–48 figs. 6–7; 1992A: 106 pls. 106, 115c, 133; 1993A: 177–81, 184–89. Haldane identifies four additional “upper” timbers among the Lisht timbers.

44. Haldane 1992A: 106; 1993A: 185, 188 fig. 8–20. For the Meir models, see Beiger 1895: 26 figs. 2–4; Reisner 1913: 1–7 nos. 4798–4801.

45. Lythgoe 1915: 147 fig. 2; Hayes 1953: 271; Johnson 1980A: 13 n. 30; Haldane 1992A: 106–107, 112 pl. 117; 1993A: 195–201.

46. de Morgan 1895: 81–83 pls. 29–30; Reisner 1913: 83–87 nos. 4925–26; Landström 1970: 90–93; Haldane 1984A; 1984B; 1993A: 202–39; Patch and Haldane 1990; Steffy 1994: 32–36.

47. Landström 1970: 90. See also Reisner 1913: 86–87.

48. Haldane 1993A: 229–33.

49. Haldane 1984A: 98–101; Patch and Haldane 1990: 41–42 fig. 24.

50. Patch and Haldane 1990: 40.

51. Ibid. 1990:30.

52. Haldane 1992A: 103; 1993A: 240–49; Haldane and Haldane 1990: 23–24.

53. Haldane 1993A: 243 fig. 11–3, 244 fig. 11–4.

54. Simpson 1965.

55. Glanville 1931; 1932.

56. Glanville 1931: 109.

57. See above, pp. 10, 51–52.

58. Glanville 1931: 114.

59. Glanville 1932: 20 n. 43.

60. Clowes was a curator of the Science Museum, South Kensington. This museum contains an important collection of ship models that Clowes (1932) published.

61. Glanville 1932: 31–32. Italics added.

62. Glanville (1932: 33) notes of Clowes’s conclusions, “One would be inclined to accept Mr. Laird Clowes’ interpretation of the different parts of the boat without further question were it not for the difficulty of getting the meaning he requires out of wnḫ.”

63. The Tantura A Shipwreck, dating to about the mid-fifth to mid-sixth centuries A.D., is presently the earliest recorded vessel from the Mediterranean Sea to have been constructed, at least up to the turn of the bilge, without mortise-and-tenon joints, and in a “frame-based” manner. On this shipwreck, see Wachsmann 1995C; 1995D; 1996B; Kahanov and Breitstein 1995A; 1995B; Sibella 1995A; 1995B; 1995C; Charlton 1995.

64. Glanville 1932: 10 n. 6; Jones 1988: 159 no. 34.

65. Glanville 1932: 31–32.

66. Caminos 1954: 163–64.

67. See below, KTU 4.338, pp. 337–38.

68. Virolleaud 1965: 130.

69. Caminos 1954: 159–60; Anastasi IV: 7: 9–8: 7.

70. Glanville 1932: 8 n. 1. On the reuse of ship timber in Egypt, see Haldane 1993A: 254–56.

71. A similar situation of wood starvation appears to have existed along the shores of the Sea of Galilee in the first centuries B.C.–A.D. (Steffy 1990: 37; Wachsmann 1995A: 141–47).

72. Herodotus II: 96. Translation from Casson 1995A: 14 n. 15. This part of the text is also known from a papyrus (Hunt 1911: 180 text 55).

73. Casson 1995A: 14–15 n. 15.

74. Wachsmann 1989: 188–89; Haldane 1990A; 1992A: 108; 1993A: 189; Haldane and Shelmerdine 1990.

75. Casson 1992A: 557 n. 17.

76. Porten 1968: 34.

77. This translation from Porten 1996: 115–22 (B11). For previous translations, see Cowley 1923: 88–97; Porten and Yardeni 1986: 99, 101.

78. Three Persian karsh weights have been found in Egypt. Their weight was established as 83.33–83.36 grams (Porten 1968: 66). Thus, about fifteen kilograms of linen cloth are required for the repair.

79. Casson 1990.

80. See above, pp. 206, 208, 211–12.

81. On shipbuilders (ḥrš anyt) in Ugarit, see Gordon 1956: 143; Rainey 1967: 84 n. 23.

82. Diodorus Siculus XVII: 46: 1.

83. Katzenstein 1973: 24.

84. Hist. Nat VII: 209.

85. Exodus 26: 15–17, 19.

86. Levine 1969: 22–24.

87. Johnstone 1977.

88. Ezekiel 27: 5–6.

89. Feliks 1968: 79–81; Hareuveni 1984: 94, 121–22, 125–26.

90. Feliks 1968: 84–87; Hareuveni 1984: 94, 121, 125.

91. Ezekiel 27: 9. The term appears again in verse 27.

92. Nahum 2: 2.

93. II Kings 12: 6, 8.

94. Ventris and Chadwick 1973: 123, 298–99, 562; Lindgren 1973 (I): 175, (II): 100; Palaima 1991A: 287–88.

95. Killen and Olivier 1989: 322–U736; Palaima 1991 A: 295–96.

96. Ventris and Chadwick 1973: 349; Chadwick 1973A: 503–505; Palmer 1963: 366–67; Bennett and Olivier 1973: 254, 256.

97. Van Effenterre 1970.

98. Ibid.: 45–46.

99. Palaima 1991A: 296–301; 1991B; Hocker and Palaima 1990–91.

100. Casson 1995A: 46 n. 21; Meiggs 1985: 111–12.

101. Casson 1995A: 217–19. More recently, Marks (1991; 1996) has argued that Odysseus built his ship with lashed construction. Casson (1992B) objects to this interpretation.

102. Casson 1995A: 10 n. 27.

103. Odyssey IX: 382–88.

104. Lacau 1904.

105. Davies 1900: 30 pl. 13: 278.

106. Haldane 1992A: 105; 1993A: 50–51.

107. Edgerton 1922–23: 120.

108. Indonesian prahus still have their planks edge-joined with large wooden dowels (Horridge 1982: 10 fig. 5).

109. For a comprehensive listing of ship construction scenes in Egypt, see Vandier 1969: 660–88.

110. Mekhitarian 1978:42.

111. Moussa and Altenmüller 1971: 27 pls. 18–19, 23.

112. See below, pp. 242–43.

113. Severin 1982: 56; italics added.

114. Boreux 1925: 250 fig. 75; Vandier 1969: 88 fig. 60.

115. Petrie 1892: 23; Vandier 1969: 664–66.

116. Petrie 1892: 26–27; Vandier 1969: 666.

117. Steindorff 1913: Tafs. 119–21; Landström 1970: 38–39 fig. 102; Jenkins 1980: 126–27 fig. 102; El Baz 1988: 538–39; Steffy 1994: 29–31, 33.

118. Hornell 1970:48.

119. Landström 1970: 38.

120. For a model of such a vise, see Winlock 1955: 33 pls. 28–29, 68.

121. A carpenter is also depicted cutting mortises in a piece of wood in another scene from the tomb of Tí (Steindorff 1913: Taf. 133).

122. Duel et al. 1938: pl. 152; Rogers 1992: 10–11,13; 1996: 40–52; Haldane 1993A: 55–56.

123. Compare this figure to the photo of a modern Egyptian shipwright in Miller 1988: 539.

124. Clarke (1920: 8) assumes that Khnumhotep’s craft lacked an internal framework of vertical frames because there were none visible above the planking.

125. Edgerton 1922–23: 129; Landström 1970: 91; Haldane 1988A: 151.

126. Wreszinski I: 55. On the similarities and differences in the wall paintings of the two tombs, see Davies 1902 (I): 20–21, 36–40; Wachsmann 1987: 25–26.

127. Compare also Vandier 1969: 681 fig. 271: 2; Moussa and Altenmüller 1977: Abb. 8.

128. Bruyère 1933: 75; Vandier 1969: 683–84.

129. Wachsmann 1987: 18, 78 pl. 9: A–B.

130. Haldane 1992A: 107; 1993A: 184, 246.

131. Professor J. R. Steffy, personal communication.

132. The scene is described by Davies (1927: 70) and Klebs (1934: 193). For photographs, see Wreszinski I: 368–69.

133. Faulkner 1940: 9.

134. Newberry 1942.

135. For listing, see Jones 1988: 148–49 no. 79.

136. Sayed 1977: 170.

137. Sayed 1978: 71 n. 7.

138. Säve–Söderbergh 1946: 11–13; Kitchen 1971: 189–93.

139. BAR I: §429–33.

140. Apparently Henu built and outfitted the ship for the expedition to Punt but did not take part in the sea trip (BAR I: §433 n. c).

141. BAR I: §605.

142. BAR IV: §407. Concerning Ramses Ill’s nautical expedition to the land of Atika, see above, p. 11.

143. This refers to the Indian Ocean, including the Red Sea (BAR IV: §407: c). See also Kitchen 1971: 189–90 n.23.

144. For sources, see Newberry 1942: 64.

145. ANET³: 240.

146. To judge from Ovid’s description of a shipwreck, even pegged mortise-and-tenon joinery could work loose during severe storms in the open sea (Casson 1995A: 202 n. 7).

147. Jenkins 1980: 55 fig. 31, 58 fig. 32, 71 figs. 42–43; El Baz 1988.

148. Basch 1972: 23–29.

149. Edgerton 1922–23: 135.

150. Severin 1982: 55; italics added.

151. Hornell 1970: 193 fig. 29: A–B, 217.

152. Severin 1982: 68.

153. Bon Porté I: Basch 1981A. Concerning this wreck, see also Liou 1974; Basch 1976C; 1981B; Joncheray 1976; Jestin and Carrazé 1980; Pomey 1981; Steffy 1994: 39–40, fig. 3–20. Giglio: Bound 1985: 51–61; 1991: 31–34; 1995: 65 Abb. 7, 67. Gela: Freschi 1989: 207–208. On the Maagan Michael Shipwreck similar ligatures, sewn through triangular holes, were used with pegged mortise-and-tenon joints to attach planks at the stem and the stern (Kahanov 1991: 7; Linder 1992: 31; Steffy 1994: 40–42, fig. 3–21a).

154. Hornell 1970: 192–93.

155. Coates 1985: 17.

156. Severin 1982: 56.

157. The pegs locking mortise-and-tenon joints on ancient Mediterranean ships were normally driven from inside the hull. Notable exceptions to this general rule were those pegs located in areas of the hull in which it would have been difficult—if not impossible—to swing a mallet as, for example, at the posts, or along the keel/garboard seams (Steffy 1985: 81; 1990: 33; 1994: 48, 56, 65). Steffy estimates that, on average, only about ten percent of the joint pegs were driven from outside the hull (Professor J. R. Steffy, personal communication).

158. Professor J. R. Steffy, personal communication.

159. See above, pp. 51–52.

160. On the wood joinery found in this tomb, see Ricketts 1960.

161. Sleeswyk 1980; Basch 1981B: 249.

162. See above, pp. 23–24.

163. Landström 1970: 107.

164. See above, pp. 52–53.

165. This is undoubtedly the case with a second terracotta model from Byblos that authentically copies another type of Egyptian Nile traveling ship, which could only have crossed the Mediterranean in the form of a model (Fig. 3.19). See above, pp. 53–54.

166. Landström 1970: 107.

167. See below, pp. 245–46.

168. Hornell (1938B) reports that the outrigger-nuggars of the Blue Nile have a large keel that is nearly flush with the exterior of the hull. Since this particularly broad hull type is specially adapted to shallow waters, it is likely that the keel protrudes inside the hull to prevent it from getting caught on sandbanks. Perhaps when the ancient Egyptians finally adopted the keel for use on their vessels, they positioned it amidships primarily protruding into the hull for the same reason. This reasoning would not explain the use of an internal keel on the ships of other cultures from the Mediterranean Bronze Age, however.

169. See above, p. 63.

170. Dakoronia, 1996: 159, 165 figs. 1–2, 166 figs. 3–4, 167 pl. I. I thank Dr. Dakoronia for making available a photograph of this model prior to its publication.

171. Basch (1987: 141 fig. 293: 1) considers at least one of these internal elements to be a keelson (“carlingue”).

172. Severin 1985: 282 fig. 17.1.

173. Servin 1948: 64–65 fig. 9. For a photograph of this scene, see Davies 1900: pl. 25: a.

174. Morgan 1988: 129.

175. Shaw 1973: 157–85.

176. Marinatos 1974: 23 pl. 41: a–c.

177. Marinatos 1976: 17 pl. 24: a.

178. Marinatos 1971: 41–42 pls. 34: b, 35–37, 104–105. For an illustration of a modern reconstruction of the bed, see Doumas 1989: 59 fig. 39.

179. Mycenaean architecture also employed half-timbering, but in a somewhat different manner than in Minoan construction (Wright 1984: 27 n. 4; 1996). Timbers were secured to ashlar by means of mortises cut in the stone to take wooden tenons or dowels (Wright 1984: pls. 8–9).

180. PM II: 629 fig. 394: 5, 630 fig. 393: d, i, j, 632; Platon 1971: 113, 128–29, 157–58; Wells 1974.

Appendix: Did Hatshepsut’s Punt Ships Have Keels?

1. See above, pp. 216–17.

2. Haldane 1993A: 207; C. W. Haldane, personal communication.

Chapter 11: Propulsion

1. Note particularly tests carried out on the Japanese tanker Shin Aitoku Maru and Cousteau’s Alcyone (Time, Oct. 20, 1980: 54; Jan. 7, 1985: 49).

2. See above, pp. 106–108; Landström 1970: 58 fig. 171; Wachsmann 1995B: 10–20.

3. Ballard 1920: 165. In one ship the oarsmen may be seen backing water (Figs. 2.16, 2.24; Faulkner 1940: 9).

4. Jarrett–Bell 1930.

5. See also Sølver 1936: 460–61.

6. See above, p. 29.

7. Landström 1970: 69.

8. Ibid.: 69 fig. 202; Goedicke 1971: 87.

9. Naville 1901: pls. 88–89.

10. Le Baron Bowen 1960A: 119–20.

11. Frankfort 1924: pl. 13; Casson 1964: ill. 15; 1995A: 12 fig. 6.

12. Borchardt 1913: 147 fig. 17; Greenhill 1966: 17 figs. 14–15, 27 fig. 21; Wachsmann 1985A.

13. Swiney and Katzev 1973: 351; Steffy 1985: 86–87; Eiseman and Ridgeway 1987: 16–17; Pulak and Townsend 1987: 38–39 fig. 7.

14. Casson 1995A: 21.

15. Faulkner 1940: 8 fig. 2; Vandier 1969: 932–33. A hogging truss was also used on Hatshepsut’s obelisk barge, but, unfortunately, the upper part of the truss is missing. The determinative for an obelisk barge in the accompanying text does not indicate how the hogging trusses were tightened (Naville 1908: pl. 154).

16. Goedicke 1971: 107, 111, 113.

17. Naville and Hall 1913: 23.

18. Vandier 1969: 926, 991.

19. Kitchen 1973: 251–52; SKHC: xiv. Vinson (1993) notes several additional New Kingdom ship depictions that appear to depict brailed sails, some of which still retain the boom but have the sail furled to the yard.

20. Casson 1995A: 37–38.

21. Barnett 1958: 226.

22. Davies 1943: pls. 61, 68, 94; Landström 1970: 99 fig. 316, 101 fig. 319; Mekhitarian 1978: 80.

23. On the problem of the use of copybooks vis-à-vis Egyptian tomb painting (and in particular the ships on the Iniwia relief), see above, pp. 54–60.

24. Säve-Söderbergh 1946: 1–2.

25. Compare Landström 1970: 138 fig. 405.

26. See above, p. 140; Ezekiel 27: 7. Theophrastus (Enquiry into Plants, 4.8.4) and Pliny (Natural History, 13.22.72) refer to sails made of papyrus. For additional classical references, see Casson 1995A: 48 n. 41, 234 n. 43.

27. Pliny, Natural History, 19.3.16–19.3.18. See Winlock’s (1955: 29–33 pls. 25–27, 66–67) description of the model of a shop in which linen is being prepared from flax, found in the Twelfth Dynasty tomb of Meket-rē^c.

28. McWilliams 1992.

29. Black and Samuel 1991: 224–25.

30. Rougé 1987; Schoefer, Cotta, and Beentjes 1987; Valansot 1987: 81, 83–84, 90; James 1988; Black and Samuel 1991: 220.

31. Benoit 1961: 178 fig. 94, pl. 30; Gianfrotta and Pomey 1980: 287–88.

32. Catling 1964: 262.

33. Ballard 1920: 169–70; Solver 1936: 460.

34. Le Baron Bowen 1960A: 129; Casson 1995A: 273–74.

35. Katzev 1989: 8, 10; 1990: 254.

36. The Kyrenia II averaged a little less than three knots on both legs of a voyage from Greece to Cyprus and back (Katzev 1989: 4, 10; 1990: 245, 255). See Casson 1995A: 281–99.

37. Campbell 1964: 67; EA 81: 25–33, 41–47; 82: 41–46.

38. See Fitzgerald 1994: 211–14; Charleton 1996.

39. Shick 1988: 32 figs. 1–2, pl. 13: 2–3.

40. Compare Jones 1990: pl. 36: K.

41. I thank Mr. W. H. Charlton and Mr. M. Fitzgerald for much of the following information.

42. Phoenix dactylifera: rope from Hellenistic stone anchors found on the west shore of the Dead Sea (Hadas 1992; Shimony, Yucha, and Werker 1992). Pliny (Natural History, 13.7.30, 16.37.89) describes the use of date palm leaves for rope making.

43. Hyphaena thebaica: Cape Gelidonya shipwreck (du Plat Taylor 1967B: 160–62). This palm is not found north of Egypt or Sinai, indicating that the rope (or at least the raw materials used in making it) must have originated in that area.

44. Stipa tenacissima: Punic shipwreck at Marsala, on the Nemi ships, the Roman period wreck at Caesarea, and for the cordage used to fasten the hull of the first-century B.C. Commachio wreck (Lilybaeum: 93–97; Ucelli 1950: 268, 431 no. 440; Fitzgerald 1994: 211–14). For references by Classical authors to esparto grass used for cordage, see Casson 1995A: 231 n. 28.

45. Linum usitatissimum: Casson 1995A: 231 n. 27. Also, Varro (On Farming, 1.23.6) refers to flax in rope making.

46. Phragmites communis, var. isiacus: Cape Gelidonya; see above, Doum palm.

47. Desmostachya bipinnata: Cheops ship (Nour et al. 1960: 42, 44 pls. 32: B, 38: B, 41: A, 63: A–B, 64–65).

48. Cannabis sativa: Nemi ships (Ucelli 1950: 268); Casson 1995A: 231 n. 26.

49. Cyperus papyrus: Pliny, Natural History, 13.22.72; Casson 1995A: 231 n. 25.

50. Reisner 1913: 28 figs. 111–14, 29 figs. 116–17, 55 figs. 196–98, 59 fig. 210, 60 figs. 212–13, 65 fig. 232, 94 fig. 344; Jones 1990: pls. 13 (obj. 352), 23, 25, 33, 36.

51. Concerning the “internal keel,” see above, pp. 241–46.

Chapter 12: Anchors

1. Frost 1963A; 1963B: 42–61.

2. Frost 1969B: 428; 1979: 138.

3. Frost 1973: 399.

4. Frost 1966: 55.

5. Frost 1963A: 7–10; 1963B: 50–51 and elsewhere.

6. Frost 1982B: 269.

7. ANET³: 91–92.

8. Frost 1984B.

9. Heltzer 1982: 189 nos. 9, 12. See below, KTU 4.689, pp. 339–40.

10. Herodotus II: 96.

11. Frost 1964; 1979: 139 pl. 1; Basch 1987: 47–48 figs. 72–74.

12. Galili 1985: 149.

13. Wachsmann and Raveh 1980: 258 figs. 4–5, 260. This shape apparently had a very long life, continuing at least well into the first millennium B.C. During its 1995 season of excavation, the INA/CMS Joint Expedition to Tantura Lagoon uncovered several stone anchors in the immediate vicinity of the Tantura A shipwreck. One of these anchors, which weighed 83.5 kilograms, had an asymmetrical appearance. It was found to be lying on Persian period ceramics, and thus cannot predate that horizon.

14. Frost 1982A: 162.

15. Frost 1989; 1995. Interestingly, pulleys are not depicted in these scenes, although they were certainly known when these ships were painted. A bas-relief of Ashur-nasirpal II (884-860/859 B.C.) clearly shows a pulley being used to raise a bucket, presumably of water, into a town besieged by the Assyrians (Gadd 1936: 144, pl. 4; Albenda 1972).

16. Frost 1979: 138–39; Basch 1985B: 466–67.

17. Casson 1995A: fig. 19.

18. Frost 1979: 138–40; Basch 1985B: 457–65; 1994B. Nibbi (1984: 247–53; 1992) argues for the use of stone anchors on the Nile.

19. Le Baron Bowen 1963.

20. Davies 1902 (II): 9.

21. Reisner 1913: 1 fig. 4, 27 fig. 107, pl. 30 (no. 4835).

22. Boreux 1925: 415 fig. 176; Vandier 1969: 762 fig. 297: 1.

23. Basch 1985B: 463 fig. 14.

24. Davies and Gardiner 1915: pl. 12; Mekhitarian 1978: 80.

25. Casson 1995A: 257–58.

26. Frost 1979: 141–47.

27. Borchardt 1907: 128–29 (Abb. 108).

28. Frost 1979: 143–47.

29. Frost 1969B: 430–31; Dunand 1950: pl. 14.

30. Frost 1969A: 241, 245 table 1:11; 1991: 378–79 no. 9, pls. 4: 9, 5: 9a, 10; Schaeffer 1978: 372 fig. 2, 376 fig. 9, 380.

31. Sayed 1977: 150–69; 1978: 70–71 pl. 11: 1; 1980: 154–56 pls. 21: 2, 22: 1–2; Frost 1979: 147–51.

32. Frost 1979: 154; 1980.

33. Sayed 1980: 156; Frost 1979: 151.

34. Sayed 1978: 70–71; 1980: 156 pl. 22: 3–4; Frost 1979: 151–52.

35. Sayed 1980: 154 pl. 21:1.

36. Nibbi 1992.

37. Bakr and Nibbi 1991.

38. Nibbi 1991; Frost 1993.

39. Conwell 1987; O’Connor 1987.

40. Nibbi 1993: 18–21; Bakr and Nibbi 1994.

41. Nibbi 1993: 19 fig. 22a.

42. Wachsmann 1986B.

43. The story behind the name is of some interest. Not knowing quite what to make of the stone, which at that time was unique, Bar Adon was reminded of a Yiddish folktale of a not-too-knowledgeable melamed (teacher) who was teaching the Bible to a class in a cheder (Jewish day school). They came to the sentence “Dan shall be a serpent in the way, a viper (shfifon) by the path, that bites the horse’s heels so that his rider falls backwards” (Genesis 49:17). “What is a shfifon?” one of his more precocious pupils asked. Not knowing the answer but loath to show his ignorance, the teacher replied that it was obviously a “meshugeneh (crazy) fish.” When asked why so, he replied that any fish that was “by the path” had to be crazy. Fish should be in the sea.

The teacher of the story didn’t know what a shfifon was, and Bar Adon, likewise, had no idea what the monolith was. He therefore called it a shfifon. In doing so, he coined a term that now refers to the entire group of these pierced stones and in its wider sense has entered the lexicon of Israeli archaeology to describe any unidentifiable artifact found during archaeological excavations and surveys.

44. The excavation was carried out by Dr. D. Bahat for the Israel Department of Antiquities and Museums.

45. Wachsmann 1986B: 546 fig. 5: D.

46. Nun 1977: 99–101.

47. Wachsmann 1990B.

48. Nun 1977: 93–97; 1993. See below, pp. 270–71.

49. Kochavi 1973; Wachsmann and Raveh 1980: 263 fig. 14.

50. Wachsmann 1986B: 549 fig. 8.

51. This was suggested to me by Mr. Uzi Avner. A second tomb built in the Middle Bronze Age I, lacking shfifonim, was subsequently excavated at Kibbutz Degania “A” (Yogev 1985).

52. For the chronology used here, see Mazar 1990: 108–10.

53. Hirschfeld 1992: 41–44; 1994.

54. Hebrews 6:19. The shfifon was found together with the face of a saint painted on a fresco fragment dating to the eleventh to twelfth centuries A.D. (Ben-Arieh 1994).

55. For examples, see SACI.

56. Wachsmann and Raveh 1978: 282; 1980: 260, 258 figs. 4–5; 1984B: 239–40. In one case, a stratigraphic sequence of anchors was recorded on the seabed at Dor when the shank of a Byzantine iron anchor was found to be resting on a stone covering a pierced stone—either a stone anchor or a mooring stone. For additional photos of the anchor appearing in Fig. 12.20, see Figs. 12.3: C, 23).

57. Stieglitz 1972–75A; Ronen and Olami 1978: 27 no. 58: 2 and map (site 58). The anchors were found during a survey by the Undersea Exploration Society of Israel.

58. Frost 1979: 150; McCaslin 1980: 36–37 Figs. 22, 43; Basch 1985B: 453.

59. Nibbi 1984: 259.

60. Galili, Raveh, and Wachsmann 1982; Galili and Raveh 1988.

61. Note that the stone doorjambs of Jaffa’s city gate are inscribed with the names and titles of Ramses II (Kaplan 1972: 79, 80 fig. 8, 81).

62. Raban and Galili 1985: 326–27; Galili, Sharvit, and Artzy 1994: 101, 105 fig. 20.

63. Hamilton 1935: 13. Concerning the date of Stratum V, see above, p. 48.

64. Balensi 1980 (I): 519.

65. Roger 1986: 5; NEAEHL 1: 14 (s.v. Abu Hawam, Tell).

66. Dr. J. Balensi, personal communication.

67. Professor M. Dothan, personal communication.

68. SACI; Elgavish 1968: 34–35 pls. 46, 16: 1.

69. Nun 1975; 1977: 96–97, 101; 1993: 12.

70. Fritsch and Ben–Dor 1961: 51, 54 fig. 9.

71. Wachsmann 1990A; 1995A: 335–37.

72. Stefanski 1989: 17 fig. 14.

73. MacGregor 1870: 341; Wachsmann 1995A: 340–41.

74. Schult 1966: Taf. 27: B.

75. Hadas 1989; 1989–90; 1992; 1993A. Concerning seafaring on the Dead Sea in antiquity, see Hadas 1993B. See above, Chap. 11, n. 42.

76. Frost 1969B.

77. Ibid.: pl. 3, figs. 23–28. The number six may have cultic significance. The Degania “A” tomb was built of six monoliths, two of which were shfifonim.

78. See below, pp. 273, 288.

79. See above, pp. 52–54.

80. Twenty–six stone anchors of “Byblian” shape have been recorded from along Israel’s Mediterranean coast (Galili, Sharvit, and Artzy 1994). Of these, twenty-five were found along the Carmel coast. One anchor, from a matching pair found off Kfar Samir in the environs of Haifa, had an Egyptian-style L-shaped notch that had been chiseled out in antiquity, thus canceling its intended function (Galili, Sharvit, and Artzy 1994: 96 figs. 7–9). The reasons for this peculiarity remain enigmatic.

81. Ronen and Olami 1978: 10 and map (no. 21).

82. Frost 1966: 60.

83. Frost 1969A; 1991; Schaeffer 1978.

84. Frost 1991: 356, 375–82 pls. 1, 3, 6, 8.

85. Schaeffer 1978: 374 figs. 6–7.

86. Wachsmann and Raveh 1980: 258 fig. 4, 260.

87. Frost 1984A.

88. Frost 1970A: 14–17; Hult 1977; 1981: 42 no. F1254, 84 figs. 134–35, 89 fig. 140; Öbrink 1979: 19–20, 65 fig. 49, 71 figs. 94–95, 72 figs 102–102A; McCaslin 1978: 117–32, 137–38, figs. 265–83, 305–306; Envig and Åstrom 1975: figs. 15–16, 20, 33–34; Herscher and Nyquist 1975.

89. Green 1973: 166–68, 177.

90. Frost 1970A: 16 fig. 2, 17–19; 1982A, 1986C.

91. Frost 1986C: 282.

92. Frost 1970A: 22; 1986C: 287–88 pls. K–N.

93. Frost 1986C: 290–91.

94. Ibid.: 293.

95. Bass 1972: 32 fig. 25. Nikolaou and Catling 1968: pl. 24; Frost 1970A: pl. 6: 2–3; 1986C: 293, 297 fig. 7.

96. See above, p. 62.

97. Frost 1979: 144.

98. Gianfrotta and Pomey 1980: 299; Alpözen 1983: 63. On the anchors found on the Uluburun and Cape Gelidonya shipwrecks, see below, pp. 281, 283–85.

99. Haddon 1937: 297; van Nouhuys 1951; Campbell 1957; Wachsmann 1995A: 337, 339–40.

100. See above, p. 130.

101. Braemer and Marcadé 1953: 153 fig. 13, 154.

102. Pennas and Vichos 1991:16. Concerning the site, see above, p. 205.

103. Papathanassopoulos et al. 1992: 15–21.

104. Frost 1963B: 46 pl. 8 (opp. p. 54); 1973: 400–401 no. 6; Pelon 1970: 141 pl. 7: 2; Poursat 1980.

105. Frost 1986C: 295.

106. PM IV: 650–53 fig. 635. For a color photo of the stone, see Sakellarakis 1979: 45 no. 26; Davaras 1980: 61–67.

107. Frost (1963B: 46) considers it an anchor.

108. Shaw and Blitzer 1983.

109. H. Blitzer, personal communication (1991).

110. Dr. J. Shaw, personal communication (1993). I thank Drs. Joseph and Maria Shaw for the information and illustrations and for their kind permission to incorporate it here. Dr. J. Shaw notes (1993) concerning H. Blitzer’s attribution of the previous anchors as press weights that “while there is some ambiguity about use of some of the smaller pierced weights, the discovery of the two new anchors strengthens the case for S636, found on the hillside” (Fig. 12.46: D: a). For a thorough study of the anchors, see Shaw 1995.

111. Davaras 1980: 47–53.

112. Marinatos 1974: 19 pl. 29.

113. AMM:82.

114. Maiuri 1923–24: 150 fig. 72; Buchholz and Karageorghis 1973: 49 no. 430.

115. Pulak 1990A: 12; 1991: 8–9 fig. 8; 1993: 4, 9 fig. 9, 10; 1995: 53 fig. 24, 54 fig. 26; Frey 1993–94: 21.

116. Bass 1987: 706–707; Pulak 1988B: 12.

117. Bass 1986: 271 ill. 2, 273 ill. 3; 1987: 705; Bass et al. 1989: 3 fig. 2; Pulak 1988A: 2 fig. 1; 1988B: 17 fig. 9; 1990A: 13 fig. 9.

118. Pulak 1991: 8.

119. The individual anchors weighed 121, 164, 171, 181.5, 204, and 207.9 kilograms respectively (Pulak 1992: 8, 9 fig. 6).

120. Pulak and Rogers 1994: 20, 21 fig. 7.

121. Paul describes lowering anchors to prevent a ship from running aground (Acts 27:29; see Throckmorton 1987B). One triangular pierced stone at Gelidonya was initially regarded as an anchor; however, in the end it was considered a natural stone (CG: 26, 45, 142).

122. Galili 1985; 1987; Frost 1986B.

123. Galili 1985: 146 table 1, 147.

124. Ibid.: 148 fig. 5.

125. Ibid.: 144 fig. 2, 150 fig. 6, 151–52.

126. Wadi Gawasis: Sayed 1980: pl. 22: 3; Naveh Yam: Fig. 12.29: 16; Uluburun: Fig. 14.1 (square N15).

127. Wallace 1964: 14.

128. This theory was suggested independently by Green (1973: 175).

129. Wallace 1964: 16.

130. Frost 1982B: 263–64. See also 1991: 369.

131. Casson l995A:252.

132. Argonautica I: 950; Frost 1966: 57; 1982A: 163–64.

133. Frost 1982A: 162, 166.

134. On holy anchors in the Classical period, see Svoronos 1914: 105–11; Davaras 1980: 54–58.

135. Bass 1989B: 25–26; Pulak 1988A: 33.

136. Sayed 1978: 71; 1980: 154.

137. Faulkner 1940: 9.

138. Frost 1986C: 291–93.

139. Frost 1963B: 43; 1969B: 434; Wachsmann and Raveh 1984A: 169–70 fig. 2; Wachsmann in press A.

140. Frost (1969B: 434) suggests an Ugaritic origin for this anchor.

141. Frost 1991: 370, 372.

142. Frost 1982B: 270–71 fig. 6.

143. Casson 1971: 252 n. 107, 255–56, 332–33.

144. Frost 1982A: 162.

145. Dickson 1959: 482: a.

146. Frost 1969A: 241. For additional anchors with square rope holes, see Figs. 12.33: 2, 6; 12.36: A: 2; 12.37: B, E; 12.38: F, I, N; 12.41; 12.44; 12.45: A; 12.46; 12.48; 12.52: A–B; 12.58.

147. Tusa 1973: 418 no. 11, figs. 14–15; Frost 1966: 61; 1986A: 362; Nibbi 1991.

148. See above, Chap. 11, n. 42.

149. Frost 1970A: 21–22.

150. Frost 1982A: 164–65; 1986C: 293–95; 1991: 358–67.

151. Frost 1982A: 165 fig. 3.

152. Frost 1986C: 294.

153. Wachsmann and Raveh 1980: 258 fig. 5, 260.

154. Frost 1986C: 288–89; 1991: 363, 376–77, 379–81, 383–84, 386.

Chapter 13: Navigation

1. Casson 1971: 270–73. Note, however, that Wenamun left Egypt for Byblos in early January and arrived there in early May of 1075 B.C. (Egberts 1991: 59–61, 67). Tjekkerbaal’s messenger and gifts were sent to Egypt after his meeting with Wenamun in early June. The messenger returned in September or early October.

Linear B text PY Tn 316 begins with the name of a month: po-ro-wi-to-jo. Palmer has suggested that the month was named Plowistos and meant “the month of sailing” (Palmer 1955: 10–12; 1963: 248, 254, 265; Bennett and Olivier 1973: 233; Chadwick 1976: 90, 179, 192). This apparently referred to a lunar month in the beginning of spring.

A Midrash defines the sailing season as the period between the Jewish festivals of Shvuot and Sukkot; that is, roughly from May to September (Sperber 1986: 99–100). During the Middle Ages this nautical custom became statutory, and it became unlawful to sail outside of the sailing season (Ashburner 1909: cxlii–cxliii).

Note, however, that a custom account from Egypt dating to 475 B.C., which was found palimpsest on the Ahiqar scroll from Elephantine, describes a relatively long sailing season stretching from February/March to November/December (Porten and Yardeni 1993: xx; Yardeni 1994: 69–70).

2. Main among these are (archaeological evidence): the ax head from the Adonis River, Egyptian anchors at Byblos and Ugarit; (textual evidence): Egyptian ships bringing wood, Thutmose Ill’s organization of harbors, Amarna texts referring to Syro-Canaanite ships in Egypt, an Ugaritic text that mentions a ship wrecking while en route to Egypt (KTU 2.38), foreigners at Ugarit (Rainey 1967: 87–90), and Wenamun.

3. Beal 1992 and the additional bibliography there.

4. Wachsmann 1986A; 1987: 99–102. The following is a summary of these discussions.

5. EA 114: 49–53. Translation by Professor A. Rainey from Wachsmann 1986A: 101.

6. EA 114: n. 12.

7. EA 113: 35–44.

8. Holmes 1969: 159.

9. This was first suggested by Power (1929: 156).

10. See pp. 61–62, 338, 343–44.

11. See below, KTU 4.390, p. 339.

12. See above, pp. 273, 292; Schaeffer 1978: 379 fig. 12.

13. See above, p. 83.

14. See above, p. 83.

15. Vercoutter 1956: 417. See below, pp. 10, 308.

16. Heltzer 1988. See below, RS 16.238 + 254, p. 340.

17. See above, pp. 129–30.

18. Gelsinger 1972.

19. Bass 1986: 270–72 ill. 1.

20. Taylor 1957: 4.

21. See pp. 85–86, 307; Edel 1966: 33–60; Cline 1987; 1990; Wachsmann 1987: 95–99.

22. Merrillees 1972: 290.

23. This identification remains difficult and has been debated. It does not seem to fit in well with the rest of the list (Cline 1987: 3–4).

24. Redford (1982: 59–60) suggests that Eighteenth Dynasty toponym lists, and particularly that of Thutmose III at Karnak, were based on itineraries.

25. McGeehan Liritzis 1988: 243.

26. Wachsmann 1987: 121–22.

27. See above, p. 85.

28. Furumark 1950: 214, 223.

29. Casson 1995A: 272.

30. ANET³: 416.

31. Vercoutter 1956: 420–21.

32. Ibid.: (Thutmose III’s Hymn of Victory) 51–53, (Rechmire) 56–57, (Tomb of Kenamun [T. 93] [?]) 81, (Abydos) 87–88, (Luxor) 91–92.

33. Bietak 1995.

34. The great Polynesian migrations followed the migratory paths of specific birds. The discovery of the Hawaiian Islands by Polynesians from Tahiti or the Society Islands probably resulted from the careful study of the migratory route of the golden plover. Hornell (1946: 144) notes, “The sailor-folk of the Society Islands would naturally reason that if birds could fly to this group from some distant land, they, in a large and well-found double-canoe could certainly sail to the land whence the birds came.”

Lewis (1975: 24) considers unintentional drift voyages, which took place continually in the Pacific, as a complementary category of inter-island discovery.

35. Evans 1925B; Pomerance 1975. In recent years, some scholars have argued for a direct route from Egypt to Crete in the Bronze Age (Watrous 1992: 177–78; Warren 1995: 10–11). In doing so, comparisons are made to similar voyages carried out in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries A.D. Such comparisons, however, lack validity for Mediterranean ships of the recent past had hulls and sail systems specifically designed for sailing into the wind. This is a far cry from Bronze Age ships. These employed a single primitive boom-footed sail intended for sailing with stern winds and were built with hulls that, as we have seen, seem to show little concern for leeward drift (see above, pp. 216, 241–43, 245–46, 248–51, and Lambrou-Phillipson 1991: 13; Roberts 1995: 310).

36. Odyssey XIV: 252–58.

37. Ibid. XVII: 426.

38. Casson 1995A: 287 n. 75.

39. See below, p. 306.

40. Vercoutter 1956: 419–22 fig. 162; Bass 1987: 697–99; Pulak 1988A: 36–37.

41. White 1986A; Conwell 1987.

42. White 1986B: 76–79 figs. 26–34; 1990.

43. Casson 1950: 43–46; 1995A: 289 n. 91. The Isis reached Cyprus in seven days during a storm.

44. LAE: 51.

45. I Kings 9:27; II Chronicles 8:18. Ezekiel (27:8) also specifically mentions Tyrian pilots when comparing Tyre to a ship.

46. I Kings 22:48; II Chronicles 20:36–37.

47. When Lewis interviewed Oceanic navigators, he received answers in the stereotyped form in which they had originally been memorized. Any deviation from the original chain of memory caused the navigator to become confused. Lewis (1972: 11, 32) found that most of the highly trained navigators of modern Oceania were illiterate. See also Goodenough and Thomas 1987. On orientation in the ancient Near East, see Har-El 1981.

48. Lewis 1972: 2; 1976.

49. Hornell 1936: 373 fig. 267; Lewis 1972: 200 fig. 39, 203 fig. 40, 204 fig. 41.

50. Lewis 1972: 17.

51. Ibid.: 2.

52. Wachsmann 1987: 101–105, 122–25, 127–29.

53. Winlock 1955: pl. 33.

54. Pulak 1988A: 33 fig. 41. On later lead weights see Casson 1995A: 246 n. 85; Oleson 1988: 30–40 pl. 4 and the additional bibliography there.

55. On the use of birds in navigation, see Hornell 1946; Taylor 1957: 60–61, 72–74, 76–78, 246–47; Gatty 1958: 168–201; Hutchinson 1962: 101–102; Gladwin 1970: 180–81, 188, 195–200; Lewis 1972: 162–72; Tibbetts 1981: 246, 287–88, 443–44.

56. Genesis 8:6–12; ANET³: 94–95.

57. OCSS, s.v. “wind navigation.”

58. OCSS, s.v. “wind rose.”

59. Taylor 1957: 14–20, 37–38.

60. Weiler 1913: 141–45 figs. 77–79; Taylor 1957: pl. 3.

61. Lewis 1972: 73–81.

62. See above, pp. 9–10.

63. Casson 1995A: 245 n. 83.

64. See below, p. 307.

65. Taylor 1957: 43; OCSS, s.v. “Navigation. Aratus of Soli.”

66. Lewis 1972.

67. Ibid.: 1972: 45–82; Halpern 1985; Goodenough and Thomas 1987: 4–5; Irwin, Bickler, and Quirke 1990.

68. LAE: 51–52.

69. Psalms 48:7; Ezekiel 27:26.

70. LAE: 154. Wenamun probably departed from Byblos in April, 1074 B.C. (Egberts 1991: 62–67).

71. War III: 421–26.

72. War I: 409; see also Antiquity XV: 333.

73. Matthew 16:2–3.

74. LAE: 145–46.

Chapter 14: Sea Trade

1. Bass, Frey, and Pulak 1984; Pulak and Frey 1985; Bass 1986; 1987; Bass et al. 1989: 3 fig. 2; Pulak 1987; 1988A; 1989; 1990A; 1990B; 1991; 1992; 1993; 1994; 1995; in press; Pulak and Haldane 1988. The eleventh, and final, season of excavation took place during the summer of 1994.

2. See above, p. 41.

3. Pulak 1991: 8.

4. Concerning the ballast stones, see Bass 1986: 292; Bass et al. 1989: 10; Pulak 1988B: 13, 16; 1989: 5, 9; 1990A: 9, 12; 1991: 7; 1992: 8–10. On the Uluburun anchors, see above, pp. 281, 283.

5. Bass, Frey, and Pulak 1984: 273–75 figs. 2–5; Pulak and Frey 1985: 18, 22–23; Bass 1986: 275–77; 1987: 692, 703–705; Bass et al. 1989: 7, 9, 12; Pulak 1988A: 6–10 figs. 3–5; 1988B: 16–17 figs. 7–8; 1989: 5–6, 8–9 fig. 9; 1990A: 9, 11 fig. 7; 1991: 7; 1992: 9 fig. 8; 1993: 4–5, 9–10; 1994: 10. Ancient sources of tin have now been identified in the Bolkardag mining district, about 100 kilometers north of Mersin (Bass 1987: 698–99; Yener and Özbal 1987; Yener, Özbal, Minzoni–Deroche, and Aksoy 1989; Yener et al. 1991; Yener and Vandiver 1993A, 1993B; Muhly 1993; Willies 1993).

6. CG: 64; 1985: 3; for a listing of other suggested identifications, see Wachsmann 1987: 53 n. 73. On the importing of tin to the Aegean from the Near East during the Middle Bronze Age, see above, p. 83.

7. Pulak 1992: 4. Many of the copper oxhide ingots in the middle rows were badly corroded, requiring the innovation of underwater conservation techniques (Pulak 1989: 8; Peachey 1990).

8. C. Pulak, personal communication. This figure does not include the weight of the many copper bun ingots found at Uluburun. On the iconographic evidence for oxhide ingots, see Bass 1967: 62–69; 1973: 30–31, 38 figs. 1–6. A stone mold for the casting of oxhide ingots was found at Ras Ibn Hani (Lagarce et al. 1983: 277–90). The copper for use in the mold must have been imported in the form of copper ores or ingots not of oxhide shape.

Heltzer (1977) compares prices of metals at Ugarit and its neighboring kingdoms. He concludes that Ugarit acted as a middleman in the metals trade. The textual, archaeological, and iconographic evidence all argue for a significant Syro-Canaanite role in this trade.

9. Gale 1991: 228–31; Pulak, in press for summary of data.

10. Stos-Gale and Gale 1984; Gale 1991: 231–32; Stos-Gale and Macdonald 1991: 265–67.

11. Pulak 1991: 5; 1992: 5 fig. 1.

12. On lead in the Aegean during the Bronze Age, see Renfrew 1967; 1972: 317–19; Gale 1980; Stos–Gale and Macdonald 1991: 255–62, 267–70, 272, 275, 277.

13. Bass et al. 1989: 7, 23; Pulak 1990A: 10 fig. 3; 1991: 7.

14. Bass 1986: 281–82; 1987: 716–18; Pulak 1988A: 14; 1988B: 13–14; 1989: 6, 8–9; 1990A: 11; 1990B: 52; 1991: 6, 7 fig. 6; 1992: 8; 1993: 9–10; 1994: 10; in press; Pulak and Frey 1985: 23.

15. Dalbergia melanoxylon. Bass 1986: 282–85 ills. 18–19; 1987: 721–22, 726–27, 729; Bass et al. 1989: 9 fig. 17, 10–11 fig. 20 and n. 52; Pulak 1988A: 33; 1988B: 14–16; 1989: 5–6; 1990A: 9, 11, 12 fig. 8; 1991: 6–7; 1992: cover, 5, 8, 10; 1993: 5; 1994: 10; Pulak and Frey 1985: 23. On the use of hippopotamus and elephant ivory at Ugarit, see Caubet and Poplin 1987. On hippopotamus ivory depicted in Egyptian tomb paintings, see below, p. 310. For the identity of additional woods found on the wreck, see above, p. 217.

16. Bass 1986: 278–79; Bass et al. 1989: 11; Pulak 1988A: 11.

17. Haldane 1986; 1988B; 1990B; 1991; 1993B.Concerning Late Bronze Age trade in organic materials in general, see Knapp 1991.

18. Pistacia terebinthus var. atlantica. This was previously identified with the Burseracaea family, which includes frankincense and myrrh (Bass 1986: 277–78; 1987: 709, 726–27; Pulak 1988A: 10–11; 1989: 5, 7; 1990B: 52; 1995: 5; Haldane 1990B: 57; 1993B: 352–53). One small vial may indeed contain myrrh (Haldane 1991). Concerning the possible uses of terebinth resin in the Late Bronze Age, see below, pp. 308, 310.

19. Feliks 1968:104–106; Haldane 1993B: 353.

20. Bass 1986: 278; Pulak 1989: 7; 1992: 7; 1994: 9, 13; Haldane 1986; 1988B; 1990B: 57–60; 1991; 1993B: 352–57.

21. Sarcopoterium spinosum. Bass 1987: 729; Bass et al. 1989: 8; Pulak 1991: 5; 1992: 5; Pulak and Haldane 1988: 4 fig. 4; Haldane 1990B: 58–59; 1993B: 356–57. In addition to the thorny burnet, a single branch, apparently also employed as dunnage, was found at the lower end of the preserved hull (Pulak 1994: 12).

22. Haldane 1991; Pulak 1994: 9.

23. Bass 1987: 730; Bass et al. 1989: 10.

24. Bass 1986: 285; Pulak 1988A: 10; 1989: 7. The fig seeds in the jars may be intrusive.

25. Pulak 1989: 7.

26. Haldane 1988B; 1993B; Pulak 1989: 7.

27. For references, see Wachsmann 1987: 75.

28. Bass et al. 1989: 9 n. 44; Pulak 1988A: 33; 1989: 8; 1990A: 9; 1991: 7; 1992: 8; 1993: 9; 1994: 10; Conwell 1987: 33 fig. 14.

29. Bass 1987: 729; Bass et al. 1989: 8; Pulak 1988A: 5 ns. 5–7; 1994: 12–13. The opercula of another type of as yet unidentified shell are mixed in with the predominant murex opercula in an approximate ratio of 1:10 (Pulak 1992: 7).

30. Pulak 1989: 6–7 fig. 6; 1991: 7; 1992: 8.

31. Pulak 1990A: 9; 1991: 6–7.

32. Bass, Frey, and Pulak 1984: 273; Bass et al. 1989: 12; Pulak 1988B: 14, 16; 1989: 7–8; 1990A: 10, 12; 1991: 7–8, 10 fig. 11; 1992: 10; 1993: 4; 1994: 9.

33. Pulak 1988A: 12 fig. 7, 13, 32.

34. Pulak and Frey 1985: cover; Bass 1986: 279–82; 1987: 710–11, 718–19. These include: (Cypriot) five milk bowls, three Base–ring II bowls, three White Shaved juglets, three Bucchero jugs, and (Syro–Canaanite) four lamps.

35. Cypriot pottery: Bass 1990C; Bass et al. 1989: 9; Pulak 1988B: 14–16 fig. 16; 1989: 6–8; 1990A: 9–10; 1991: 6–8; 1992: 4, 8–9, 11; 1993: 5, 9; 1994: 9. Pilgrim flasks: Bass 1986: 284–85; Bass, Frey, and Pulak 1984: 276–77 fig. 7; Bass et al. 1989: 8–9, 11–12; Pulak 1989: 9; 1990A: 9; 1991: 6–7. Lamps: Bass 1986: 285–86 ill. 22; Bass et al. 1989: 9; Pulak 1988B: 15; 1990A: 9; 1991: 8; 1992: 8–9, 11. Wall brackets: Bass, Frey, and Pulak 1984: 273, 276 fig. 6; Bass 1986: 275, 292 n. 139; Bass et al. 1989: 9; Pulak 1988A: 13; 1988B: 14; 1992: 11.

36. See above, p. 205. Cadogan 1972, 1979; Karageorghis 1979: 200; Pulak in press. More recently, Cypriot pottery is being found at Kommos in southern Crete (Watrous 1992: 156–59).

37. Bass 1986: 277 ill. 7; Bass, Frey, and Pulak 1984: 276–78 fig. 8; Bass et al. 1989: 8; Pulak and Frey 1985: 21; Pulak 1988A: 10–11; 1989: 7–8; 1990A: 11; 1991: 7. “Syro-Canaanite” is perhaps a more accurate definition for these amphoras. For studies of this jar type found in the Aegean, see Åkerström 1975; Yannai 1983: 66–68.

38. Bass 1986: 278 ill. 8; Pulak 1988A: 10–11.

39. Pulak 1988B: 14.

40. Bass 1986: 288–90 ill. 28; Pulak 1989: 5, 8; 1991: 8; 1992: 8, 10; 1993: 9; 1994: 10.

41. Bass 1986: 286–87, 289 ills. 25–26; 1987: 722; Bass et al. 1989: 2; Pulak 1988A: 24 fig. 27; 1988B: 13–15; 1989: 5–6, 8–9; 1990A: 9, 11; 1991: 6 fig. 4, 7; 1992: 8, 9 fig. 7, 10–11; 1993: 5, 9–10; 1994: 8, 9 figs. 2–3, 10, 12–13. Concerning beaded textiles in antiquity, see Barber 1991: 93, 140 fig. 4.20, 141, 154–56, 162, 171–74, 195, 200, 312, 313 n. 2, 314; 1994: 91, 183, 202, 204 fig. 8.7, 210, 212–14.

42. Bass 1986: 278, 289.

43. Bass et al. 1989: 11 fig. 21, 12; Pulak 1988A: 26–27 fig. 31; 1988B: 14–15; 1992: 10; 1993: 5.

44. Odyssey VIII: 430–32. Bass 1986: 286, 289 ill. 24; 1987: 714; Pulak 1995: 45 Abb. 3, 49 Abb. 8; Pulak and Frey 1985: 24.

45. Lolos (1990) suggests an Aegean origin for the cup.

46. Bass 1987: 702; Bass et al. 1989: 11–12 fig. 22.

47. Pulak 1991: 10.

48. Bass 1986: 287–90; 1987: 693, 718–19; Bass et al. 1989: 2, 4–6 figs. 3, 5–6; Pulak 1988A: 25–27 figs. 29–30; 1992: 11; 1995: 51 Abb. 16.

49. Bass 1986: 289–90, 293–94 pl. 17, fig. 4; 1987: 719; Bass et al. 1989: 4 fig. 4, 7; Pulak 1988A: 26–27 fig. 32; 1988B: 15 fig. 4; 1992: 11.

50. Pulak 1989: 8–9 fig. 8; 1990A: 10 fig. 5, 11; 1992: 5 figs. 2–3; 1993: 9, 10 fig. 10. Items of carved wood were also found (Pulak 1994: 9).

51. Pulak 1989: 8; 1990A: 9; 1991: 6 fig. 5, 7; 1992: 10; 1994: 12.

52. Pulak 1992: 7, 8 fig. 4.

53. Bass 1986: 290–91; 1987: 708; Bass et al. 1989: 7–8 fig. 12; Pulak 1988A: 32 fig. 40; 1992: 8; 1995: 50 Abb. 12; Smith 1987: cover.

54. Bass 1987: 722–26, 731–32; Pulak 1988A: 27–29 figs. 33–35; 1988B: 14 fig. 2; 1989: 5 fig. 2, 9; 1990A: 10 fig. 4; 1992: 8, 10 fig. 9; 1993: 5; 1994: 10; 15 fig. 13; Collon in Bass et al. 1989: 12–16 figs. 24–28; Weinstein in Bass et al. 1989: 17–29, figs. 29–30.

55. Pulak and Frey 1985: 24; Bass 1986: 283–85 ill. 20, 288 ill. 23, 291 ill. 29, 292–93 ill. 34; 1987: 714–15; Bass et al. 1989: 8 fig. 15, 9, 12 fig. 23; Pulak 1988A: 13 ills. 8–9, 14; 1988B: 14; 1989: 6 fig. 3, 8; 1991: 6; 1992: 8, 11; 1994: 10, 13, 16 fig. 16; 1994: 10.

56. Pulak 1992: 10 figs. 10–11; 1995: 53 Abb. 23; Geographica 2. See above, pp. 206, 208.

57. Pulak 1990A: 10, 11 fig. 6; 1992: 11; 1995: 52 Abb. 22; Geographica 1.

58. Pulak 1991: 4.

59. Bass 1987: 721; Bass et al. 1989: 5, 7–9 figs. 9, 13; Pulak 1988A: 32–33; 1988B: 13–15; 1989: 5–6, 8; 1990A: 9; 1991: 7; 1992: 8–11; 1993: 5, 8, 11 fig. 13; 1994: 9–10.

60. Pulak 1991: 10.

61. Bass 1986: 292 fig. 31; Bass et al. 1989: 7–9 fig. 14; Pulak 1988A: 30–32 figs. 37–38; 1988B: 14–15; 1989: 5, 6 fig. 4, 8; 1990A: 9–10; 1991: 6–7, 8 fig. 7; 1992: 7–8, 11; 1993: 5, 9; 1994: 10, 12, 16 fig. 15; 1995: 52 Abb. 19; 1996B.

62. Pulak 1988A: 31, 32 fig. 39a; Petruso 1987.

63. Bass 1987: 730–31; 1990B; Bass et al. 1989: 10–11 fig. 19; Pulak 1988A: 33; 1995: 50 Abb. 13; Payton 1991; Pendleton and Warnock 1990; Symington 1991; Warnock and Pendleton 1991.

64. The Alashian king writes to the Egyptian pharaoh (EA 37: 16–17): “And whatever [yo]u n[ee]d put down on a tablet so I can send (it) to you.” Might he be referring to a diptych?

65. Pulak 1991: 5; 1992: 7. During the final, 1994 season at Uluburun, an additional diptych leaf was discovered (Pulak 1994: 11 fig. 6).

66. Bass 1986: 274, 282–83 ill. 17, 294; 1987: 703, 712–13, 716, 726; Bass et al. 1989: 7–8; Pulak 1988A: 20–24 figs. 20–26; 1988B: 13–14; 1989: 8; 1990A: 9; 1991: 5 fig. 2, 6 fig. 3, 7, 8 fig. 9; 1992: 7–8, 11; 1993: 11 fig. 13, 120; 1994: 15 fig. 14; 1995: 50 Abb. 11.

67. Pulak 1992: 9.

68. Later medieval statutes sometimes stipulated that ships had to carry weapons on board (Ashburner 1909: cxlvi).

69. Bass 1986: 274, 292–93 ills. 32–33; 1987: 722; Bass et al. 1989: 5, 7, 9 figs. 8, 10, and 18; and Pulak 1988A: 14–20 figs. 10–19; 1988B: 13; 1989: 5, 8; 1990A: 8 fig. 1, 9, 11–12; 1991: 7, 9 fig. 10; 1992: 7, 8 fig. 5, 11; 1993: 9–11.

70. Pulak 1989: 6–7 fig. 5; 1992: 10; 1994: 10.

71. Pulak 1988B: 14; 1989: 6; 1994: 10.

72. Bass 1987: 709, 720.

73. EA 33: 19–32; 35: 40–41; 36: 18; 37: 13–16, 19–27; 40: 16–20, 27–28.

74. EA 39: 14–20. Italics added.

75. Pulak 1994: 15; in press.

76. See below, pp. 327–29.

77. CG: 52–121. Fifteen of the oxhide ingots from the Cape Gelidonya shipwreck were examined with lead isotope and trace element analysis and were found to be made of Cypriot copper (Gale 1991: 227–28).

78. CG: 45 figs. 38–40, 73 fig. 91.

79. Ibid.: 44. The twigs were identified as immature oak (Quercus sp.) (Western 1967: 169). Bass (CG: 49) notes that this type of brushwood dunnage is mentioned in the Odyssey.

80. Schulman 1967; Hennessy and du Plat Taylor 1967: 124 fig. 133: P29, 125 no. P29; du Plat Taylor 1967A; CG: 132–42; Buchholz 1967.

81. Linder 1972. See KTU 4.390 below, p. 339.

82. Loret 1949: 49–61; Bass 1989A: 59–60.

83. Haldane 1990B: 57; 1993B: 353.

84. Davies 1943 (1): 28; Loret 1949: 23–25.

85. Loret 1949: 20–23.

86. Melena 1983: 91 n. 5; Chadwick 1976: 120–21; Bass 1987: 727.

87. Bass 1987: 727. Concerning evidence for the production of aromatics at Pylas, see Shelmerdine 1985.

88. Melena 1974: 53.

89. ANET³: 441. See also above, pp. 10, 296.

90. Vercoutter 1956: 44 n. 1 and the additional bibliography there. Interestingly, although Ipu-wer describes Byblos as an exporter of resins for embalming, Vercoutter observes the complete lack of evidence for this practice at Byblos itself. Note, however, that a grayish lump of unidentified resin was found in a Middle Bronze Age tomb at el Jisr, south of Tel Aviv (Ory 1946: 32–33).

91. Herodotus II: 87; Diodorus Siculus I: 83: 5.

92. Lucas 1962: 299.

93. Lucas 1931; 1962: 309.

94. There is only one example of this resin being identified on an ancient mummy (Lucas 1962: 321, 324). Fifty kilograms of terebinth resin were also found in a Twenty-sixth Dynasty tomb at Matarieh, near Cairo. It was placed between the walls of the monolithic limestone case and the sarcophagus that fit tightly inside it.

95. Nilsson 1950: 625–30.

96. Ibid.: 629. The discoveries at Tel el Dabᶜa emphasize the opportunities for elements of Egyptian ritual to have been absorbed by the Minoans.

97. Kurtz and Boardman 1971: 191; Taylour 1983: 65.

98. Persson 1938: 342–43, 349–50; 1942: 13–14; Hood 1971: 140 pl. 113.

99. Persson 1942: 171 figs. 1–3.

100. Ibid.: 34–35, 38.

101. Apollodorus III: 17–20; Persson 1938: 350–52; 1942: 9–24; Hood 1971: 92, 138.

102. Schliemann 1880: 296.

103. For a painting of the upper part of the body, see Schliemann 1880: 297 fig. 454.

104. PM II: 177 fig. 70; Wachsmann 1987: pl. 52: A.

105. Wachsmann 1987: 78–92.

106. Davies and Davies 1933: pl. 7.

107. Davies 1943: pls. 17–20, 23; Wreszinski I: 56.

108. Davies 1922: pl. 9.

109. Meiggs 1985: 59–60; Haldane 1993A: 26–33.

110. For a list of the woods imported into Egypt, see most recently Haldane 1993A: 33–39 and the additional bibliography there.

111. See above, pp. 9–10. The timber of Lebanon was valued by Asiatic and Egyptian rulers throughout ancient history. For an overview of the Lebanese timber in trade/tribute, see Meiggs 1985: 49–87.

112. Brunton and Caton-Thompson 1928: 62–63; Lucas 1962: 430.

113. BAR III: §94; ANEP: {110} and {288} (no. 331). Meiggs (1982: 67) considers them “highly stylized” cedar trees.

114. LAE: 149.

115. Ibid.: 151. Alternatively, this delay may have resulted from the difficulty in moving the logs during the winter months (Egberts 1991: 61–62 n. 34).

116. Rowe 1936: 288.

117. LAE: 149.

118. I Kings 5:9; II Chronicles 2:16; Solver 1961: 29; Casson 1995A: fig. 92; Katzenstein 1973: 243; ANEP: no. 107.

119. ANET³: 243. The offerings were made to the goddess of Byblos. These expeditions to cut cedars were quite large. Tjekkerbaal sent 300 men and 300 cattle to cut the wood for Wenamun (LAE: 151). See above, p. 10.

120. ANET³: 243 n. 1.

121. LAE: 148–49.

122. See above, pp. 223–24.

123. Loret 1916: 47; Meiggs 1985: 405–409.

124. Glanville 1932: 9–10.

125. See above, p. 39.

126. LAE: 151.

127. Haldane 1993A: 236.

128. Vandier 1969: 681 fig. 271: 2; Moussa and Altenmüller 1977: Abb. 8.

129. See above, pp. 215–16.

130. See above, pp. 219–20, 222. Bennett 1939: 10, 13 n. 41.

131. Janssen 1975: 381–82.

132. EA 160: 14–19; 161: 56.

133. EA 36: 10, 13. See also EA 35: 27–29; 40: 6–15.

134. Lipinski’s (1977) interpretation has been refuted by Knapp (1983), who suggests that the text deals with an Alashian wishing to purchase ships from Ugaritic merchants.

135. Schaeffer 1962: 142 (RS 19.20).

136. The king of Alashia asks the Egyptian pharaoh for an ox (EA 35: 23–26). Moran’s (EA 35 n. 5) assumption that this refers to an ox-shaped object is negated by the iconographic evidence. Horses and bulls appear as items of tribute/trade brought by Syro-Canaanites to Egypt in many Egyptian tombs: Rechmire (T. 100): Davies 1943: pl. 23; Menkheperresonb (T. 86) and Amenmose (T. 42): Davies and Davies 1933: pls. 7, 34–36; Amunezeh (T. 84): Davies and Davies 1941: pl. 13; Thannuny (T. 74): Mekhitarian 1978: 99; Nebamun (T. 90): Davies 1923: pl. 28; Huy (T. 40): Davies and Gardiner 1926: pl. 19; and two unnamed tombs (Ts. 91 and 119): Wreszinski I: 291, 340. See also Fig. 14.3.

137. Pulak 1989: 8.

138. See also Redford 1992: 221, 223.

139. Ezekiel 27:13; Odyssey XIV: 285–98; XV: 440–84; Herodotus I: 1; II: 54.

140. Davies 1927: 57.

141. Mekhitarian 1978: 33, 35, 64, 67, 94, 112, 127, 136.

142. Brothel scenes also appear on the “erotic papyrus” in Turin (Peck 1978: 94 fig. 21).

143. EA 113: 14; 155: 68.

144. EA 105: 14–17.

145. See above, pp. 311–12.

146. Note, however, that the stele of Antefoker makes repeated reference to the construction of “ships” for the voyage to Punt (Sayed 1977: 170). See above, p. 238.

147. See above, pp. 42–44.

148. Malamat 1971: 38. See below, KTU 4.647, p. 339.

149. PM II: 309; Buchholz 1973; Allen 1994, and the additional bibliography there.

Chapter 15: War and Piracy at Sea

1. Pliny, Nat Hist: VII: 58: 209.

2. Sandars 1978: 50 n. 14 and additional bibliography. The reference to Tanis II should be to pl. 2, no. 78.

3. Güterbock 1967: 78.

4. Presumably these were from the cities of Ugarit, Ura, and elsewhere. Compare RS 20.212 and RS 26.158, but note that the ship captain in RS 17.133 has a Hittite name. See below, pp. 323–24, 340–42.

5. Güterbock 1967: 80.

6. I thank Professor Lionel Casson for suggesting the latter interpretation to me (personal communication).

7. Yadin 1963: 251–52. Only two northern warriors are depicted carrying throwing spears. They stand to the left of the mast in ships N. 2 and N. 5 (Figs. 8.4, 7, 8, 12). This weapon may have been in use at Ugarit also (Rainey 1967: 90).

8. Casson 1995A: 38.

9. Brunner-Traut 1974.

10. Schäfer 1974: 169 fig. 159; Wachsmann 1987: 56 n. 100.

11. Strictly speaking, the masts cross the yards, indicating that they are being viewed from the stern.

12. Nelson (1929: 34) was the first to suggest that the grapnel was “thrown into the enemy rigging either to tear the sail or to overturn the light craft of the foe.”

13. Ormerod 1978: 13.

14. Thucyaides I: 5:1.

15. Ormerod 1978: 18.

16. Ringler 1980: 20.

17. See above, p. 130

18. Ormerod 1978: 69–70.

19. Morrison 1980: 132.

20. Ziskind 1974: 137.

21. Ormerod 1978: 31.

22. RS 20.238 and RS 20.18; see below, pp. 343–44.

23. Christensen 1972: 165. See above, pp. 166, 168.

24. Marinatos 1974: color pl. 9; Ernstson 1985: 319 fig. 4; Doumas 1992: 78.

25. Odyssey X: 28–30; Ormerod 1978: 44–45.

26. Ormerod 1978: 43.

27. EA 101: 11–13; 105: 11–17.

28. EA 114: 15–20.

29. See above, pp. 10, 39–40, 313.

30. See above, pp. 208, 307.

31. Concerning the introduction of the ram on Greek galleys, see above, pp. 157–58.

Chapter 16: Sea Laws

1. Gordon (UT 19: 1443) considers the rb-tmtt to be the epithet of a war god, such as Reshef or Mat. Rainey (1967: 87 n. 118) identifies him as a “supervisor of prisoners.” Virolleaud (1965: 82) considers him a pirate chief. Linder (1970: 46) recognizes in him an official of the king of Tyre, generally in charge of salvage but who had defected for some undetermined reason. Gordon’s identification seems to fit the context best.

2. See below, KTU 2.38, p. 334. Linder 1970: 44.

3. Katzenstein 1973: 267–76; Linder 1981: 33 n. 14 and additional bibliography.

4. ANET Suppl: 98.

5. See below, RS 17.133, pp. 340–41.

6. Fensham 1967.

7. Compare the Rhodian Sea Law 3: 10 (Ashburner 1909: 91).

8. On the location of Ura, see above, p. 295.

9. Fensham 1967: 224; Ashburner 1909. The Rhodian Sea Law may have formed the basis of the code of maritime laws of Oleron, enacted in the twelfth century A.D. by Eleanor of Aquitaine, who later married Henry II of England (Oleron). The law code was introduced to England by their son, Richard I, in 1190. In 1336 it was codified in the “Black Book of the Admiralty.”

10. Ashburner 1909: ccix–ccxxxiv.

11. Ziskind 1974: 136. The person who swore the oath was the harbor captain, not the captain of the ship as Ziskind would have it (Nougayrol 1956: 118–19).

12. See below, pp. 337–38.

13. Pardee 1975A.

14. LAE: 155.

15. Ormerod 1978: 74–77.

16. LAE: 145.

17. Ashburner 1909: cxlv–cxlvi.

18. Ormerod 1978: 62–63.

19. LAE: 144.

20. Ibid.

21. Compare the Rhodian Sea Law 3: 3–4 (Ashburner 1909: 81–84).

22. LAE: 143.

23. Rhodian Sea Law 3: 13 (Ashburner 1909: 94).

24. LAE: 145 and above, p. 40.

Chapter 17: Conclusions

1. Liverani 1987: 70.