Part 1 – The French Invasion
1. Introduction
1. The issue of what the war should be called is far from straightforward. In Britain it is known as the Peninsular War; in most of Spain – albeit not without increasing levels of argument – the War of Independence; in Catalonia the War of the French; in Portugal the War of the French Invasions; and in France the Campaign in Spain. If the term ‘Peninsular War’ has been used here, it is not just because it accords with British usage, but also because it both embraces the whole of Iberia and avoids the political controversy that attaches to some of the other terms. Note, however, that even Peninsular War has its problems, and particularly when it is extended to cover the entirely separate campaigns in south-western France; in this respect it is interesting to note that Napier entitled his work not A History of the Peninsular War, but A History of the War in the Peninsula and the South of France.
2. Hall, Navy, p. 9.
3. Mackesy, Mediterranean, pp. 281-2.
4. Muir, Defeat, p. 166.
5. Esdaile, Napoleon, p. 382.
6. Esdaile, New History, p. 439.
7. Dorrell, N., Marlborough, p. x.
2. Napoleon’s Objectives
1. For details of the strengths and dispositions of the French, Spanish and Anglo-Portuguese armies throughout the war see Lipscombe, Atlas, pp. 357-387.
2. Esdaile, Spanish Army, pp. 201-11. Oman, History, vol. I. pp. 607-611 and 631-639.
3. Chartrand, Guerrilla, p. 17.
3. Suchet’s Baton
1. Mina was taken prisoner to France and released in 1814. After a brief spell back in Spain and a failed coup against Ferdinand VII, he fled to France. He went to Mexico where he started the resistance war during the Mexican War of Independence. In October 1817 Mina was captured and executed by a firing squad.
2. Napoleon, Correspondence, vol. II, p. 117.
3. Ibid, pp. 104-5.
4. Ibid, p. 108.
5. Ibid, pp. 131-2.
6. Suchet, Memoirs, vol. I, p. 268.
7. Belmas, Sieges, vol. III, p. 471.
8. Suchet, op. cit., vol. II, pp.3-5.
9. Ibid, pp. 13-14.
10. Fortescue, Army, vol. VIII, pp. 246-7. Lipscombe, Guns, pp. 156-7.
11. Díaz, Contreras, p. 109.
12. Ibid, p. 112.
13. Oman, History, vol. V, pp. 259-60.
14. Suchet, op. cit., vol. II, p. 103.
4. Blake’s Collapse
1. Suchet, Memoirs, vol. II, pp. 143-4.
2. Oman, History, vol. V, p. 2.
3. Suchet, op. cit., p. 149.
4. Rynaud, Contre Guerilla, pp. 111-12.
5. Arcón, Sagunto, vol. II, pp. 92-94.
6. Muzzle-loading guns on solid wood or iron carriages lacked any form of hydraulic recoil system and, as such, the force of the recoil had to be taken up entirely by the carriage itself. The energy was so great that any elevation above five degrees was liable to rupture the carriage or break the trunnions. When the gun was depressed in negative elevation (i.e. below the horizontal zero degrees) the forces worked to rip the gun from the carriage and the projectile would also run out of the barrel unless constrained by wadding. This made the whole business of firing at a target well below the gun very complicated. At the siege of Gibraltar (1779-83) Lieutenant George Frederick Koehler created a gun carriage that allowed the gun to be depressed as much as 70 degrees. Similar carriages were not in general use by all armies at this time.
7. Arcón, op. cit., p. 61: citing Cisernos, J. S., Antecedents sobre la defensa y capitulación del castillo y plaza de Sagunto (Instituto de Historia y Cultura Militar, Madrid).
8. Suchet, op. cit., p. 170.
9. Arcón, op. cit., p. 65: citing Rogniat, Rapport sus les traveaux du Génie au siege de Sagonte – Correspondence de l’Armee d’Espagne du 15 au 31 octubre 1811 – Service Historique de l’armee de Terre, Vincennes.
10. Marmont, Mémoires, vol. IV. pp. 257-8. Letter dated 21 Nov 11.
11. Napoleon, Correspondence, vol. II, pp. 198-9.
12. Arcón, op. cit., p. 71. See also Butrón G., and Rújula, P, Los sitios, ch. Valencia 1812 – Legitimidad de Autoridades y Opinion Pública p. 287.
13. It is this late change which has resulted in a fundamental misunderstanding about Blake’s intentions for the battle. This version of the battle of Sagunto differs from the hitherto accepted accounts of the battle. It is based on extensive research by José Luis Arcón Dominguez, during which he has conclusively confirmed that Blake’s objectives were entirely to the south and east of Montenegro and not through the mountains of Calderona. Although there is evidence that it had been Blake’s original intention of turning the French right, he changed his plans at some stage prior to 24 October 1811. Oman admits that ‘There are terrible difficulties as to the timing of the Battle of Saguntum’ (vol. V. p. 36, note 1). Oman interprets Arteche and uses Suchet and Schepeler as his principal sources but not the battle reports of O’Donnell, Miranda, San Juan, Obispo and Lardizabal as well as three other official Spanish diaries all of which (unanimously) confirm that Blake’s objectives were confined to the valley floor between Montenegro and the Mediterranean Sea.
14. Suchet, op. cit., p. 184.
15. Gonneville, Souvenirs, pp. 207-8.
16. Suchet, op. cit., pp. 187-8.
17. Ibid, p. 190, note 17.
18. Ibid, p. 190. Suchet writes in these memoires and in his report to Berthier that the French captured four colours but in the official report made after the battle by his chief of staff, General St.-Cyr Nugues, only three are recorded. The fourth colour was most likely a guidon.
19. Gonneville, op. cit., pp. 213-14.
20. Arcón, op. cit., p. 71.
21. Marmont, op. cit., pp. 263-4.
22. Suchet, op. cit., pp. 219-20.
23. Pírez y Pavia, Apuntaciones, p. 232.
5. O’Donnell’s Miscalculation
1. Suchet, Memoirs, pp. 236-7.
2. Ibid, pp. 238-9.
3. Oman, History, vol. V. p. 79.
4. Napoleon, Correspondence, vol. II, pp. 205-08.
5. Xátiva was also known as San Felipe at this time. Following Philip V’s victory at the battle of Almansa during the War of the Spanish Succession, he ordered the city to be burned. The name was changed to San Felipe. In memory of the insult, the portrait of the monarch hangs upside down in the local museum of L’Almod.
6. This carelessness was too much for the regency at Cádiz who removed him from command.
7. Belmas, Sieges, vol. IV. p. 248.
8. Suchet, op. cit., p. 247.
9. Roche, Letter Book, correspondence from the Duke of York to Roche dated 12 July 1808 and Castlereagh to Roche dated 13 August 1808.
10. Ibid, from Vaughan to Roche dated 21 July 1810.
11. Álverez Cañas, Independencia – ch. Laspra, A., La ayuda británica durante la Guerra Peninsular, pp. 180-82.
12. Wellington, Supplementary, letter H. Wellesley to Wellington Cádiz 27 April 1812, vol. VII, p. 320.
13. Roche, op. cit., letter Wellesley to Roche dated 29 May 1812.
14. Oman, History, vol. V, P. 567. Fortescue, Army, vol. VIII, p. 556.
15. Wellington, Dispatches, vol. V. pp.588-89.
16. Ibid, p. 687.
17. Ibid, p. 702.
18. Archivo Histórico Nacional, Diversos-Colecciones, leg. 110 n. 1.
19. Napier, Peninsula, vol. V. p. 227.
20. Wellington, Dispatches, vol. V. pp. 632-4.
21. Ibid, pp. 632-4.
22. Arteche, Guerra, vol. XII, pp. 164-66. Muñoz Lorente, Alicante, pp. 139-140.
23. Suchet, op. cit., p. 264.
24. Roche, op. cit., letter from Downing Street (Extracts from the London Gazette) dated 4 September 1812.
25. Ibid, letter Wellesley to Roche.
26. Wellington, Dispatches, vol. VI, p. 6.
27. Ibid, p. 15.
Part 2 – British Intervention
6. Bentinck’s Vacillation
1. Naples and Sicily, like Sardinia, had been Spanish possessions since the Middle Ages and continued to be so until 1713 when they were lost to Austria after the Treaty of Utrecht. In 1735 the Spanish Bourbons were reinstalled on the throne.
2. He was in fact Ferdinand III of Sicily, Ferdinand IV of Naples and, later, Ferdinand I of the Two Sicilies when the two thrones were merged in 1816.
3. Fortescue, Army, vol. V, p. 252.
4. Hoptin, Maida, pp. 35-6.
5. Blaquiere, Letters, vol. II, p. 512.
6. Hoptin, op. cit., p. 73.
7. Fortescue op. cit., vol. VIII, P. 300.
8. Rosselli, Bentinck, pp. 121-22.
9. Wellington, Dispatches, vol. V, pp. 424-5.
10. Rosselli, op. cit., p. 122. Rosselli also has an interesting section on the three British leaders most closely concerned with the Italian venture: Bentinck, Richard and Arthur Wellesley. He traces their time together in India as the source of the Bentinck’s Imperial vision and behaviour, see pp. 123-147.
11. Wellington, Supplementary, vol. VII, pp. 300-01.
12. Wellington, Dispatches, op. cit. p. 554.
13. Wellington, Supplementary, op. cit. pp. 306-7.
14. Wellington Dispatches, vol. V, pp. 556-7.
15. Ibid, pp. 588-89.
16. Wellington, Supplementary, op. cit., p. 320. Although the Spanish Regency was less than transparent about this initially – see Roche, Letter Book, Vaughan to Roche dated 12 June 1812 and 15 June 1812.
17. Wellington Dispatches, vol. V, pp. 593-4.
18. Fortescue, op. cit., p. 470.
19. Wellington Dispatches, vol. V, p. 745.
20. Muir, Right Hand, pp. 296-7.
21. NA W.O. 1/311pp. 437-43: Letter dated 29 June 1812, Bentinck to Liverpool.
22. Wellington, Supplementary, p. 401. See also Ibid, pp. 374-5.
23. http://www.historyofparliamentonline.org/volume/1790-1820/member/maitland-hon-thomas-1760-1824
24. Whittingham, Memoir, p. 157.
25. Wellington, Supplementary, op. cit., p. 320.
26. Whittingham, op. cit., p. 162.
27. Ward, Woollcombe, p. 165.
28. Codrington, Memoir, vol. I, p. 279.
29. Ibid, pp. 284-5.
30. Ward, op. cit., p. 165.
7. Murray’s Arrival
1. Ward, Woollcombe, p. 166.
2. Wellington Dispatches, vol. VI, p. 44-46.
3. Wellington Dispatches, vol. VI, p. 51.
4. Wellington Dispatches, vol. VI, pp. 79-80.
5. Scott, Diary, vol. I, entry 13 August 1812.
6. Muñoz Lorente, Alicante, p. 81.
7. Ibid, p. 90.
8. Scott, op. cit., entry 9 August 1812.
9. Ibid, vol. II, entry 11 September 1812.
10. Suchet, Memoirs, vol. II, p. 269.
11. Napoleon, Correspondence, vol. II, p. 237.
12. Wellington Dispatches, vol. I, pp. 1314-5.
13. Napier, Peninsula, vol. II, p. 300.
14. Wellington Dispatches, vol III, pp. 226-29.
15. Ward, Woollcombe, p.171.
16. Bentinck Papers, PwJd 498, dated 13 October 1812.
17. Ibid, PwJd 510, dated 2 December 1812.
18. Ibid, PwJd 1059/3, dated 2 January 1813.
19. Ward, op. cit. p.173.
20. Bentinck, op. cit. PwJd, 1067/1.
21. Ibid, PwJd 1055, dated 4 December 1812.
22. Suchet, op. cit., vol. II, p. 283.
23. Reynaud, Contre, p. 159.
24. Álverez Cañas, Independencia – ch. Wilson, C. M., Liberty or Death, the life and times of Asenio Nebot. Franciscan Friar, Guerilla Leader, Secret Agent, Conspirator and Exile.
25. Wellington, Dispatches, vol. VI, p. 321.
8. Murray’s Victory
1. Napoleon, Correspondence, vol. II, pp. 244-5.
2. Wellington, Supplementary, vol. VII, p. 567. In the letter from Tupper to Campbell (19 February) he noted that this ‘consisted of 20 picked men from each company of artillery and of others corps’.
3. Suchet, Memoirs, vol. II, pp. 275-6.
4. Wellington, Supplementary, vol. VII, pp. 566-7.
5. Wellington, Dispatches, vol. VI, p. 233.
6. Whittingham, Memoir, pp. 184-7.
7. Scott, Diary, vol. II, entry 8 March 1813.
8. Wellington, Dispatches, vol. VI, pp. 389-90.
9. Wellington, Supplementary, vol. VII, pp. 578-79.
10. Suchet, op. cit., p. 303.
11. Molley, Castalla.
12. Ibid.
13. Whittingham, op. cit., p. 197.
14. Oman, History, vol. VI, p. 288.
15. Whittingham, op. cit., p. 197.
16. Ward, p. 177.
17. Wellington, Dispatches, vol. VI, p. 15.
18. Bentinck Papers, PwJd 1535/1, letter Clinton to Bentinck dated 19 April 1813.
19. Landsheit, Hussar, pp. 201-2.
20. Whittingham, op. cit., pp. 189-91.
21. Wellington, Dispatches, vol. VI, pp. 467-70. Including Murray’s post battle despatch from Castalla dated 14 April 1813.
22. Ibid, vol. VI, pp. 467-70.
9. Wellington’s Memorandum
1. Suchet, Memoirs, vol. II, pp. 309-10.
2. Wellington, Dispatches, vol. VI, pp. 426-29.
3. Ibid, pp. 429-30.
4. Wellington, Dispatches, vol. VI, pp. 236-8.
5. Ibid, p. 258.
6. Roche, Letter Book, from Wellesley to Roche dated 21 January 1813.
7. Wellington, Dispatches, vol. VI, p. 328.
8. Ibid, p. 348. Originally Roche’s troops were part of the 3rd Army of Murcia but they had, in the interim, been subsumed into Elio’s 2nd Army.
9. Wellington, Supplementary, vol. VII, p. 623.
10. Bentinck Papers, PwJd 548, dated 13 March 1813.
11. Fortescue, Army, vol. IX, p. 39.
12. Wellington, Dispatches, vol. VI, pp. 401-2.
13. Ibid, vol. VI, pp. 401-2.
14. Ibid. See also, Wellington, Supplementary, vol. VII, p. 623.
15. Lipscombe, Guns, p. 292.
16. Wellington, Dispatches, vol. VI, p. 430.
17. Hall, Strategy, pp. 195-202.
10. Murray’s Expedition
1. Court Martial Papers, p. 378.
2. Wellington, Dispatches, vol. VI. p. 465.
3. Wellington, Supplementary, vol. VII, p. 623.
4. Court Martial Papers.
5. Court Martial Papers, pp. 267-8.
6. Lipscombe, Guns, p. 293.
7. Including HMS Invincible (Adam), HMS Thames (Peyton), HMS Volcano (Carroll), HMS Strombolo (Stoddart) and HMS Brune (Badcock).
8. Lipscombe, op. cit., p. 294.
9. Scott, Diary, vol. II, entry 5 June 1813.
10. Wellington, Supplementary, vol. VII, p. 631.
11. Scott, op. cit., entry dated 7 June 1813.
12. Court Martial Papers, p. 49.
13. To be fair, Williamson did not keep a (published) diary but Scott makes no mention of any intervention and it certainly did not come to light during the subsequent court martial.
14. Belmas, Sieges, vol. III, pp. 531 -34.
15. Court Martial Papers, p. 49.
16. Scott, op. cit., entry dated 8 June 1813.
17. Court Martial Papers, pp. 27-8.
18. Ibid, pp. 47-56. Letter from Murray to Wellington dated 15 July 1813.
19. Ibid, p. 180.
20. Ibid, p. 69.
21. Scott, op. cit., entry dated 11 June 1813.
22. Court Martial Papers, pp. 351-2.
23. Ibid, pp. 354-5.
24. Ibid, p. 352.
25. Ibid, p. 353.
26. Ibid, p. 360.
27. Ibid, pp. 350-1.
28. Ibid, pp. 355-6.
29. Ibid, pp. 356-7
30. Ibid, p. 431.
31. Ibid, p. 360.
32. Ibid, p. 448.
33. Ibid, p. 124.
34. Ibid, p. 434.
35. There is a rather comical account of Clinton arranging to give a signal wave of his hat to commence proceedings; however, when he acknowledged the French batteries who engaged him with a wave of his headdress the gunners mistook this for the signal and spiked the six heavy guns in one battery.
36. Court Martial Papers, p. 438.
37. Ibid, p. 176.
38. Ibid, pp. 213-4.
39. Ibid, p. 132. One of the 24-pounder guns had been disabled by French fire.
40. Scott, op. cit., entry 13 June 1813.
11. Bentinck’s Arrival
1. Court Martial Papers, pp. 358-9.
2. Ibid, p. 415.
3. Ibid, p. 416.
4. Ibid, p. 554.
5. Ibid, p. 414.
6. Ibid, p. 554.
7. Ibid, p. 556.
8. Scott, Diary, vol. II, entry 17 June 1813.
9. Court Martial Papers, p. 548.
10. Suchet, Memoirs, vol. II, pp. 316-17.
11. Wellington, Supplementary, vol. VIII, pp. 18-28.
12. Ibid, p. 19.
13. Ibid, p. 36.
14. Wellington, Dispatches, vol. VII, appendix p. 680. Letter Joseph to Suchet 16 June 1813.
15. Oman makes a comparison to Napoleon but he caveats that ‘Napoleon dealt in thousands where his marshal dealt in hundreds’. Oman, vol. VII, p. 70.
16. There were, in fact, three treaties of Reichenbach in 1813 all designed to strengthen the coalition between Great Britain, Prussia, Russia, and Austria against Napoleon. The key treaty, which determined Austria’s position, was signed on 27 June 1813.
17. Wellington, Supplementary, vol. VIII, pp. 16-18.
18. Wellington, Dispatches, vol. VI, pp. 564-5.
12. Suchet’s Dilemma
1. Wellington, Dispatches, vol. VI, pp. 587-8.
2. Zurita Aldeguer, R., Suchet. The problem of procuring provisions in the region of Valencia is well covered in Chapter 4.
3. Whittingham, Memoir, p. 208.
4. Why this was the case is unclear because the interior road from Saragossa to Valencia via Teruel was now open and in allied hands.
5. Wellington, Dispatches, vol. VI, pp. 647-8.
6. Landsheit, Hussar, p. 218.
7. Wellington, Dispatches, vol. VI, pp. 678-9.
8. Suchet, Memoirs, vol. II, pp. 337-42.
9. Wellington, Supplementary, vol. VIII, pp. 219-20.
10. Suchet, op. cit., p. 343.
11. Ibid, p. 343.
12. Historical Record of the 27th, p. 65.
13. Landsheit, op. cit., p. 246.
14. Ibid, p. 247.
15. Wellington, Supplementary, vol. VIII, pp. 219-20.
16. Ibid, pp. 521-2.
Part 3 - Observations and Finale
13. Murray’s Tribunal
1. Wellington, Supplementary, vol. VIII, pp. 17-18 and pp. 64-5.
2. Wellington, Dispatches, vol. VI, p. 564.
3. Wellington, Supplementary, vol. VIII, pp. 102-4.
4. This was the copy sent to the Admiralty and forwarded to the War Office.
5. Wellington, op. cit., p. 102.
6. Ibid, p. 75. Wellington, Dispatches, vol. VI, p. 610.
7. Ibid, p. 200.
8. Wellington, Dispatches, vol. VI, p. 670.
9. Ibid, pp. 692-3. Wellington, Supplementary, vol. VIII, p. 237.
10. Court Martial Papers, p. 7.
11. Ibid, p. 7.
12. Oman, History, vol. VI, p. 522.
13. Wellington, Dispatches, vol. VI, pp. 426-29.
14. Ibid, pp. 582-3.
15. Larpent, Journal, vol. III, appendix II, pp. 291-3.
16. Glasgow Herald, dated 3 February 1815.
17. Wellington, Supplementary, vol. VIII, pp. 51-3.
18. Ibid, vol. VIII, pp. 51-3.
19. Court Martial Papers, pp. 431-58.
20. Ibid, p. 448.
21. Napier, Peninsula, vol. VI, p. 26. Donkin did not urge Murray to raise the siege on 9 June nor did he oppose the spiking of the guns on 12 June.
22. Ibid, p. 31.
23. Ibid, p. 31.
24. Court Martial Papers, p. 476.
25. Ibid, pp. 561-2.
14. Naval Influence
1. Hall, Navy, pp. 1-2. Lipscombe, N., The Role of the Royal Navy in the Peninsular War, Trafalgar Chronicle, No. 21, 2011 pp. 86-99.
2. Bryant, Endurance, p. 164.
3. Ibid, p. 297.
4. Fortescue, vol. IV, p. 798.
5. The treaty was signed on 25 March 1802. Devoid of allies and keen to prove their determination for peace Lord Hawkesbury, the British Foreign Secretary, agreed to sacrifice all Britain’s colonial conquests (except Ceylon and Trinidad) and thus handed back to France West Africa and the African and Indian colonies; to Spain, Minorca; and to the (puppet) Dutch Republic, The Cape, Demerara, Berbice, Malacca and the Spice Islands.
6. Knight, Britain, p. 216.
7. Ibid, p. 217.
8. This situation was changed in June 1812, when the Mediterranean Fleet assumed responsibility for the south and west coasts of Portugal.
9. Hall, op. cit., p. 41.
10. Port Mahon was the home of the Mediterranean Fleet and the largest natural port in the Mediterranean.
11. Reay, Roses, p. 241.
12. Ibid, p. 243.
13. Hall, op. cit. p. 51.
14. Reay, op. cit., p. 255.
15. Vale, Cochrane, pp. 48-9.
16. Confusingly, there was also a 40-gun French frigate, Pomone which was involved in the action.
17. The Renown, Tigre, Sultan, Leviathan and the Cumberland.
18. James, History Navy, vol. IV, pp. 444-45.
19. Hall, op. cit., p. 58.
20. Ibid, p. 168.
21. The squadron consisted of seven ships; Codrington’s 74- gun Blake, the 40-gun frigates Cambrian and Voltaire, the 38-gun frigate Undaunted, and three sloops, namely the Termagant, Sparrowhawk and the Blossom.
22. Taylor, Frigate, p. 221, citing letter Pellew to Fremantle dated 15 November 1811.
23. Court Martial Papers, p. 187.
15. Conclusion
1. Lipscombe, Bayonne, p. 89.
2. Suchet, Memoirs, vol. II, p. 405. For an interesting account of the recapture of Lérida in a plot by a turncoat Spaniard of Belgian origin, and former officer of Joseph Bonaparte, Juan van Halen, see Oman, History, vol. VII, pp. 415-21.
3. Wellington, Dispatches, vol. VII, pp. 343-44.
4. As quoted by Major General Andrew Sharpe during a battlefield study we undertook together in 2014 for the staff of the British Army’s Headquarters. Andrew Sharpe has a long track record as an accomplished and proficient strategist, operational artist, combat soldier, military educationalist, organizer, leader, project manager, soldier-scholar, speaker and lecturer.
5. Chandler, Dictionary, p. 430.
6. The successful sieges include Saragossa, Mequinenza, Lérida, Tortosa, Tarragona, Oropesa, Valencia and Peñiscola.
7. See Lipscombe, Wellington’s Guns for a good account of Wellington’s sieges in the peninsula. .
8. Martín-Lanuza Martinez, A., Diccionario, p.p. 223-24. See also Lipscombe, Atlas.
9. Oman, History¸ vol. VI, p. 522.
10. Esdaile, Napoleon, p. 377.
11. See also Lipscombe, Atlas, pp. 46-47, pp. 68-69 and pp. 72-73.
12. Notwithstanding some rather bizarre accusations in Napier’s account of the battle.
13. Wellington, Dispatches, vol. V, pp. 389-91.
14. Suchet, Memoirs, vol. II, p. 236. In fact Blake feared for his life, such was the level of mistrust that had built up with the Valencianos.
15. Whittingham, Memoirs, pp. 220-22.
16. Wellington, Supplementary, vol. VIII, pp. 492-4.
17. Roche, Letter Book, correspondence from Colonel Torrens, Military Secretary to Roche dated 10 October 1814.
18. Muir, Defeat, p. 175.
19. The last British general to be publicly sacked was as long ago as 1956: Lieutenant General John Bagot Glubb, the British commander of the 20,000-strong Jordanian Arab Legion, was removed from his post and ordered to leave within two hours. He was not sacked by the British government but by King Hussein in what was clearly a politically motivated move to appease tribal differences and strengthen his own position within the Arab world.
20. Fortescue, Army, vol. IX, p. 73.
21. He became Admiral Sir Benjamin Hallowell Carew in 1828.
22. James, Naval, vol. III, pp. 76-7.
23. Court Martial Papers, p. 197.
24. Wellington, Supplementary, vol. VIII, pp. 95-6.